The Gumelniţa–Karanovo VI culture was a Neolithic culture of the 5th millennium BC, named after the Gumelniţa site on the left bank of the Danube. At its full extent the culture extended along the Black Sea coast to central Bulgaria and into Thrace; the aggregate "Kodjadermen-Gumelnita-Karanovo VI" evolved out of the earlier Boian and Karanovo V cultures. In the East it was supplanted by Cernavodă I in the early 4th millennium BC. One of the most flourishing civilizations from the last half of the 5th millenium BC is Gumelniţa Culture... absolute chronology, still under discussion, according to the latest calibrated data, assigns this culture to the limits of the last half of the 5th millenium BC and maybe to early 4th millenium BC. —Silvia Marinescu-Bîlcu, "Gumelniţa Culture" This matches the view of Blagoje Govedarica. The first periodization of Gumelnita culture was suggested by VI. Dumitrescu who split the civilization of Gumelniţa into two phases: A and B. On, Dinu V. Rosetti divided the civilization into Al, A2 and B1, B2.
With a centric evolution from geographic point of view, the intensity of the cultural trends decreased from the center towards peripheral area. Having a strong Boian background at the origins, mixed with Maritza elements, the Gumelnita culture lasted short of a millennium from the beginning of Chalcolithic to the start of the fourth millennium BC. 4700-4350 Gumelnita-Karanovo VI-Kodjadermen is aggregated with Varna culture, still are debates along historians considering the distinctive character of Varna culture. 4500-3950 The regional characteristics of A1 phase are diminished, a more uniform characteristics is identified in discovered artifacts. The evolution of the Gumelniţa-Kodjadermen-Karanovo VI is ended on the north bank of the Danube after the arrival of Cernavoda cultures population; the layers at Karanovo are employed as a chronological system for Balkans prehistory. The Gumelniţa is remarkable by the richness of its zoomorphic representations; some consider the achievements of prehistoric craftsmen to be true masterpieces.
The representation from Gumelnița art differ by other cultures by the following: statuettes morphology characterised by expressivity and attitude. Modelling technique arms pozitions on the belly, stretched laterally, in the position of the “thinker” sex representation decoration patternSeashell ornament is common. At least some of the shellfish used come from the Aegean regions, for example the spondylas and the dentals; as evidence from archaeology, thousands of artifacts from Neolithic Europe have been discovered in the form of female figurines. As a result a goddess theory has occurred; the leading historian was Marija Gimbutas, still this interpretation is a subject of great controversy in archaeology due to her many inferences about the symbols on artifacts. Gumelniţa culture has some sign of work specialisation:...we do not have enough data on the internal organization of the community, but next to the dwellings themselves, arranged or not in a certain order, we encounter workshop-dwellings for processing lithic material, horns, statuettes, etc.).
—Gumelniţa Culture by Silvia Marinescu-Bîlcu During the Middle Copper Age, the Danube script appears in three horizons: The Karanovo VI–Gumelniţa–Kodžadermen cultural complex, the Cucuteni A3-A4–Trypillya B, Coțofeni I. The first, rates 68.6% of the frequencies. Old Europe Vinča culture Tărtăria tablets Vinča symbols Sesklo culture Cucuteni–Trypillia culture Hamangia culture Butmir Culture Tisza culture Linear Pottery culture Lengyel culture Funnelbeaker culture Stefan Hiller, Vassil Nikolov, Karanovo III. Beiträge zum Neolithikum in Südosteuropa Österreichisch-Bulgarische Ausgrabungen und Forschungen in Karanovo, Band III, Vienna, ISBN 3-901232-19-2. Cimec.ro Cimec.ro Brukenthalmuseum.ro Civa.uv.ro Civa.uv.ro Bulgariatravel.org Worldmuseumofman.org Culture.gouv.fr Cimec.ro Cimec.ro Arheologie.ulbsibiu.ro Pnas.org Arheologie.ro
The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture known as the Tripolye culture, is a Neolithic–Eneolithic archaeological culture of Eastern Europe. It extended from the Carpathian Mountains to the Dniester and Dnieper regions, centred on modern-day Moldova and covering substantial parts of western Ukraine and northeastern Romania, encompassing an area of 350,000 km2, with a diameter of 500 km; the majority of Cucuteni–Trypillia settlements consisted of high-density, small settlements, concentrated in the Siret and Dniester river valleys. During the Middle Trypillia phase, populations belonging to the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture built the largest settlements in Neolithic Europe, some of which contained as many as 3,000 structures and were inhabited by 20,000 to 46,000 people. One of the most notable aspects of this culture was the periodic destruction of settlements, with each single-habitation site having a lifetime of 60 to 80 years; the purpose of burning these settlements is a subject of debate among scholars.
One particular location. The culture was named after the village of Cucuteni in Iași County, Romania. In 1884, Teodor T. Burada, after having seen ceramic fragments in the gravel used to maintain the road from Târgu Frumos to Iași, investigated the quarry in Cucuteni from where the material was mined, where he found fragments of pottery and terracotta figurines. Burada and other scholars from Iași, including the poet Nicolae Beldiceanu and archeologists Grigore Butureanu, Dimitrie C. Butculescu and George Diamandy, subsequently began the first excavations at Cucuteni in the spring of 1885, their findings were published in 1885 and 1889, presented in two international conferences in 1889, both in Paris: at the International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences by Butureanu and at a meeting of the Society of Anthropology of Paris by Diamandi. At the same time, the first Ukrainian sites ascribed to the culture were discovered by Vikentiy Khvoyka, a Czech-born Ukrainian archeologist, in Kyiv at Kyrylivska street 55.
The year of his discoveries has been variously claimed as 1893, 1896 and 1887. Subsequently, Chvojka presented his findings at the 11th Congress of Archaeologists in 1897, considered the official date of the discovery of the Trypillia culture in Ukraine. In the same year, similar artifacts were excavated in the village of Trypillia, in Kyiv Oblast, Ukraine; as a result, this culture became identified in Ukrainian publications, as the'Tripolie','Tripolian' or'Trypillia' culture. Today, the finds from both Romania and Ukraine, as well as those from Moldova, are recognised as belonging to the same cultural complex, it is called the Cucuteni culture in Romania and the Trypillia culture in Ukraine. In English, "Cucuteni–Tripolye culture" is most used to refer to the whole culture, with the Ukrainian-derived term "Cucuteni–Trypillia culture" gaining currency following the dissolution of the Soviet Union; the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture flourished in the territory of what is now Moldova, northeastern Romania and parts of Western and Southern Ukraine.
The culture thus extended northeast from the Danube river basin around the Iron Gates to the Black Sea and the Dnieper. It encompassed the central Carpathian Mountains as well as the plains and forest steppe on either side of the range, its historical core lay around the middle to upper Dniester. During the Atlantic and Subboreal climatic periods in which the culture flourished, Europe was at its warmest and moistest since the end of the last Ice Age, creating favorable conditions for agriculture in this region; as of 2003, about 3,000 cultural sites have been identified, ranging from small villages to "vast settlements consisting of hundreds of dwellings surrounded by multiple ditches". Traditionally separate schemes of periodisation have been used for the Ukrainian Trypillia and Romanian Cucuteni variants of the culture; the Cucuteni scheme, proposed by the German archaeologist Hubert Schmidt in 1932, distinguished three cultures: Pre-Cucuteni and Horodiştea–Folteşti. The Ukrainian scheme was first developed by Tatiana Sergeyevna Passek in 1949 and divided the Trypillia culture into three main phases with further sub-phases.
Based on informal ceramic seriation, both schemes have been extended and revised since first proposed, incorporating new data and formalised mathematical techniques for artifact seriation. The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture is divided into an Early, Late period, with varying smaller sub-divisions marked by changes in settlement and material culture. A key point of contention lies in; the following chart represents this most current interpretation: The roots of Cucuteni–Trypillia culture can be found in the Starčevo–Körös–Criș and Vinča cultures of the 6th to 5th millennia, with additional influence from the Bug–Dniester culture. During the early period of its existence, the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture was influenced by the Linear Pottery culture
The Rössen culture or Roessen culture is a Central European culture of the middle Neolithic. It is named after the necropolis of Rössen; the Rössen culture has been identified in 11 of the 16 states of Germany, but in the southeast Low Countries, northeast France, northern Switzerland and a small part of Austria. The Rössen culture is important as it marks the transition from a broad and distributed tradition going back to Central Europe's earliest Neolithic LBK towards the more diversified Middle and Late Neolithic situation characterised by the appearance of complexes like Michelsberg and Funnel Beaker Culture. Rössen vessels are characteristically decorated with double incisions with incrustation of white paste. Grooved or stamped incisions are common. Over time, the extent of the decorated areas appears to decrease so that on vessels it is restricted to the neck or absent. Typical shapes include tall footed bowls, globular cups, rectangular sheet-made bowls and boat-shaped vessels; the surfaces of vessels are burnished.
The Rössen repertoire of flint tools is broadly similar to that of the Linear Pottery tradition, but there is a marked change as regards the raw materials used. Dutch Rijkholt flint, which dominated the LBK tradition, is being replaced with veined'Plattenhornstein' of Bavarian origin; the most typical solid rock tool is a pierced tall cleaver, but unpierced axes and adzes are common. Only a few Rössen settlements have been excavated. Prominent examples are the sites of Deiringsen-Ruploh und Schöningen/Esbeck; the predominant structure is a boat-shaped long house, up to 65 m in length. The ground plans suggest a sloping roofline. Multiple internal partitions are a frequent feature indicating that several smaller units inhabited a house. Lüning suggests; some settlements were surrounded by earthwork enclosures. The majority of settlements is located in areas with Chernozem soils; the dead were buried in a crouched position, lying on their right side and facing East. Graves were dug to a depth of 40 to 160 cm they were covered with stone slabs.
The exact shapes and sizes of graves are not well understood. Less is known about possible cremation burials whose identification as belonging to Rössen is sometimes disputed. Cremated remains and pyre ashes were accompanied by unburnt grave goods. Ceramic grave offerings include pedestalled cups, globular cups, lugged cups, flasks, amphoras and basins. Limestone rings, stone axes, flint blades and animal bones occur. Mixed agriculture was practiced, cattle, sheep and pigs were kept, it is suggested the late Rössen culture may be ancestral to the Neolithic cultures of Britain and Ireland, but there is no great similarity in the form of houses or pottery. According to alternative theories, the British Neolithic culture came from Brittany. In the context of the Kurgan hypothesis, certain intrusive elements are pointed to as some of the earliest evidence for penetration by Kurgan culture-based Indo-European elements, but Mallory indicates this idea has failed to gain any real acceptance. Older, now discarded theories attempted to make this a early Indo-European culture.
Rössen followed LBK. In its western distribution, the Hinkelstein, Großgartach and Planig-Friedberg complexes intervene between LBK and Rössen. Rössen is contemporaneous with the Southeast Bavarian Middle Neolithic. In the North, Rössen precedes the early Funnel beaker culture of Baalberge. J. P. Mallory, "Rössen Culture", Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, Fitzroy Dearborn, 1997. Joachim Preuß: Das Neolithikum in Mitteleuropa. Kulturen-Wirtschaft-Umwelt vom 6. Bis 3. Jahrtausend v.u. Z. Übersichten zum Stand der Forschung. 3 Bde. Beier und Beran, Wilkau-Haßlau, Weißbach 1996, 1998, 1999. ISBN 3-930036-10-X W. Meier-Arendt: Zur Frage der Genese der Rössener Kultur. In: Germania. 52/1, 1974, 1-15. ISSN 0016-8874 H.-J. Beier: Der Rössener Horizont in Mitteleuropa. Wilkau-Haßlau 1994. J. Erhardt: Rössener Kultur. In: H.-J. Beier, R. Einicke: Das Neolithikum im Mittelelbe-Saale-Gebiet. Wilkau-Haßlau 1996, 76-77. H. Behrens: Die Rössener, Gaterslebener und Jordansmühler Gruppe im Mitteldeutschen Raum. Fundamenta A 3, Teil Va, 270 ff. J. Lichardus: Rössen – Gatersleben – Baalberge.
Ein Beitrag zur Chronologie des mitteldeutschen Neolithikums und zur Entstehung der Trichterbecherkulturen. Saarbrücker Beitr. Altkde. 17. K. Mauser-Goller: Die Rössener Kultur in ihrem südwestlichen Verbreitungsgebiet. Fundamenta A 3, Teil Va, 231-268. F. Niquet: Die Rössener Kultur in Mitteldeutschland. Jahresschr. Mitteldt. Vorgesch. 26, 1937. H. Spatz/S. Alföldy-Thomas: Die „Große Grube“ der Rössener Kultur in Heidelberg-Neuenheim. Materialhefte Vor- und Frü
Tel Kabri is an archaeological site of a tell, containing one of the largest Middle Bronze Age Canaanite palaces in ancient Palestine, the largest such palace excavated as of 2014. Kabri is named for the abundance of its perennial springs – as described in the Etymology section below – the presence of which has led to the site's occupation and use as a water source from the Pottery Neolithic period to the present day. Located in the Western Upper Galilee, the site was at the height of its power in the MB, controlling much of the surrounding region. Kabri declined as a local power at the end of the MB, but the site continued to be occupied at times, on a much reduced level, up until the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Since 1957, Tel Kabri has been excavated by the Israel Antiquities Authority the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, as well as Israeli and American universities. Among the discoveries at the site by the two full-scale archaeological expeditions, two have attracted particular attention from the archaeological community.
The first finding to come to international attention was the discovery of Minoan-style frescoes in the palace at Kabri. As of 2015, these are the only Minoan-style frescoes discovered in Israel. Second, in 2013, the Tel Kabri Archaeological Project uncovered the oldest and largest known palatial wine cellar in the Ancient Near East in Kabri's palace; as of 2015, the original Canaanite name of Tel Kabri is unknown. Aharon Kempinski hypothesised that Kabri might have been the same city as Rehov, referred to in the Execration Texts, an Ancient Egyptian list of enemy polities. Amihai Mazar once believed that Tel Kabri – or the site of Tel Rehov – might be the Rehov from the Execration Texts, or Tel Kabri might be a different Rehov mentioned in topographic lists by Pharaoh Thutmose III. No definitive evidence has been found to support any of these hypotheses. By the Iron Age, 1200-500BC, the site is known to have been called Rehov, this continued into the Phoenician period – a period of Phoenician dominance over the area, concurrent with the Iron Age.
Early in the Roman Period, the town of Kabrita had been established to the east of the tel. The site is mentioned in the 3rd century Mosaic of Rehob, as marking one of the northernmost bounds of Jewish resettlement after their return from Babylonian exile. Kabrita became the Arab village of el-Kabira, which by the late 1200s AD was called al-Kabrah by the Arabs and Le Quiebre by the Crusaders who controlled the area at the time. By 1880, both the village and the ruins on the tel had come to be associated and bear the same names. Al-Kabrah became al-Kabri, this name lasted until the 1948 Arab-Israeli War when the village was depopulated. Both the post-war kibbutz, Kabri, on whose grounds the archaeological site is located, the tel itself, are named for al-Kabri; the name of Kabrita, the names, were derived from the triconsonantal Semitic root, כבר, meaning'great or powerful', in reference to the plentiful water from Kabri's springs. Tel Kabri is at the eastern end of the Western Galilee coastal plain, located on the grounds of Kibbutz Kabri.
It is less than 5 kilometres from the sea, the Ga'aton River is nearby to the south, with the closest major city being Nahariyya to the west. The tel is home to four springs, Ein Shefa, Ein Giah, Ein Tzuf, Ein ha-Shayara, it is these springs. Natural resources such as trees on the hills to the east and stone quarries near the coast were important for the inhabitants of the site. Kabri's height is a result of human activity: Over the centuries, material remains created layers that built up thetel. During Kempinski's excavations, it was found that the original surface in the Neolithic would have been up to 5.5 metres lower than the present surface. The tel and its surrounding area have been inhabited since the Pottery Neolithic. Kabri was at the height of its power in the MB, when the polity there controlled a significant portion of the Upper Galilee. After the MB, Tel Kabri was occupied by peoples – though on a much reduced scale – up to the founding of the State of Israel, when the kibbutz of Kabri was created.
The area of Kabri was first settled during the PN by members of the Yarmoukian culture. In the early Chalcolithic period, Kabri was a major centre of the Wadi Raba culture. In the Early Bronze Age, there was a town on the side of the tel, destroyed as part of the region-wide systems collapse that characterised the EB collapse. In the early and middle MB I, Tel Kabri – along with Megiddo and Akko – was one of the earliest cities in the Levant to rebuild its fortifications following the EB collapse; the new city was confined to the northern part of the earlier EB tel. Prior to the ongoing excavations at Kabri that began in 2005, archaeologists thought that there was only one palace at the site, that it was built in the period between the late MB I and MB IIA, it was thought that the MB I period had been a transition phase. However, the palace found by Kempinski has been dated to the MB IIB, in 2010, a second, palace – an MB IIA palace – was identified beneath the MB IIB palace; the remains of the earlier MB IIA palace appear to show that it was expanded to create the MB IIB palace.
The discovery of the earlier palace pushes the dates for palatial occupation of the site to the MB IIA, 150 years earlier than believed. The earlier MB IIA palace may have been "the most impressive structure in the Upper Galilee"
Pit–Comb Ware culture
The Pit–Comb Ware culture or Comb Ceramic culture was a northeast European characterised by its Pit–Comb Ware. It existed from around 4200 BCE to around 2000 BCE; the bearers of the Comb Ceramic culture are thought to have still followed the Mesolithic hunter-gatherer lifestyle, with traces of early agriculture. The distribution of the artifacts found includes Finnmark in the north, the Kalix River and the Gulf of Bothnia in the west and the Vistula River in the south. In the east the Comb Ceramic pottery of northern Eurasia extends beyond the Ural mountains to the Baraba steppe adjacent to the Altai-Sayan mountain range, merging with a continuum of similar ceramic styles, it would include the Sperrings culture in Finland, among others. They are thought to have been hunter-gatherers, though e.g. the Narva culture in Estonia shows some evidence of agriculture. Some of this region was absorbed by the Corded Ware horizon; the Pit–Comb Ware culture is one of the few exceptions to the rule that pottery and farming coexist in Europe.
In the Near East farming appeared before pottery when farming spread into Europe from the Near East, pottery-making came with it. However, in Asia, where the oldest pottery has been found, pottery was made long before farming, it appears that the Comb Ceramic Culture reflects influences from Siberia and distant China - pottery of similar designs is found across northern Eurasia, including Korea and Northeastern China. The ceramics consist of large pots that are rounded or pointed below, with a capacity from 40 to 60 litres; the forms of the vessels remained unchanged but the decoration varied. By dating according to the elevation of land, the ceramics have traditionally been divided into the following periods: early and late Comb Ceramic. However, calibrated radiocarbon dates for the comb-ware fragments found, give a total interval of 5600 BC – 2300 BC. Among the many styles of comb ware there is one which makes use of the characteristics of asbestos: Asbestos ware. Other styles are Pyheensilta, Jäkärlä, Kierikki, Pöljä and Säräisniemi pottery with their respective subdivisions.
Sperrings ceramics is the original name given for the younger early Comb ware found in Finland. The settlements were located at sea shores or beside lakes and the economy was based on hunting and the gathering of plants. In Finland, it was a maritime culture which became more specialized in hunting seals; the dominant dwelling was a teepee of about 30 square meters where some 15 people could live. Rectangular houses made of timber become popular in Finland from 4000 BC cal. Graves were dug at the settlements and the dead were covered with red ochre; the typical Comb Ceramic age shows an extensive use of objects made of flint and amber as grave offerings. The stone tools changed little over time, they were made of local materials such as quartz. Finds suggest a extensive exchange network: red slate originating from northern Scandinavia, asbestos from Lake Saimaa, green slate from Lake Onega, amber from the southern shores of the Baltic Sea and flint from the Valdai area in northwestern Russia; the culture was characterised by small figurines of burnt animal heads made of stone.
The animal heads depict moose and bears and were derived from the art of the Mesolithic. There were many rock paintings. According to Mallory and Adams, the dominant view before 1997 was that the spread of the Comb Ware people was correlated with the diffusion of the Uralic languages, thus an early Uralic language would have been spoken throughout this culture. However, another more recent view is that the Comb Ware people may have spoken a Paleo-European or Paleosiberian languages, as some toponyms and hydronyms indicate a non-Uralic, non-Indo-European language at work in some areas. Linguists and archaeologists both have been skeptical of assigning languages based on the borders of cultural complexes, it's possible that the Pit-Comb Ware Culture was made up of several languages, one of them being Proto-Uralic. Kudruküla 5,600-year-old Pit-Comb site shows Y-haplogroup R1a5-YP1272 and mt-haplogroups U5b1d1, U4a, U2e1. Y-haplogroup R1a5-YP1272 14,000 years ago has a common ancestor with the main Indo-European haplogroup R1a-M198.
Overall, PCW to the south-east of the Baltic sea had the following autosomal components: 65% "ancient East-European hunter-gatherer".
Mundo Perdido, Tikal
The Mundo Perdido is the largest ceremonial complex dating from the Preclassic period at the ancient Maya city of Tikal, in the Petén Department of northern Guatemala. The complex was organised as a large E-Group astronomical complex consisting of a pyramid aligned with a platform to the east that supported three temples; the Mundo Perdido complex was rebuilt many times over the course of its history. By AD 250–300 its architectural style was influenced by the great metropolis of Teotihuacan in the Valley of Mexico, including the use of the talud-tablero form. During the Early Classic period the Mundo Perdido became one of the twin foci of the city, the other being the North Acropolis. From AD 250 to 378 it may have served as the royal necropolis; the Mundo Perdido complex was given its name by the archaeologists of the University of Pennsylvania. The large plaza centred upon the Lost World Pyramid and the ceremonial platform to the west is divided into two demarcated areas referred to as the High Plaza and the Low Plaza.
The High Plaza is the area around the Lost World Pyramid. It is closed on the south side by Structures 6C-24 and 6C-25. A range of eight adjoining structures divide the High Plaza from the Plaza of the Seven Temples to the east. On the north side, the Plaza is principally delimited by Structures 5D-77, 5D-45, 5D-46, together with some smaller structures; the Low Plaza lies to the west of the Lost World Pyramid, centred upon Structure 5C-53, a low platform. The Low Plaza is closed on its north side by the Talud-Tablero Temple, the second largest structure in the whole complex; the complex has a surface area of 60,000 square metres. Guatemalan archaeologists have made major discoveries in the Mundo Perdido since the 1970s; the National Tikal Project investigated the Mundo Perdido from 1979 until 1985, restored the principal structures of the complex. The Mundo Perdido was the first architectural complex to be built at Tikal in the Preclassic period and the last to be abandoned during the Terminal Classic.
The Mundo Perdido underwent six phases of construction. Each construction phase produced a new version of the E-Group. Evidence recovered from the Mundo Perdido dates back to the earliest years of occupation at Tikal in the Middle Preclassic prior to 700 BC, although these remains represent rubbish rather than structures; the complex began to take form around the end of the Middle Preclassic, around 600 BC, when structures started to be added to a series of artificially levelled surfaces or platforms. Both the complexity and the height of the structures increased; the Lost World Pyramid and the East Platform together form an E-Group, the oldest architectural complex in Tikal. During the Late Preclassic a causeway was built to unite the Mundo Perdido with the North Acropolis. About AD 100, toward the end of the Late Preclassic, three temples were built upon the East Platform. Around AD 250, at the beginning of the Early Classic, the Mundo Perdido plaza was expanded westwards in order to make the Lost World Pyramid the centre of the complex rather than the western extreme.
It was this construction phase that led to the Mundo Perdido achieving its final surface area of around 60,000 square metres. After this the various structures in the Mundo Perdido were remodelled many times to match the architectural styles developing throughout the city. A small platform was added to the East Platform in the Early Classic, the surface of the platform possesses a series of holes that may have supported banners; the platform covered a large pit that contained the bodies of seventeen sacrificial victims, including men and children sacrificed during a dedicatory ceremony for the platform itself. In the 4th century AD the first version of Structure 5D-82 was built, to the north of the East Platform. In the second half of the 4th century six tombs were built in the East Platform. Ceramic offerings in the tombs included effigy vessels representing macaws; the high artistic and technical quality of the funerary offerings in these tombs identify the deceased as members of Tikal's elite.
With the entry of Siyaj K'ak' and the establishment of a new political order in the city, the focus of royal funerary rites was shifted from the Mundo Perdido to the North Acropolis. From the 4th century through to the 6th century the use of talud-tablero architecture became notable in the Mundo Perdido. In the 5th century the talud-tablero form was applied to Structures 5C-51 and 5C-52 at the western limit of the complex, 6C-24 on the south side. In the latter part of the 6th century or during the 7th century a fifth version of the Talud-Tablero Temple 5C-49 was built, with a new stairway and summit shrine. During the 7th century there were significant changes to the East Platform, including a new version of Temple 5D-87 that faced away from the Mundo Perdido. Around AD 700 this version was sealed and another version built on top, making Temple 5D-87 one of the three highest structures in the Mundo Perdido; this new version created a new orienting axis in the complex, breaking the primary axis associated with the ancient E-Group complex and its relationship with the old solar cult, thus marking a major change in the ceremonial use of the Mundo Perdido complex.
It is about this same time that the twin pyramid compl
A cairn is a human-made pile of stones. The word cairn comes from the Scottish Gaelic: càrn. Cairns have been and are used for a broad variety of purposes, from prehistoric times to the present. In modern times, cairns are erected as landmarks, a use they have had since ancient times. However, since prehistory, they have been built and used as burial monuments. Cairns are used as trail markers in many parts of the world, in uplands, on moorland, on mountaintops, near waterways and on sea cliffs, as well as in barren deserts and tundra, they vary in size from small stone markers to entire artificial hills, in complexity from loose conical rock piles to delicately balanced sculptures and elaborate feats of megalithic engineering. Cairns may be painted or otherwise decorated, whether for increased visibility or for religious reasons. An ancient example is the inuksuk, used by the Inuit, Kalaallit and other peoples of the Arctic region of North America. Inuksuit are found from Alaska to Greenland; this region, above the Arctic Circle, is dominated by the tundra biome and has areas with few natural landmarks.
Different types of cairns exist from rough piles of stones to interlocking dry stone round cylinders. The most important cairns used around the world are interlocking stone survey cairns constructed around a central survey mark about every 30 km on the tallest peaks across a nation; these physical survey mark cairn systems are the basis for national survey grids to interconnect individual land survey measurements for entire nations. On occasion these permanent interlocking stone cairns are taken down reconstructed to re-mark measurements to increase the accuracy of the national survey grid, they can be used in unpopulated countries as emergency location points. In North America and Northern Europe any type of cairn can be used to mark mountain bike and hiking trail]]s and other cross-country trail blazing in mountain regions at or above the tree line. For example, the extensive trail network maintained by the DNT, the Norwegian Trekking Association, extensively uses cairns in conjunction with T-painted rock faces to mark trails.
Other examples of these can be seen in the lava fields of Volcanoes National Park to mark several hikes. Placed at regular intervals, a series of cairns can be used to indicate a path across stony or barren terrain across glaciers; such cairns are placed at junctions or in places where the trail direction is not obvious. They may be used to indicate an obscured danger such as a sudden drop, or a noteworthy point such as the summit of a mountain. Most trail cairns are small being a foot or less in height. However, they may be built taller so as to protrude through a layer of snow. Hikers passing by add a stone, as a small bit of maintenance to counteract the erosive effects of severe weather. North American trail marks are sometimes called "ducks" or "duckies", because they sometimes have a "beak" pointing in the direction of the route; the expression "two rocks do not make a duck" reminds hikers that just one rock resting upon another could be the result of accident or nature rather than intentional trail marking.
The building of cairns for recreational purposes along trails, to mark one's personal passage through the area, can result in an overabundance of rock piles. This distracts from cairns used as genuine navigational guides, conflicts with the Leave No Trace ethic; this ethic of outdoor practice advocates for leaving the outdoors undisturbed and in its natural condition. Coastal cairns, or "sea marks", are common in the northern latitudes in the island-strewn waters of Scandinavia and eastern Canada. Indicated on navigation charts, they may be painted white or lit as beacons for greater visibility offshore. Modern cairns may be erected for historical or memorial commemoration or for decorative or artistic reasons. One example is a series of many cairns marking British soldiers' mass graves at the site of the Battle of Isandlwana, South Africa. Another is the Matthew Flinders Cairn on the side of Arthur's Seat, a small mountain on the shores of Port Phillip Bay, Australia. A large cairn referred to as "the igloo" by the locals, was built atop a hill next to the I-476 highway in Radnor, Pennsylvania and is a part of a series of large rock sculptures initiated in 1988 to symbolize the township's Welsh heritage and to beautify the visual imagery along the highway.
Some are places where farmers have collected stones removed from a field. These can be seen in the Catskill Mountains, North America where there is a strong Scottish heritage, may represent places where livestock were lost. In locales exhibiting fantastic rock formations, such as the Grand Canyon, tourists construct simple cairns in reverence of the larger counterparts. By contrast, cairns may have a strong aesthetic purpose, for example in the art of Andy Goldsworthy. Norwegian authorities said in 2015 that illegal cairns are being built each year, to a large degree by tourists to Norway; the building of cairns for various purposes goes back into prehistory in Eurasia, ranging in size from small rock sculptures to substantial man-made hills of stone. The latter are relatively massive Bronze Age or earlier structures which, like kistvaens and dolmens contain burials.