Tenentism was a political philosophy of junior army officers who contributed to the Brazilian Revolution of 1930. The first decades of the 20th century saw marked social change in Brazil. With manufacturing on the rise, the central government — dominated by the coffee oligarchs and the old order of café com leite and coronelismo — came under threat from the political aspirations of new urban groups: professionals and white-collar workers, merchants and industrialists. In parallel, growing prosperity encouraged a rapid rise of a new working class of Southern and Eastern European immigrants who contributed to the growth of trade unionism and socialism. In the post-World War I period, Brazil saw its first wave of general strikes and the establishment of the Communist Party in 1922. A new class of army junior officers had emerged who were trained to European standards and believed themselves superior to their senior officers. In addition, various senior officers had become identified with the government and political structure, a source of criticism from the tenentes.
Meanwhile, the divergence of interests between the coffee oligarchs and the burgeoning, dynamic urban sectors was intensifying. According to Latin American historian Benjamin Keen, the task of transforming society "fell to the growing urban bourgeois groups, to the middle class, which began to voice more its discontent with the rule of the corrupt rural oligarchies". In contrast, despite a wave of general strikes in the post-war years, the labour movement remained small and weak, lacking ties to the peasantry, who constituted the overwhelming majority of the Brazilian population; as a result, rather disparate and disjointed social reform movements cropped up in the 1920s. What became known as the tenente movement came to public notice on 5 July 1922 when a group of young Brazilian Army officers began a rebellion against the Old Republic at Fort Copacabana in Rio de Janeiro. Sparked by the punishment and brief imprisonment of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca by President Epitácio Pessoa, the tenentes were demanding various forms of social modernization, calling for agrarian reform, the formation of co-operatives, the nationalization of mines.
Their early-morning rebellion was taken up by a garrison in São Paulo but not by others. However, the remainder of the First Army Division stayed loyal and, with General Setembrino de Carvalho supervising the operations crushed the revolt". Twenty-four hours just 200 rebels remained when the navy dreadnought Minas Geraes shelled the Copacabana barracks, after which two navy aircraft bombed the barracks in the first use of naval aircraft in combat in Latin America; the defenders were driven from their positions. A group known subsequently as the 18 of the Copacabana Fort revolt were led down Avenida Atlântica by Antônio de Siqueira Campos and Eduardo Gomes to confront the army loyalists. In the aftermath, the government imposed a state of emergency, 1,000 cadets were expelled from the army school and many officers posted to remote garrisons; the Revolta Paulista of 1924 was the second tenentista revolt and the biggest conflict of the city of São Paulo. It began in the early hours of July 5 and ended on July 28, 1924.
The revolt was motivated by the discontent of the military with the economic crisis and the concentration of power at the hands of politicians from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Commanded by retired General Isidoro Dias Lopes, with the participation of several lieutenants, the main objective of the uprising was to depose President Artur Bernardes. Among the claims was secret ballot, free justice and the introduction of compulsory public education. Raised in the capital of São Paulo on July 5, 1924, the revolt occupied the city for 23 days, forcing the president of the state, Carlos de Campos, to flee to the city. District of the Penha, in the east zone of São Paulo, on July 9, after having been bombarded the Palace of the Champs Elysées, seat of the São Paulo government at that time. Carlos de Campos was installed in an adapted car at the Guaiaúna station in Central Brazil, where the federal troops were from Mogi das Cruzes. In the interior of the state of São Paulo happened rebellions in several cities, with seizure of prefectures.
The city of São Paulo was bombed by Federal Government aircraft. The loyalist Army used the so-called "terrifying bombardment", reaching various parts of the city working-class neighborhoods such as Mooca and Brás, the middle class, such as Perdizes. Without military equivalent to confront legalistic troops, the rebels retired to Bauru in the early hours of July 28, where Isidoro Dias Lopes heard news that the legalist army was concentrated in the city of Três Lagoas, Mato Grosso do Sul. At 10 o'clock on the morning of July 28, Carlos de Campos returned to his office in the Government Palace. Isidoro Dias Lopes and Juarez Tavora planned an attack on that city; the defeat at Três Lagoas, was the greatest defeat of all this revolt. A third of the revolting troops died, were injured, or were captured. Overthrown, the rioters marched south to Brazil, where, i
Anita Leocádia Prestes
Anita Leocádia Prestes is a Brazilian historian. She is the daughter of political activists Olga Benário Prestes and Luís Carlos Prestes, she was born in Barnimstraße Women's Prison in Berlin and was handed over to the care of her paternal grandmother, Leocádia Prestes, at age 14 months. Her mother Olga was sent to Ravensbrück concentration camp and from there to a former psychiatric hospital in Bernburg in 1942, where she was gassed. In 1964, Prestes achieved a degree in Chemistry from the "University of Brazil", now known as the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Two years she gained a Masters in Organic Chemistry. At the beginning of the 1970s, Prestes moved into exile in the USSR. In August 1972, she was indicted in Brazil for political activities, with the Conselho Permanente de Justiça para o Exército sentencing her in absentia to 4 years and 6 months in prison. In December 1975 Prestes earned a Doctorate in Political Economics from the Institute of Social Science in Moscow and four years in September 1979, the Brazilian courts reduced Prestes's sentence by four years as part of a wider amnesty.
In 1989 Prestes received a Doctorate in History from the Fluminense Federal University, Rio de Janeiro, with a thesis named A Coluna Prestes, the movement commanded by her father of 1500 men fighting against the presidency of Artur Bernardes. She is now a retired Associate Professor of Brazilian History, but she continues teaching on the Master's and Doctorate's Compared History Program at the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Curriculum Vitae. CNPq Lattes System
First Brazilian Republic
The First Brazilian Republic or República Velha is the period of Brazilian history from 1889 to 1930. The República Velha ended with the Brazilian Revolution of 1930 that installed Getúlio Vargas as a dictator. On November 15, 1889 Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca deposed Emperor Dom Pedro II, declared Brazil a republic, reorganized the government. From 1889 to 1930, the government was a constitutional democracy. In reality, the elections were rigged, voters in rural areas were pressured or induced to vote for the chosen candidates of their bosses and, if all those methods did not work, the election results could still be changed by one sided decisions of Congress' verification of powers commission; this system resulted in the presidency of Brazil alternating between the oligarchies of the dominant states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. This regime is referred to as "café com leite",'coffee with milk', after the respective agricultural products of the two states; this period ended with a military coup that placed a civilian, in the presidency.
The Brazilian republic was not an ideological offspring of the republics born of the French or American Revolutions, although the Brazilian regime would attempt to associate itself with both. The republic did not have enough popular support to risk open elections, it was a regime born of a coup d'état. The republicans made Deodoro president and, after a financial crisis, appointed Field Marshal Floriano Vieira Peixoto Minister of War to ensure the allegiance of the military; the officers who joined Field Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca in ending the Empire had made an oath to uphold it. The officer corps would resolve the contradiction by linking its duty to Brazil itself, rather than to transitory governments; the Republic was born rather accidentally: Deodoro had intended only to replace the cabinet, but the republicans manipulated him into founding a republic. The history of the Old Republic was dominated by a quest for a viable form of government to replace the monarchy; this quest lurched forth between state autonomy and centralization.
The constitution of 1891, establishing the United States of Brazil, granted extensive autonomy to the provinces, now called States. The Federal system was adopted, all powers not granted in the Constitution to the Federal Government belonged to the States, it recognized. The Empire of Brazil had not absorbed the regional pátrias, now they reasserted themselves. Into the 1920s, the federal government in Rio de Janeiro was dominated and managed by a combination of the more powerful states of São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and to a lesser extent Pernambuco, Bahia; as a result, the history of the outset of republic in Brazil is the story of the development of the Army as a national regulatory and interventionist institution. The sudden elimination of the monarchy reduced the number of masterful national institutions to one, the Army. Although the Roman Catholic Church continued its presence throughout the country, it was not national but rather international in its personnel, doctrine and purposes.
The Army assumed this new position not haphazardly, occupying in the conservative national economical elites' heart, part of the vacuum left by the monarchy with slavery abolition, acquiring support to its de facto role, eclipsing other military institutions, like the Navy and the National Guard. The Navy attempts to prevent. Although it had more units and men in Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul than elsewhere, the Army's presence was felt throughout the country, its personnel, its interests, its ideology, its commitments were national in scope. In the last decades of the 19th century, the United States, much of Europe, neighboring Argentina expanded the right to vote. Brazil, moved to restrict access to the polls. In 1874, in a population of about 10 million, the franchise was held by about one million, but in 1881 this had been cut to 145,296; this reduction was one reason the Empire's legitimacy foundered, but the Republic did not move to correct the situation. By 1910 there were only 627,000 voters in a population of 22 million.
Throughout the 1920s, only between 2.3% and 3.4% of the total population could vote. The instability and violence of the 1890s were related to the absence of consensus among the elites regarding a governmental model; the lack of military unity and the disagreement among civilian elites about the military's role in society explain why a long-term military dictatorship was not established, as some officers advocating positivism wanted. However, military men were active in politics; the Constituent Assembly that drew up the constitution of 1891 was a battleground between those seeking to limit executive power, dictatorial in scope under President Deodoro da Fonseca, the Jacobins, radical authoritarians who opposed the paulista coffee oligarchy and who wanted to preserve and intensify presidential authority. The new charter established a federation governed by a president, a bicameral National Congress, a judiciary. However, real power was in th