Republican Proposal is a centre-right political party in Argentina. It is referred to by its abbreviation PRO. PRO was formed as an electoral alliance in 2005, but was transformed into a unitary party on 3 June 2010. PRO began as an alliance between Commitment to Change, the party of Mauricio Macri based in Buenos Aires, Recreate for Growth of Ricardo López Murphy, it was created ahead of the legislative elections of 23 October 2005. At the 2005 elections the alliance won nine of the 127 deputies up for election. Other provincial center-right parties joined under the Recrear banner within PRO. Macri and López Murphy had been in discussions with Governor Jorge Sobisch, leader of the Neuquino People's Movement, another leading center-right politician, although these discussions broke down. Macri is the President of the alliance. In the June 2007 elections in the city of Buenos Aires, PRO decisively won the election, with Macri becoming Head of Government and the alliance taking 15 of the 30 seats in the city legislature.
In addition to Commitment to Change and Recreate for Growth, the alliance included the Democratic Progressive Party, the Democratic Party, the Federal Party, the Movement for Integration and Development, the Popular Union, the White Party and the Front of Independent Youth. In the October 2007 Presidential and legislative elections, PRO did not back a candidate but gave tacit support to the bid of López Murphy, who stood as the Recrear candidate. Sobisch stood. López Murphy did poorly. PRO and its allies stood in the congressional elections and made a net gain of 2 seats in the Chamber of Deputies winning 6 seats overall. However, its 13% share of the vote in October 2007 in the city of Buenos Aires contrasted with its 44% share just a few months prior in the city elections. In August 2009, Recreate for Growth gave up its formal independence and was absorbed by the Republican Proposal. On 3 June 2010, the alliance became recognized as a national political party. Republican Proposal joined the International Democrat Union on 17 January 2017.
PRO is a centre-right party by Argentine standards. It supports lower taxes, free trade, Macri has expressed opposition to the nationalization of the country's airline and oil companies. During Macri's presidency, he liberalized foreign exchange and imports controls, cut personal income taxes and slashed utilities subsidies. Though the majority of national deputies of PRO voted against same-sex marriage, Mauricio Macri has supported LGBT rights to the point of confronting with some of his allies. Road development In 2015, the road infrastructure was precarious. More than 7,500 km of highways and routes are being built. In addition there are more than 16,000 km with resurfacing works throughout the country. Macri's goal is to double the number of highways throughout the country. In 3 years more kilometers of routes were rehabilitated than in 8 years of the previous administration. Ecology It is the presidency that promoted renewable energies the most: 19 projects are in commercial operation and 83 in full construction.
Fight against drug trafficking The fight against drug trafficking is more important than and this time it is true: Therefore, between 2015 and 2018, we seized: 22,230 kg of marijuana, 4,440 kg of cocaine and 142,000 units of synthetic drugs. Official site
1999 Argentine general election
Argentina held presidential and parliamentary elections on 24 October 1999. The Convertibility Plan, which had helped bring about stable prices and economic recovery and modernization, had endured the 1995 Mexican peso crisis, the 1997 Asian financial crisis, other global shocks. Argentine business confidence struggled following these events and unemployment higher as a result of a wave of imports and sharp gains in productivity after 1990, had hovered around 15% since 1995. Economic problems led to a sudden increase in crime property crime, President Carlos Menem's unpopularity had left his Justicialist Party weakened. Himself experienced with the burdens of an economy in crisis, former President and centrist UCR leader Raúl Alfonsín negotiated a big tent alliance with the center-left FrePaSo in 1996. Following the Alliance's success in 1997, the party geared for the 1999 elections by nominating Buenos Aires Mayor Fernando de la Rúa for president and Frepaso leader Carlos Chacho Álvarez as his running mate.
De la Rúa and Álvarez were both veteran also-rans. A former Peronist who had broken ranks with his party following Menem's turn to the right in 1989, Álvarez remained the country's most prominent center-left figure following the Frepaso's defeat in 1995, he provided a counterbalance to de la Rúa, a moderately conservative UCR figure who had himself been the running mate on a defeated UCR ticket. The Justicialist Party was badly positioned as the economy re-entered recession in late 1998. President Menem had only worsened its image by flirting with seeking an unprecedented third straight term, though this was barred by the Argentine Constitution. Unable to persuade Congress to approve these plans, he pledged to run again in 2003, stating that "if I had been permitted to run, I am sure I would have won." His dismissal of de la Rúa as "boring" moreover was used by the Alliance campaign in their ads, by which de la Rúa's tedium became a desirable alternative to Menem's "party". Broadsides like these only further undermined his party's nominee, Buenos Aires Province Governor Eduardo Duhalde, who as a more traditional Peronist, had been distanced from the President since being elected governor in 1991.
Duhalde's own approval suffered, however, as crime rates in the Greater Buenos Aires area rose steadily. This weakness was highlighted by the Ramallo massacre, a botched police intervention of a bank robbery on September 17 in which members of the force were implicated. An imposing figure in his party despite his diminutive height, Duhalde could only agree on a marginal figure in the party as his running mate: pop musician and former Tucumán Province Governor Ramón Ortega. Domingo Cavallo, the economist behind the "Argentine miracle" of the early 1990s, had become unpopular during the 1995 recession, he was acrimoniously dismissed by the President in 1996 following his public allegations of influential "mafias" in Menem's entourage. His statements gained validity, following the 1997 murder of a news magazine photojournalist targeted by a shipping magnate close to Menem. Cavallo founded the Action for the Republic, thus became a further obstacle to Duhalde, who would now lose a large share of the Menem vote to the unpredictable economist.
The recession, which had begun to ease on the eve of the October 24 election date, remained a central campaign issue. De la Rúa, who had earned plaudits for his fiscal discipline while mayor of Buenos Aires, stressed the need to crack down on graft and corruption. Besides referring to Menem himself, he pointed to the presence of exiled Paraguayan strongman General Lino Oviedo as a poster child of the prevailing state of the rule of law. Duhalde focused on promises to combat double-digit unemployment. An anticipated runoff election was not needed, since the Alliance obtained 48% of the total vote - winning on the first round by 10% over Duhalde. Cavallo received only 10%, much of the remainder went to left-wing parties; the 1999 legislative elections renewed about half of the Chamber of Deputies. The Alliance obtained 63 seats, the Justicialist Party 51, Domingo Cavallo's Action for the Republic 7; this left the Justicialists in the minority in the Lower House for the first time since 1989. Following these elections, the Argentine Chamber of Deputies was constituted as follows: Provincial elections where held in every province except Corrientes.
Elections for Mayor of the City of Buenos Aires were held the following May. The Justicialist Party increased their majority among governors by one, to 15; the UCR retained 6 in the Alliance. The Justicialists wrested governorships from the UCR, from the MPF in Tierra del Fuego, from the far-right Republican Force. Politics of Argentina List of political parties in Argentina
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
Delia Beatriz Bisutti is an Argentine centre-left politician a member of the Argentine Chamber of Deputies representing Buenos Aires. Bisutti was born in Buenos Aires and became a teacher after studying at the National University of Quilmes. From an early age she took an active role in trade unions, serving as a union delegate from 1970 to 1989. In 1977, during the Dirty War, she was detained by the military government and imprisoned in the concentration camp known as the'Sheraton', her husband was taken and disappeared, presumed dead. In 1989 Bisutti became secretary general of the teachers' union, Unión de Trabajadores de la Educación, part of CTERA and the CTA, she sat on CTERA's national committee. From 1995 she was a member of the executive of the Buenos Aires left-wing party, the Frente Grande, in 1997 she was elected to the city legislature for the party as part of FrePaSo, where she presided over several committees including economic development. Bisutti had been a critic of FrePaSo's alliance with the Radical Civic Union.
In 2001, she joined the new centre-left party, Support for an Egalitarian Republic and sat on the party's city executive. In 2003 she led the ARI block in the Buenos Aires legislature; that year she resigned her seat to take a junior role in the city government, within the education department, serving until January 2005. Bisutti was elected a deputy for ARI in the October 2005 elections. Following ARI's integration into the Civic Coalition in 2007, Bisutti and a number of her colleagues left the party in protest against ARI's courting of more centrist figures. Forming a separate block in Congress known as the Autonomous ARI, in May 2008 they announced the formation of a new party and Equality, Si. ARI deputies' profiles Autonomous ARI profile
Tierra del Fuego Province, Argentina
Tierra del Fuego is an Argentine province. The province had been inhabited by indigenous people for more than 12,000 years, since they migrated south of the mainland, it was first encountered by a European in 1520. After Argentina achieved independence, this territory remained under indigenous control until the nation's campaign known as the Conquest of the Desert in the 1870s. After destroying most of the native population in the desert part of Patagonia, Argentina organized this section in 1885 as a territory. European immigration followed due to a gold rush and rapid expansion of sheep farming on large ranches in the area. Tierra del Fuego is the most recent Argentine territory to gain provincial status, which occurred in 1990; the effective extent of the province is the eastern part of the island of Tierra del Fuego, Isla de los Estados and adjacent islands. However, Argentina has made a territorial claim over the two British Overseas Territories of the Falkland Islands and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands and over a segment of Antarctica, which overlaps with the British and Chilean claims on that continent.
Despite international recognition of the British territories and Argentina exercising no authority in said territories – other than in Argentine Antarctic bases – those territories have been nominally included in the province since 1990. The youngest of the Argentine provinces was first inhabited around 12,000 years ago; when the first Europeans arrived, they encountered a population of about 10,000 indigenous people belonging to four tribes: Yámana, Selk'nam and Manek'enk. Within fifty years of discovery, only about 350 natives remained due to high fatalities from the endemic diseases carried by Europeans, such as smallpox and measles, as the natives had no immunity to these new diseases. In addition, in the late 19th century and settlers committed genocide against the Selk'nam; the provincial capital city is Ushuaia, from a native word meaning "bay towards the end". The territory was first seen by Europeans in 1520 during Ferdinand Magellan's expedition, he named the area Land of Smokes, as he saw what were the fires produced by the local Amerindian peoples for heating.
Juan de Alderete in 1555 and Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa intended to found settlements in the area. The harsh weather and the constant attacks of British pirates, who took Sarmiento de Gamboa prisoner, frustrated their ambitions. Spanish, Dutch and French explorers ventured on Tierra del Fuego island and the nearby seas. Gabriel de Castilla passed through before exploring the Antarctic islands. In the early 1830s, Commander Robert FitzRoy, Charles Darwin explored this land and other parts of Patagonia via HMS Beagle. In 1828 Argentina established a penal colony at Puerto Luis on the Falkland Islands. In 1833 the British sent a naval task force to request that the Argentine representative of the islands, José María Pinedo, Argentine forces leave the islands, re-established their rule there. Luis Piedrabuena installed a base in San Juan de Salvamento on Isla de los Estados; the British South American Mission Society Patagonia Mission, under its superintendent Waite Stirling, founded Ushuaia as an Anglican mission in southern Tierra del Fuego in 1869.
Shortly after, Salesian missionaries founded Río Grande. In the 1880s the Argentine government took a more active interest in Tierra del Fuego. In 1881, the meridian 68°36'38 W was defined as the boundary between the Chilean and the Argentine portions of the island. In 1884 the Government of Tierra del Fuego was created, a subprefecture was established at Ushuaia; the southern part of the Beagle Channel was an issue of conflict between both states, which competed for control of three small islands, Picton and Nueva. In 1977, these were awarded to Chile by decision of the mediating British Crown, revised by Pope John Paul II and ratified by treaty in 1985; when the crews of sailing-ships told of the notoriously dangerous voyage round the tip of South America, Tierra del Fuego became a byword in Europe for an inhospitable land, where life would be impossibly harsh for settlers. But, it is not the most sparsely populated province of Argentina, its population density of 4.75/ km² is higher than five other provinces, due to various waves of immigration.
Gold fever started in Tierra del Fuego around 1883. Many Croatians from the Dalmatian coast arrived in search of gold. In addition, the gold rush inspired new innovations, such as the telegraph. Although by 1910 the gold had run out, most of the pioneers stayed; the inauspicious-looking northern plains proved ideal sheep-farming country, vast ranches were developed. Croatian, Basque, Italian and Chilean immigrants arrived to work on the estancias, with the hope of buying their own land and stock; the Amerindians suffered high fatalities from disease and the outright warfare waged by ranchers and bounty hunters. News of the atrocities and genocide reached the Federal Congress in Buenos Aires, it sent aid and tried to help the Salesian mission, the only institution working in the island to protect the indigenous peoples. With the creation of the Gobernación Marítima de Tierra del Fuego in 1943, construction of naval bases began in Ushuaia and Río Grande. An airport and other infra
Argentine Chamber of Deputies
The Chamber of Deputies is the lower house of the Argentine National Congress. It is made up of 257 national deputies who are elected in multi-member constituencies corresponding with the territories of the 23 provinces of Argentina by party list proportional representation. Elections to the Chamber are held every two years; the Constitution of Argentina lays out certain attributions that are unique to the Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber holds exclusive rights to levy taxes. Additionally, the Chamber of Deputies receives for consideration bills presented by popular initiative; the Chamber of Deputies is presided over by the President of the Chamber, deputized by three Vice Presidents. It has 257 seats and one-half of the members are elected every two years to serve four-year terms by the people of each district using proportional representation, D'Hondt formula with a 3% of the district registered voters threshold, the following distribution: All data from official website. In order for an Argentine citizen to be elected to congress, they have to fulfil certain requirements: He or she has to be at least twenty five years old with at least four years of active citizenship and it has to be naturalized in the province, being elected to or at least have two years of immediate residency in said province, according to art.
48 or the Argentine Constitution. The Chamber of Deputies was provided for in the Constitution of Argentina, ratified on May 1, 1853. Eligibility requisites are that members be at least twenty-five years old, have been a resident of the province they represent for at least four years. Otherwise patterned after Article One of the United States Constitution per legal scholar Juan Bautista Alberdi's treatise, Bases de la Constitución Argentina, the chamber was apportioned in one seat per 33,000 inhabitants; the constitution made no provision for a national census and because the Argentine population doubled every twenty years from 1870 to 1930 as a result of immigration, censuses were conducted generationally, rather than every decade, until 1947. The distribution of the Chamber of Deputies is regulated since 1983 by Law 22.847 called Ley Bignone, enacted by the last Argentine dictator, General Reynaldo Bignone, ahead of the 1983 general elections. This law established that each province shall have one deputy per 161,000 inhabitants, with standard rounding.
If a province has fewer than five deputies, the number of deputies for that province is increased to reach that minimum. Controversially, apportionment remains based on the 1980 population census, has not been modified since 1983; the minimum of five seat per province allots the smaller ones a disproportionately large representation, as well. Accordingly, this distribution does not reflect Argentina's current population balance; the President of the Chamber is elected by the majority caucus. The officeholders for this post since 1983 have been: Leadership positions include: List of current Argentine deputies Argentine Senate Politics of Argentina List of legislatures by country Chamber of Deputies Argentina - Official Site
The Wayback Machine is a digital archive of the World Wide Web and other information on the Internet. It was launched in 2001 by the Internet Archive, a nonprofit organization based in San Francisco, United States. Internet Archive founders Brewster Kahle and Bruce Gilliat launched the Wayback Machine in 2001 to address the problem of website content vanishing whenever it gets changed or shut down; the service enables users to see archived versions of web pages across time, which the archive calls a "three dimensional index". Kahle and Gilliat created the machine hoping to archive the entire Internet and provide "universal access to all knowledge."The name Wayback Machine was chosen as a reference to the "WABAC machine", a time-traveling device used by the characters Mr. Peabody and Sherman in The Rocky and Bullwinkle Show, an animated cartoon. In one of the animated cartoon's component segments, Peabody's Improbable History, the characters used the machine to witness, participate in, more than not, alter famous events in history.
The Wayback Machine began archiving cached web pages in 1996, with the goal of making the service public five years later. From 1996 to 2001, the information was kept on digital tape, with Kahle allowing researchers and scientists to tap into the clunky database; when the archive reached its fifth anniversary in 2001, it was unveiled and opened to the public in a ceremony at the University of California, Berkeley. By the time the Wayback Machine launched, it contained over 10 billion archived pages. Today, the data is stored on the Internet Archive's large cluster of Linux nodes, it archives new versions of websites on occasion. Sites can be captured manually by entering a website's URL into the search box, provided that the website allows the Wayback Machine to "crawl" it and save the data. Software has been developed to "crawl" the web and download all publicly accessible World Wide Web pages, the Gopher hierarchy, the Netnews bulletin board system, downloadable software; the information collected by these "crawlers" does not include all the information available on the Internet, since much of the data is restricted by the publisher or stored in databases that are not accessible.
To overcome inconsistencies in cached websites, Archive-It.org was developed in 2005 by the Internet Archive as a means of allowing institutions and content creators to voluntarily harvest and preserve collections of digital content, create digital archives. Crawls are contributed from various sources, some imported from third parties and others generated internally by the Archive. For example, crawls are contributed by the Sloan Foundation and Alexa, crawls run by IA on behalf of NARA and the Internet Memory Foundation, mirrors of Common Crawl; the "Worldwide Web Crawls" have capture the global Web. The frequency of snapshot captures varies per website. Websites in the "Worldwide Web Crawls" are included in a "crawl list", with the site archived once per crawl. A crawl can take months or years to complete depending on size. For example, "Wide Crawl Number 13" started on January 9, 2015, completed on July 11, 2016. However, there may be multiple crawls ongoing at any one time, a site might be included in more than one crawl list, so how a site is crawled varies widely.
As technology has developed over the years, the storage capacity of the Wayback Machine has grown. In 2003, after only two years of public access, the Wayback Machine was growing at a rate of 12 terabytes/month; the data is stored on PetaBox rack systems custom designed by Internet Archive staff. The first 100TB rack became operational in June 2004, although it soon became clear that they would need much more storage than that; the Internet Archive migrated its customized storage architecture to Sun Open Storage in 2009, hosts a new data center in a Sun Modular Datacenter on Sun Microsystems' California campus. As of 2009, the Wayback Machine contained three petabytes of data and was growing at a rate of 100 terabytes each month. A new, improved version of the Wayback Machine, with an updated interface and a fresher index of archived content, was made available for public testing in 2011. In March that year, it was said on the Wayback Machine forum that "the Beta of the new Wayback Machine has a more complete and up-to-date index of all crawled materials into 2010, will continue to be updated regularly.
The index driving the classic Wayback Machine only has a little bit of material past 2008, no further index updates are planned, as it will be phased out this year." In 2011, the Internet Archive installed their sixth pair of PetaBox racks which increased the Wayback Machine's storage capacity by 700 terabytes. In January 2013, the company announced a ground-breaking milestone of 240 billion URLs. In October 2013, the company announced the "Save a Page" feature which allows any Internet user to archive the contents of a URL; this became a threat of abuse by the service for hosting malicious binaries. As of December 2014, the Wayback Machine contained 435 billion web pages—almost nine petabytes of data, was growing at about 20 terabytes a week; as of July 2016, the Wayback Machine contained around 15 petabytes of data. As of September 2018, the Wayback Machine contained more than 25 petabytes of data. Between October 2013 and March 2015, the website's global Alexa rank changed from 163 to 208. In March 2019 the rank was at 244.
Wayback Machine has respected the robots exclusion standard in determining if a website would be crawled or not. Website owners had the option to opt-out of Wayback M