Single room occupancy
Single room occupancy is a form of housing, aimed at residents with low or minimal incomes who rent small, furnished single rooms with a bed and sometimes a small desk. SRO units are rented out as permanent residence and/or primary residence to individuals, within a multi-tenant building where tenants share a kitchen, toilets or bathrooms. SRO units range from 80 to 140 square feet. In the 2010s, some SRO units may have a small refrigerator and sink. SROs are a form of affordable housing, in some cases for or otherwise homeless individuals. SRO units are the least expensive form of non-subsidized rental housing, with median rents in New York City ranging from $450 to $705 per month; the term is used in Canada and US. Since the 1970s and 1980s, there has been an increasing displacement of SRO units aimed at low-income earners due to gentrification, with SRO facilities being sold and turned into condominiums. Between 1955 and 2013 one million SRO units were eliminated in the US due to regulation, conversion or demolition.
The term SRO refers to the fact. While roommates informally sharing an apartment may have a bedroom and share a bathroom and kitchen, an SRO tenant leases the SRO unit individually. SRO units may be provided in a rooming house, apartment building, or in illegal conversions of private homes into many small SRO rooms. There is a variety of levels of quality, ranging from a "cubicle with a wire mesh ceiling", at the lowest end, to small hotel rooms or small studio apartments without bathrooms, at the higher end, they may be referred to as "SRO hotels", which acknowledges that many of the buildings are old hotels that are in a poor state of repair and maintenance. The acronym SRO has been stated to mean "single resident only"; the terms "residential hotel" or "efficiency unit" are used to refer to some SROs. The term originated in New York City in the 1930s, but the institutions date back at least fifty years before the nickname was applied to them. SROs exist in many American cities, are most common in larger cities.
In many cases, the buildings themselves were hotels in or near a city's central business district. Many of these buildings were built in the late early 20th centuries. Theodore Dreiser described early SRO hotels in his 1900 "naturist novel of urban life", Sister Carrie. By the 1880s, urban reformers began working on modernizing cities. By the 1890s, SRO hotels became "forbidden housing. New York City police inspector Thomas Byrnes stated that rather than give SRO hotels "palliative" care, they should be dealt with using a "knife, the blister, the amputating instruments."Reformers used moral codes, building codes, fire codes, planning committees and inspections to limit or remove SRO hotels. An example of moral critiques is Simon Lubin's claims that "unregulated hotels" were "spreading venereal diseases among the soldiers". Other reformers tried to ban men and boys from rooming in the same hotels, due to concerns about homosexuality; the building and safety codes criticized SRO hotel problems such as "firetraps, dark rooms, inadequate plumbing, an insufficient ventilation."
In San Francisco, building code inspections and restrictions were used to racially harass Chinese labourers and the places they lived. In 1917, California passed a new hotel act that prevented the building of new hotels with small cubicle rooms. In addition to banning or restricting SRO hotels, land use reformers passed zoning rules that indirectly reduced SROs: banning mixed residential and commercial use in neighbourhoods, an approach which meant that any remaining SRO hotel's residents would find it hard to eat at a local cafe or walk to a nearby corner grocery to buy food. Non-residential uses such as religious institutions and professional offices were still permitted under these new zoning rules, but working class people were not allowed to operate businesses such as garages or plumbing businesses; the United States saw a decrease in single room occupancy housing during the period of 1960s and 1970s urban decay. For example, in Chicago 81% of the SRO housing stock disappeared between 1960 and 1980.
Since the early 1970s, the supply of SRO spaces did not meet the demand in US cities. In 1970, newspapers in the US wrote about an "SRO crisis". Downtown SRO hotels offer few and no rooms to rent to tourists. Indeed, since the end of WWII, the inexpensive hotels that became SROs were lost and not replaced, with the losses coming from conversion to office space, demolition, or upgrading to tourist rental. For example, in San Francisco from 1975 and 1980, 6,085 SRO rooms were lost; some viewed the removal of SRO hotels as a good thing, as it meant the "removal of substandard housing and unwanted neighbors" and their "public nuisance". Paul Groth states that some downtown "residents cannot exist without them " as they have "ew, if any, housing alternatives." There are "myths about today's hotel residents", claiming that they are all "isolated and disabled.
In its modern form, a gated community is a form of residential community or housing estate containing controlled entrances for pedestrians and automobiles, characterized by a closed perimeter of walls and fences. Similar walls and gates have separated quarters of some cities for centuries. Gated communities consist of small residential streets and include various shared amenities. For smaller communities, these amenities may include other common area. For larger communities, it may be possible for residents to stay within the community for most daily activities. Gated communities are a type of common interest development, but are distinct from intentional communities. Given that gated communities are spatially a type of enclave, Setha M. Low, an anthropologist, has argued that they have a negative effect on the net social capital of the broader community outside the gated community; some gated communities called guard-gated communities, are staffed by private security guards and are home to high-value properties, and/or are set up as retirement villages.
Some gated communities are intended as such. Besides the services of gatekeepers, many gated communities provide other amenities; these may depend on a number of factors including geographical location, demographic composition, community structure, community fees collected. When there are subassociations that belong to master associations, the master association may provide many of the amenities. In general, the larger the association the more amenities that can be provided. Amenities depend on the type of housing. For example, single-family-home communities may not have a common-area swimming pool, since individual home-owners have the ability to construct their own private pools. A condominium, on the other hand, may offer a community pool, since the individual units do not have the option of a private pool installation. Typical amenities offered can include one or more: Swimming pools Tennis courts Community centres or clubhouses Golf courses Marina On-site dining Playgrounds Exercise rooms including workout machines Spa In Brazil, the most widespread form of gated community is called "condomínio fechado" and is the object of desire of the upper classes.
Such a place is a small town with its own infrastructure. The purpose of such a community is to protect its residents from exterior violence; the same philosophy is seen on most shopping centres. In Pakistan, gated communities are located in big as well as small cities and are considered standard of high quality living. Defence Housing Authority and Bahria Town are major private gated community developers and administrators and one of the largest in the world; the assets of Bahria Town itself are worth $30 billion. Most gated communities in Pakistan have public parks, hospitals, shopping malls and country clubs. In Argentina, they are called "barrios privados" or just "countries" and are seen as a symbol of wealth. However, gated communities enjoy dubious social prestige. While most gated communities have only houses, some bigger ones, such as Nordelta, have their own hospital, shopping mall, more. In post-segregation South Africa, gated communities have mushroomed in response to high levels of violent crime.
They are referred to as "complexes" but broadly classified as "security villages" or "enclosed neighborhoods. Some of the newest neighborhoods being developed are entirely composed of security villages, some with malls and few other essential services. In part, property developers have adopted this response to counter squatting, which local residents fear due to associated crime, which results in a protracted eviction process, they are popular in southern China, namely the Pearl River Delta Region, the most famous of, Clifford Estates. In Saudi Arabia, gated communities have existed since the discovery of oil to accommodate families from Europe or North America. After threat levels have increased since the late 1990s against foreigners in general and U. S. citizens in particular gates have become armed and all vehicles have been inspected. Marksmen and Saudi Arabian National Guard armored vehicles appeared in certain times, markedly after recent terrorist attacks in areas near-by, targeting people from European or North American countries.
Gated communities are rare in continental Japan. Proponents of gated communities maintain that the reduction or exclusion of people who would be only passing through, or more of all non-local people, makes any "stranger" much more recognisable in the closed local environment, thus reduces crime danger. Since only a small proportion of all non-local people passing through the area are potential criminals, increased traffic should increase rather than decrease safety by having more people around whose presence could deter criminal behaviour or who could provide assistance during an incident. Another criticism is; some studies indicate that safety in gated communities may be more illusion than reality and that gated communities in suburban areas of the United States have no less crime than similar non-gated neighborhoods. A commentary in The New York Times blames the gated commu
A company town is a place where all stores and housing are owned by the one company, the main employer. Company towns are planned with a suite of amenities such as stores, schools and recreation facilities, they are bigger than a model village. Some company towns have had high ideals. Others developed more or less in unplanned fashion, such as Summit Hill, United States, one of the oldest, which began as a LC&N Co. mining camp and mine site nine miles from the nearest outside road. Traditional settings for company towns were where extractive industries — coal, metal mines, lumber — had established a monopoly franchise. Dam sites and war-industry camps founded other company towns. Since company stores had a monopoly in company towns, it was possible to pay in scrip through a truck system although not all company towns engaged in this particular practice. In the Soviet Union there were several cities of nuclear scientists known as atomgrad. A company town is isolated from neighbors and centered on a large production factory, such as a lumber or steel mill or an automobile plant.
The company may donate a church building to a local congregation, operate parks, host cultural events such as concerts, so on. If the owning company cuts back or goes out of business, the economic effect on the company town is devastating, as people move to jobs elsewhere. Company towns become regular public cities and towns as they grow and attract other settlement, business enterprises, public transportation and services infrastructure. Other times, a town may not be a company town, but it may be a town where the majority of citizens are employed by a single company, thus creating a similar situation to a company town. Further, such dependencies extend to regions of larger cities. In each case, if the primary company falls on lean times, fails outright or the industry fades in importance the communities contract and lose property value and population as people move to find work elsewhere, the youth of the community bears the children of their generation in another demographic region. Paternalism, a subtle form of social engineering, refers to the control of workers by their employers who sought to force middle-class ideals upon their working-class employees.
Paternalism was considered by many nineteenth-century businessmen as a moral responsibility, or a religious obligation, which would advance society whilst furthering their own business interests. Accordingly, the company town offered a unique opportunity to achieve such ends. Although many prominent examples of company towns portray their founders as "capitalists with a conscience", for example, George Cadbury's Bournville, if viewed cynically, the company town was an economically viable ploy to attract and retain workers. Additionally, for-profit shops within company towns were owned by the company, which were unavoidable to its isolated workers, thus resulting in a monopoly for the owners. Although economically successful, company towns sometimes failed politically due to a lack of elected officials and municipally owned services. Accordingly, workers had no say in local affairs and therefore, felt dictated to; this political climate caused resentment amongst workers and resulted in many residents losing long-term affection for their towns.
Although many small company towns existed in mining areas of Pennsylvania before the Civil War, one of the largest, most substantial early company towns in the United States was Pullman, developed in the 1880s just outside the Chicago city limits. The town company-owned, provided housing, markets, a library and entertainment for the 6,000 company employees and an equal number of dependents. Employees were required to live in Pullman, although cheaper rentals could be found in nearby communities; the town operated until the economic panic of 1893, when demand for the company's products declined, employee wages had to be lowered accordingly. Despite this, the company refused to lower rents in the town or the price of goods at its shops, thus resulting in the Pullman Strike of 1894. A national commission formed to investigate the causes of the strikes found that Pullman's paternalism was to blame and labelled it "un-American"; the report condemned Pullman for refusing to negotiate and for the economic hardships he created for workers in the town of Pullman.
"The aesthetic features are admired by visitors, but have little money value to employees when they lack bread." The State of Illinois filed suit, in 1898 the Supreme Court of Illinois forced the Pullman Company to divest ownership in the town, annexed to Chicago. However, government observers maintained that Pullman's principles were accurate, in that he provided his employees with a quality of life otherwise unattainable to them, but recognised that his excessive paternalism was inappropriate for a large-scale corporate economy and thus caused the town's downfall. Accordingly, government observers and social reformers alike saw the need for a balance between control and well-designed towns, concluding that a model company town would only succeed if indepe
Golf course community
A golf course community is a type of residential housing development built around a golf course. Temple Terrace, Florida is described as the first planned golf-course community in the United States, dating from the 1920s; the community was intended only for the wealthy who would reside there for an only a few months of the year during the winter. For example, the original homes were built without kitchens as it was planned that they would dine at the community clubhouse; as golf became a sport played by the middle class of the United States by the 1950s and 1960s, golf course communities were developed for those players. During a period of "boom growth" in United States golf courses in the 1960s 25% of courses built each year were developed as a part of a real estate development; that percentage rose to 60% during the 1990s as "master planned golf communities" grew in popularity. Under this model, the operating costs of the golf course were to be subsidized by lot sales, lots would be sold a premium due to their location on the course.
This led, however, to many unprofitable courses, the closing of many courses. In 1999, it was reported that three states with the most golf course communities in the United States were Florida with 419, California with 137, North Carolina with 126. In 2009, it was estimated that of 16,000 golf courses in the United States, more than 3,200 were part of a real estate development. More than fifty such courses closed between 2006 and early 2009; when a development's golf course closes, a developer seeks to build houses or otherwise develop the former course property, leading to disputes with homeowners who purchased homes based on their views of the course. However, though buyers assumed the course would always remain in the community, there is no legal basis to force the course to continue operations. In 2015, a survey of the National Association of Home Builders found that two-thirds of homebuyers are not seeking to live on a golf course. Declining interest in golf communities has led to reports of decreasing home values
North East of England Process Industry Cluster
The North East of England Process Industry Cluster is an economic cluster created following the industrial cluster ideas and strategy of Michael Porter. This Process Industry Cluster has been created by the chemistry using industries based in North East England where more than 1,400 companies are based in the supply chain of the sector; the sector has over 35,000 direct employees and some 190,000 indirect employees in the northeast of England and together they represent over one third of the industrial economy of the region. Companies in the Cluster manufacture 50% of the UK's Petrochemicals and 35% of the UK's Pharmaceuticals and they contribute towards making the region the only net exporting region of the UK; the region has over £13 billion of exports. NEPIC was created in 2004 by the leaders of local chemistry based process industry companies that are based in the northeast of England; the aim of the organisation being to represent and coordinate industry's collaborative activities on the wide ranging issues that impact on the future and performance of the energy intensive process sector, which includes petrochemicals.
These issues include renewable and more sustainable energy opportunities, innovation and R&D interests, energy pricing capacity and availability, carbon taxation and carbon emission reduction technologies such as carbon capture and storage and technician skills for the sector and industry growth to ensure that the region remains a globally important location for the chemical industry. NEPIC has been recognised by the Chemical Industries Association in the UK for its work in informing stakeholders about the sector and by the professional institutions in the UK for its engagement and representation of industry issues; the Northeast of England is recognised and promoted by the Department for International Trade arm of the UK Government as a leading location in the UK for Foreign Direct Investment into the chemistry using industries. Since its formation NEPIC has participated in European Cluster development programmes. During 2012 NEPIC was audited by the European Secretariat for Cluster Analysis and in March 2014 achieved the Gold Label standard for Cluster management under this quality management scheme.
NEPIC is classified by ESCA as a manufacturing and innovation cluster and was the first UK cluster to achieve this Gold Label status and the 37th Cluster to do so in Europe. By March 2014 there were 490 EU Cluster organisations accredited by ESCA. By September 2014 the European Secretariat for Cluster Analysis reported that more than 600 Clusters had been audited and in their report, entitled "Cluster Organisations in Europe - insights from Bronze and Gold Label Assessments", cited the NEPIC Members Directory as best practice as a Cluster global marketing tool. On 20 October 2014 at the European Commission's Bi-annual European Cluster Conference, policy makers and Cluster managers, from all business and industry sectors across Europe, named Dr Stan Higgins, NEPIC CEO, as European Cluster Manager of the Year 2014. NEPIC was reassessed by ESCA during 2016 and is validated as a Gold Label Cluster until February 2019 when the Cluster's management organisation has to undergo its next quality assessment.
By March 2017 986 Clusters had been awarded Bronze and Gold Labels from 40 countries. 81 of which are Gold Label. NEPIC is led by industry through its Industry Leadership Team; these industry leaders at intervals of their choosing elect a person to be the Chair of NEPIC. Since its inception the cluster has been Chaired by Ian Shott CBE, Robert Coxon OBE, Paul Booth MBE and most former MP Ian Swales, the current chair person. Dr Stan Higgins has been NEPIC's Chief Executive Officer since its formation in 2004. Dr Higgins announced that he is to retire during 2017. On 1 June 2017 NEPIC announced that former Chair of the UK Parliamentary Business Committee and labour MP Iain Wright is to become the CEO of NEPIC. NEPIC's work with stakeholders of the process industry in its region includes encouraging school children to study Science, Engineering and Mathematics, it has run programmes for both primary school children. In showing the relevance of science and industry to primary school children NEPIC promotes the Children Challenging Industry programme operated by the Chemical Industry Education Unit at York University.
The Cluster, in March 2009, enabled a group of school children from Morpeth, Northumberland, to record in the Guinness Book of Records the world's largest mathematics class. The Cluster supports a Fellowship to encourage young scientists and engineers to experience Parliamentary processes by spending time in the Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology, based in the Houses of Parliament, London; this annual Fellowship commemorates the life of Chemical Engineer and Member of Parliament, Ashok Kumar, who as MP for Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland, was a supporter of both the Cluster and of the co-sponsors of the Fellowship, the Institution of Chemical Engineers. In 2017 the 6th Ashok Kumar Fellow had been appointed to work with at POST she was a postgraduate engineering student, Erin Johnson, from Imperial College, London. NEPIC hold. Awards of £1000 are given to 5 Young Achievers from within its key sectors of Petrochemicals, Fine & Specialty Chemicals, Pharmaceuticals and Supply Chain.
3 x £1000 prizes are given to 3 top Apprentices from the Cluster. The Cluster gives awards to the value of £2000 to companies for outstanding industrial performance in
A city block, urban block or block is a central element of urban planning and urban design. A city block is the smallest area, surrounded by streets. City blocks are the space for buildings within the street pattern of a city, form the basic unit of a city's urban fabric. City blocks may be subdivided into any number of smaller land lots in private ownership, though in some cases, it may be other forms of tenure. City blocks are built-up to varying degrees and thus form the physical containers or'streetwalls' of public space. Most cities are composed of a lesser variety of sizes and shapes of urban block. For example, many pre-industrial cores of cities in Europe and the Middle-east tend to have irregularly shaped street patterns and urban blocks, while cities based on grids have much more regular arrangements. In most cities of the world that were planned, rather than developing over a long period of time, streets are laid out on a grid plan, so that city blocks are square or rectangular. Using the perimeter block development principle, city blocks are developed so that buildings are located along the perimeter of the block, with entrances facing the street, semi-private courtyards in the rear of the buildings.
This arrangement is intended to provide good social interaction among people. Since the spacing of streets in grid plans varies so among cities, or within cities, it is difficult to generalize about the size of a city block. However, as reference points for US cities, the standard square blocks of Portland and Sacramento are 264 by 264 feet, 330 by 330 feet, 410 by 410 feet respectively. Oblong blocks range in width and length; the standard block in Manhattan is about 264 by 900 feet. S. cities standard blocks are as wide as 660 feet. The blocks in Calgary, are 330 by 560 feet, while those in Edmonton, Canada are 197 by 560 feet; the blocks in central Melbourne, are 330 by 660 feet, formed by splitting the square blocks in an original grid with a narrow street down the middle. In Chicago and Minneapolis, Minnesota, a typical city block is 660 by 330 feet, meaning that 16 east-west blocks or 8 north-south blocks measure one mile. Many world cities have grown by accretion over time rather than being planned from the outset.
For this reason, a regular pattern of square or rectangular city blocks is not so common among European cities, for example. An exception is represented by those cities that were founded as Roman military settlements, that preserve the original grid layout around two main orthogonal axes. One notable example is Italy. Following the example of Philadelphia, New York City adopted the Commissioners' Plan of 1811 for a more extensive grid plan. By the middle of the 20th century, the adoption of the uniform, rectilinear block subsided completely, different layouts prevailed, with random sized and either curvilinear or non-orthogonal blocks and corresponding street patterns. In much of the United States and Canada, the addresses follow a block and lot number system, in which each block of a street is allotted 100 building numbers; the concept of city block can be generalized as a sub-block. A superblock or super-block is an area of urban land bounded by arterial roads, the size of multiple typically-sized city blocks.
Within the superblock, the local road network, if any, is designed to serve local needs only. Within the broad concept of a superblock, various typologies emerge based on the internal road networks within the superblock, their historical context, whether they are auto-centric or pedestrian-centric; the context in which superblocks are being studied or conceived gives rise to varying definitions. An internal road network characterised by cul-de-sacs is typical of auto-centric suburban development in Western countries throughout the 20th century; the Oxford Dictionary of Architecture and Landscape Architecture's definition is rooted within this suburban conception:“Area containing residential accommodation, schools, etc. with public open space, surrounded by roads and penetrated by cul-de-sac service-roads. It is linked to other super-blocks and a town centre by means of paths over or under the roads.”Though the aim of such superblocks is to minimise traffic within the superblock by directing it to arterial roads, the effect in many cases has been to entrench automobile dependence by limiting pedestrian permeability.
Superblocks can contain an orthogonal internal road network, including ones based on a grid plan or quasi-grid plan. This typology is prevalent in China, for example. Chen defines the supergrid and superblock urban morphology in this context as follows:“The Supergrid is a large-scale net of wide roads that defines a series of cells or Superblocks, each containing a network of narrower streets.”Superblocks can be retroactively superimposed on pre-existing grid plan by changing the traffic rules and streetscape of internal streets within the superblock, as in the case of Barcelona’s superilles. Each superilla comprises nine city blocks, with speed limits on the internal roads slowed to 10–20 km/h and through traffic disallowed, with through travel only possible on the perimeter roads. Superblocks were popular during the early and mid-20th century auto-centric suburban development, arising from modernist ideas in architecture and urban planning. Planning in this era was based upon the distance and speed scales for the automobi