Communication is the act of conveying meanings from one entity or group to another through the use of mutually understood signs and semiotic rules. The main steps inherent to all communication are: The formation of communicative motivation or reason. Message composition. Message encoding. Transmission of the encoded message as a sequence of signals using a specific channel or medium. Noise sources such as natural forces and in some cases human activity begin influencing the quality of signals propagating from the sender to one or more receivers. Reception of signals and reassembling of the encoded message from a sequence of received signals. Decoding of the reassembled encoded message. Interpretation and making sense of the presumed original message; the scientific study of communication can be divided into: Information theory which studies the quantification and communication of information in general. The channel of communication can be visual, auditory and haptic, electromagnetic, or biochemical.
Human communication is unique for its extensive use of abstract language. Development of civilization has been linked with progress in telecommunication. Nonverbal communication describes the processes of conveying a type of information in the form of non-linguistic representations. Examples of nonverbal communication include haptic communication, chronemic communication, body language, facial expressions, eye contact, how one dresses. Nonverbal communication relates to the intent of a message. Examples of intent are voluntary, intentional movements like shaking a hand or winking, as well as involuntary, such as sweating. Speech contains nonverbal elements known as paralanguage, e.g. rhythm, intonation and stress. It establishes trust. Written texts include nonverbal elements such as handwriting style, the spatial arrangement of words and the use of emoticons to convey emotion. Nonverbal communication demonstrates one of Paul Wazlawick's laws: you cannot not communicate. Once proximity has formed awareness, living creatures begin interpreting.
Some of the functions of nonverbal communication in humans are to complement and illustrate, to reinforce and emphasize, to replace and substitute, to control and regulate, to contradict the denovative message. Nonverbal cues are relied on to express communication and to interpret others' communication and can replace or substitute verbal messages. However, non-verbal communication is ambiguous; when verbal messages contradict non-verbal messages, observation of non-verbal behaviour is relied on to judge another's attitudes and feelings, rather than assuming the truth of the verbal message alone. There are several reasons as to why non-verbal communication plays a vital role in communication: "Non-verbal communication is omnipresent." They are included in every single communication act. To have total communication, all non-verbal channels such as the body, voice, touch, distance and other environmental forces must be engaged during face-to-face interaction. Written communication can have non-verbal attributes.
E-mails and web chats allow an individual's the option to change text font colours, stationary and capitalization in order to capture non-verbal cues into a verbal medium. "Non-verbal behaviours are multifunctional." Many different non-verbal channels are engaged at the same time in communication acts and allow the chance for simultaneous messages to be sent and received. "Non-verbal behaviours may form a universal language system." Smiling, pointing and glaring are non-verbal behaviours that are used and understood by people regardless of nationality. Such non-verbal signals allow the most basic form of communication when verbal communication is not effective due to language barriers. Verbal communication is the written conveyance of a message. Human language can be defined as a system of symbols and the grammars by which the symbols are manipulated; the word "language" refers to common properties of languages. Language learning occurs most intensively during human childhood. Most of the thousands of human languages use patterns of sound or gesture for symbols which enable communication with others around them.
Languages tend to share certain properties. There is no defined line between a dialect. Constructed languages such as Esperanto, programming languages, various mathematical formalism is not restricted to the properties shared by human languages; as mentioned, language can be characterized as symbolic. Charles Ogden and I. A Richards developed The Triangle of Meaning model to explain the symbol, the referent, the meaning; the properties of language are governed by rules. Language follows phonological rules, syntactic rules, semantic rules, pragmatic rules; the meanings that are attached to words can be otherwise known as denotative.
In linguistics, grammar is the set of structural rules governing the composition of clauses and words in any given natural language. The term refers to the study of such rules, this field includes phonology and syntax complemented by phonetics and pragmatics. Speakers of a language have a set of internalized rules for using that language, these rules constitute that language's grammar; the vast majority of the information in the grammar is – at least in the case of one's native language – acquired not by conscious study or instruction, but by observing other speakers. Much of this work is done during early childhood. Thus, grammar is the cognitive information underlying language use; the term "grammar" can be used to describe the rules that govern the linguistic behavior of a group of speakers. The term "English grammar", may have several meanings, it may refer to the whole of English grammar, that is, to the grammars of all the speakers of the language, in which case, the term encompasses a great deal of variation.
Alternatively, it may refer only to what is common to the grammars of all, or of the vast majority of English speakers. Or it may refer to the rules of a particular well-defined variety of English. A specific description, study or analysis of such rules may be referred to as a grammar. A reference book describing the grammar of a language is called a "reference grammar" or "a grammar". A explicit grammar that exhaustively describes the grammatical constructions of a particular lect is called a descriptive grammar; this kind of linguistic description contrasts with linguistic prescription, an attempt to discourage or suppress some grammatical constructions, while codifying and promoting others, either in an absolute sense, or in reference to a standard variety. For example, preposition stranding occurs in Germanic languages, has a long history in English, is considered standard usage. John Dryden, objected to it, leading other English speakers to avoid the construction and discourage its use. Outside linguistics, the term grammar is used in a rather different sense.
In some respects, it may be used more broadly, including rules of spelling and punctuation, which linguists would not consider to form part of grammar, but rather as a part of orthography, the set of conventions used for writing a language. In other respects, it may be used more narrowly, to refer to a set of prescriptive norms only and excluding those aspects of a language's grammar that are not subject to variation or debate on their normative acceptability. Jeremy Butterfield claimed that, for non-linguists, "Grammar is a generic way of referring to any aspect of English that people object to." The word grammar is derived from Greek γραμματικὴ τέχνη, which means "art of letters", from γράμμα, "letter", itself from γράφειν, "to draw, to write". The same Greek root appears in graphics and photograph. Vedic Sanskrit is the earliest language known to the world; the grammatical rules were formulated by Indra, etc. but the modern systematic grammar, of Sanskrit, originated in Iron Age India, with Yaska, Pāṇini and his commentators Pingala and Patanjali.
Tolkāppiyam, the earliest Tamil grammar, is dated to before the 5th century AD. The Babylonians made some early attempts at language description,In the West, grammar emerged as a discipline in Hellenism from the 3rd century BC forward with authors like Rhyanus and Aristarchus of Samothrace; the oldest known grammar handbook is the Art of Grammar, a succinct guide to speaking and writing and written by the ancient Greek scholar Dionysius Thrax, a student of Aristarchus of Samothrace who established a school on the Greek island of Rhodes. Dionysius Thrax's grammar book remained the primary grammar textbook for Greek schoolboys until as late as the twelfth century AD; the Romans based their grammatical writings on it and its basic format remains the basis for grammar guides in many languages today. Latin grammar developed by following Greek models from the 1st century BC, due to the work of authors such as Orbilius Pupillus, Remmius Palaemon, Marcus Valerius Probus, Verrius Flaccus, Aemilius Asper.
A grammar of Irish originated in the 7th century with the Auraicept na n-Éces. Arabic grammar emerged with Abu al-Aswad al-Du'ali in the 7th century; the first treatises on Hebrew grammar appeared in the context of Mishnah. The Karaite tradition originated in Abbasid Baghdad; the Diqduq is one of the earliest grammatical commentaries on the Hebrew Bible. Ibn Barun in the 12th century compares the Hebrew language with Arabic in the Islamic grammatical tradition. Belonging to the trivium of the seven liberal arts, grammar was taught as a core discipline throughout the Middle Ages, following the influence of authors from Late Antiquity, such as Priscian. Treatment of vernaculars began during the High Middle Ages, with isolated works such as the First Grammatical Treatise, but became influential only in the Renaissance and Baroque periods. In 1486, Antonio de Nebrija published Las introduciones Latinas contrapuesto el romance al Latin, the first Spanish grammar, Gramática de la lengua castellana, in 1492.
During the 16th-century Italian Ren
Babbling is a stage in child development and a state in language acquisition during which an infant appears to be experimenting with uttering articulate sounds, but does not yet produce any recognizable words. Babbling begins shortly after birth and progresses through several stages as the infant's repertoire of sounds expands and vocalizations become more speech-like. Infants begin to produce recognizable words when they are around 12 months of age, though babbling may continue for some time afterward. Babbling can be seen as a precursor to language development or as vocal experimentation; the physical structures involved in babbling are still being developed in the first year of a child's life. This continued physical development is responsible for some of the changes in abilities and variations of sound babies can produce. Abnormal developments such as certain medical conditions, developmental delays, hearing impairments may interfere with a child's ability to babble normally. Though there is still disagreement about the uniqueness of language to humans, babbling is not unique to the human species.
Babbling is a stage in language acquisition. Babbles are separated from language because they do not convey meaning or refer to anything specific like words do. Human infants are not excited or upset when babbling; the sounds of babbling are produced before an infant begins to construct recognizable words. This can be attributed to the immaturity of the vocal tract and neuromusculature at this age in life. Infants first begin vocalizing by crying, followed by cooing and vocal play; these first forms of sound production are the easiest for children to use because they contain natural, reflexive vowel sounds. Babbling is assumed to occur in all children acquiring language, it has been studied in English, Korean, Spanish and Swedish. Infants across the world follow general trends in babbling tendencies. Differences that do appear are the result of the infants' sensitivity to the characteristics of the language they are exposed to. Infants mimick the prosody of the language they are exposed to, they use intonation patterns and timing that matches the characteristics of their parent language.
Infants babble using the consonants and vowels that occur most in their parent language. Most babbling consists of a small number of sounds, which suggests the child is preparing the basic sounds necessary to speak the language to which it is exposed; the consonants that babbling infants produce tend to be any of the following: /p, b, t, d, k, g, m, n, s, h, w, j/. The following consonants tend to be infrequently produced during phonological development: /f, v, θ, ð, ʃ, tʃ, dʒ, l, r, ŋ/; the complexity of the sounds that infants produce makes them difficult to categorize, but the above rules tend to hold true regardless of the language to which children are exposed. If babbling occurs during the first year of life, it can be concluded that the child is developing speech normally; as the baby grows and changes, his/her vocalizations change as well. Infants follow a general timeline of vocal developments in childhood; this timeline provides a general outline of expected developments from birth to age one.
Babbling lasts 6–9 months in total. The babbling period ends at around 12 months because it is the age when first words occur. However, individual children can show large variability and this timeline is only a guideline. From birth to 1 month, babies produce pleasure sounds, cries for assistance, responses to the human voice. Around 2 months, babies can distinguish between different speech sounds, can make “goo”ing sounds Around 3 months, babies begin, will respond vocally to speech of others, they continue to make predominantly vowel sounds. Around 4 months, babies may vary their pitch, imitate tones in adult speech. Around 5 months, babies continue to experiment with sound, imitating some sounds made by adults. Around 6 months, babies vary volume and rate; when infants are 6 months old they are able to control the opening and closing of the vocal tract, upon obtaining this ability, infants begin to distinguish between the different sounds of vowels and consonants. This age is distinguished as the beginning of the canonical stage.
During the canonical stage, the babbling involves reduplicated sounds containing alternations of vowels and consonants, for example, "baba" or "bobo". Reduplicated babbling consists of repeated syllables consisting of consonant and a vowel such as "da da da da" or "ma ma ma ma". Around 7 months, babies can produce several sounds in one breath, they recognize different tones and inflections in other speakers. Around 8 months, babies can repeat emphasized syllables, they imitate gestures and tonal quality of adult speech. They produce variegated babbling. Variegated babbles contain mixes of consonant vowel combinations such as "ka da by ba mi doy doy". Variegated babbling differs from reduplicated babbling in terms of the variation and complexity of syllables that are produced. Around 9-10 months, babies can imitate non speech sounds, speech-like sounds if they are in the child's repertoire of sounds. Infant babbling begins to resemble the native language of a child; the final stage is known as conversational babbling, or the "jargon stage".
Occurring by about ten months of age, the jargon stage is defined as "pre-linguistic vocalizations in which infants use adult-like stress and intonation". The general structure of the syllables that they are producing is closely related to the sounds of their native l
In linguistics, diglossia is a situation in which two dialects or languages are used by a single language community. In addition to the community's everyday or vernacular language variety, a second codified lect is used in certain situations such as literature, formal education, or other specific settings, but not used for ordinary conversation. In most cases, the H variety has no native speakers; the high variety may be an older stage of the same language, an unrelated language, or a distinct yet related present day dialect. Other examples include literary spoken Demotic Greek; the Garifuna language is unusual in that it has gender-based diaglossia, with men and women having different words for the same concepts. The Greek word διγλωσσία refers to bilingualism in general, but was first used in the specialized meaning explained by Emmanuel Rhoides in the prologue of his Parerga in 1885; the term was adapted into French as diglossie by the Greek linguist and demoticist Ioannis Psycharis, with credit to Rhoides.
The Arabist William Marçais used the term in 1930 to describe the linguistic situation in Arabic-speaking countries. The sociolinguist Charles A. Ferguson introduced the English equivalent diglossia in 1959, using the word as the title of an article; the article has become such a classic that it has been cited over 4,000 times according to Google scholar. In his 1959 article, Charles A. Ferguson defines diglossia as follows: DIGLOSSIA is a stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language, there is a divergent codified superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and respected body of written literature, either of an earlier period or in another speech community, learned by formal education and is used for most written and formal spoken purposes but is not used by any sector of the community for ordinary conversation. Here, diglossia is seen as a kind of bilingualism in a society in which one of the languages has high prestige, another of the languages has low prestige.
In Ferguson's definition, the high and low variants are always related. Ferguson gives the example of standardized Arabic and says that, "very educated Arabs will maintain they never use L at all, in spite of the fact that direct observation shows that they use it in ordinary conversation" Joshua Fishman expanded the definition of diglossia to include the use of unrelated languages as high and low varieties. For example, in Alsace the Alsatian language serves as and French as. Heinz Kloss calls the variant endoglossia. In some cases, the nature of the connection between and is not one of diglossia but a continuum. Is the written language whereas is the spoken language. In formal situations, is used. Sometimes, is used in informal situations and as spoken language when speakers of 2 different languages and dialects or more communicate each other, but not the other way around. One of the earliest examples was that of Middle Egyptian, the language in everyday use in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom.
By 1350 BC, in the New Kingdom, the Egyptian language had evolved into Late Egyptian, which itself evolved into Demotic. These two forms served as languages in their respective periods, but in both cases, Middle Egyptian remained the standard written, prestigious form, the language, was still used for this purpose until the fourth century AD, more than sixteen centuries after it had ceased to exist in everyday speech. Another historical example is Latin, Classical Latin being the and Vulgar Latin the; the variants are not just "corruptions" of the variants. In phonology, for example, dialects are as to have phonemes absent from the as vice versa; some Swiss German dialects have three phonemes, /e/, /ɛ/ and /æ/, in the phonetic space where Standard German has only two phonemes, /ɛ/ and /eː/. Jamaican Creole has fewer vowel phonemes than standard English, but it has additional palatal /kʲ/ and /ɡʲ/ phonemes. In endoglossia the form may be called "basilect", the form "acrolect", an intermediate form "mesolect".
Ferguson's classic examples include Standard German/Swiss German, Standard Arabic/Arabic vernaculars, Standard French/Creole in Haiti, Katharevousa/Dimotiki in Greece. Creole is now recognized as a standard language in Haiti. Swiss German dialects are hardly languages with low prestige in Switzerland, and after the end of the Greek military regime in 1974, Dimotiki was made into Greece's only standard language. Nowadays, Katharevousa is no longer used. Harold Schiffman writes about Swiss German: "it seems to be the case that Swiss Ger
Denglisch or Denglish is a portmanteau of the German words Deutsch and Englisch. The term is used in all German-speaking countries to refer to the strong influx of macaronic English or pseudo-English vocabulary into German. Many synonyms exist, including Angleutsch and Engleutsch as well as Pseudo-Englisch. Both these and Denglish are used to refer to incorrect English, influenced by German. To some extent, the influence of English on German can be described in terms of normal language contact; the term Denglisch is however reserved for forced, excessive exercises in anglicization, or pseudo-anglicization, of the German language. The forced introduction of anglicisms in marketing and business terminology, experienced a peak during the 1990s and the early 2000s, but the ubiquity of the practice has since made it much less fashionable or prestigious and since many publicistic commentators have argued against it. Zeit Online in a 2007 article, while granting the possibility of excessive linguistic purism among those arguing against anglicizing influence on German, criticises ubiquitous use of English, as an extreme case cites the pseudo-anglicistic Brain up!
Chosen by then-minister for education Edelgard Bulmahn as a campaign slogan in 2004. The same slogan had been satirized by Frankfurter Allgemeine in 2004; that newspaper described how the English-speaking sphere was mocking the unreflected and unnecessary kowtow as "German linguistic submissiveness". German vocabulary has numerous cases of English loanwords now "naturalized" as German words, including full inflection. English had only limited influence on German before the mid-19th century; such loanwords as there are concern nautical vocabulary, loaned into Low German. In the 19th century, it was still more common to use loan translation for the vocabulary of industrialisation. To some extent, this continued in the early 20th century: Wolkenkratzer for "skyscraper", Kaugummi for "chewing gum", Flutlicht for "flood light", Fernsehen for "television". English loanwords became more common in the early 20th century. A notable example from this period is Test. Test was compatible both with German phonology and orthography so its nature as a loan is not evident.
Early loanwords describe garments or foodstuffs: Jumper, Pyjama, Trenchcoat. Other loanwords Star. Direct influence of English via US pop culture, became far more pronounced after the end of World War II, with the Allied occupation of Germany and by association with 1960s to 1970s US counterculture: Jeep, Show, Rock, Groupie; the newest and most prolific wave of anglicisms arose after 1989 with the end of the Cold War and the surge of the "Anglo-Saxon" smack of economic liberalism in continental Europe and the associated business jargon. At the same time, the rapid development of information technology pushed many technical terms from that field into everyday language. Many of the more recent loans have developed in the spoken language and are still felt to be English words, so their English orthography is retained in written communication, which leads to awkward spellings combining German morphemes with English word stems, as in gebootet or gecrasht or gecrashed, gedownloadet or gedownloaded.
They retain English phonology in many cases, including phonemes that do not exist in Standard German. German pseudo-anglicisms are words that seem to be English, but are German creations and have a different meaning or no meaning in native English; the following English words or expressions came to be used in an unfamiliar sense in German: Compounds: Some German pseudo-anglicisms are produced by compounding two existing correct anglicisms: Another form of Denglisch consists of calques of popular English expressions which replace German words and idioms. Common examples are: Was passierte in 2005? Formally: Was passierte 2005? or Was passierte im Jahre 2005? Although this is considered incorrect by many native speakers as it violates German grammar, it can be found in German newspapers. Das macht Sinn. Formally: Das ergibt Sinn.. Willkommen zu, properly Willkommen bei.... Another phenomenon is the usage of the possessive construction's called Deppenapostroph or Idiotenapostroph ("Idiot's apostrophe" or "Idiot'
Pragmatics is a subfield of linguistics and semiotics that studies the ways in which context contributes to meaning. Pragmatics encompasses speech act theory, conversational implicature, talk in interaction and other approaches to language behavior in philosophy, sociology and anthropology. Unlike semantics, which examines meaning, conventional or "coded" in a given language, pragmatics studies how the transmission of meaning depends not only on structural and linguistic knowledge of the speaker and listener, but on the context of the utterance, any pre-existing knowledge about those involved, the inferred intent of the speaker, other factors. In this respect, pragmatics explains how language users are able to overcome apparent ambiguity, since meaning relies on the manner, time, etc. of an utterance. The ability to understand another speaker's intended meaning is called pragmatic competence; the word pragmatics derives via Latin pragmaticus from the Greek πραγματικός, meaning amongst others "fit for action", which comes from πρᾶγμα, "deed, act", that from πράσσω, "to do, to act, to pass over, to practise, to achieve".
Pragmatics was a reaction to structuralist linguistics. In many cases, it expanded upon his idea that language has an analyzable structure, composed of parts that can be defined in relation to others. Pragmatics first engaged only in synchronic study, as opposed to examining the historical development of language. However, it rejected the notion that all meaning comes from signs existing purely in the abstract space of langue. Meanwhile, historical pragmatics has come into being; this field only gained linguists' attention in the 70s. This is; the study of the speaker's meaning, not focusing on the phonetic or grammatical form of an utterance, but instead on what the speaker's intentions and beliefs are. The study of the meaning in context, the influence that a given context can have on the message, it requires knowledge of the speaker's identities, the place and time of the utterance. The study of implicatures, i.e. the things that are communicated though they are not explicitly expressed. The study of relative distance, both social and physical, between speakers in order to understand what determines the choice of what is said and what is not said.
The study of what is not meant, as opposed to the intended meaning, i.e. that, unsaid and unintended, or unintentional. Information structure, the study of how utterances are marked in order to efficiently manage the common ground of referred entities between speaker and hearer Formal Pragmatics, the study of those aspects of meaning and use for which context of use is an important factor, by using the methods and goals of formal semantics; the sentence "You have a green light" is ambiguous. Without knowing the context, the identity of the speaker or the speaker's intent, it is difficult to infer the meaning with certainty. For example, it could mean: the space that belongs to you has green ambient lighting; the sentence "Sherlock saw the man with binoculars" could mean that Sherlock observed the man by using binoculars, or it could mean that Sherlock observed a man, holding binoculars. The meaning of the sentence depends on an understanding of the speaker's intent; as defined in linguistics, a sentence is an abstract entity—a string of words divorced from non-linguistic context—as opposed to an utterance, a concrete example of a speech act in a specific context.
The more conscious subjects stick to common words, idioms and topics, the more others can surmise their meaning. This suggests that sentences do not have intrinsic meaning, that there is no meaning associated with a sentence or word, that either can only represent an idea symbolically; the cat sat on the mat is a sentence in English. If someone were to say to someone else, "The cat sat on the mat," the act is itself an utterance; this implies that a sentence, expression or word cannot symbolically represent a single true meaning. By contrast, the meaning of an utterance can be inferred through knowledge of both its linguistic and non-linguistic contexts. In mathematics, with Berry's paradox, there arises a similar systematic ambiguity with the word "definable"; the referential uses of language are. A sign is the link or relationship between a signified and the signifier as defined by Saussure and Huguenin; the signified is some concept in the world. The signifier represents the signified. An example would be: Signified: the concept cat Signifier: the word "cat"The relationship between the two gives the sign meaning.
This relationship can be further explained by considering what we mean by "meaning." In pragmatics, there are two different types of meaning to consider: semantico-referential meaning and indexical meaning. Semantico-referential meaning refers to the aspect of meaning, which describes events in the world that are independent of the circumstance they are uttered in. An example would be propositions s