Communist Party of Chile
The Communist Party of Chile is a Chilean political party inspired by the thoughts of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin. It was founded in 1922, as the continuation of the Socialist Workers Party, in 1932 it established its youth wing, the Communist Youth of Chile, it achieved congressional representation shortly thereafter and played a leading role in the development of the Chilean labor movement. Tied to the Soviet Union and the Third International, the PCCh participated in the Popular Front government of 1938, growing among the unionized working class in the 1940s, it participated to the Popular Front's successor, the Democratic Alliance. Concern over the PCCh's success at building a strong electoral base, combined with the onset of the Cold War, led to its being outlawed in 1948 by a Radical government, a status it had to endure for a decade until 1958 when it was again legalized. By the 1960s, the party had become a veritable political subculture, with its own symbols and organizations and the support of prominent artists and intellectuals such as Pablo Neruda, the Nobel Prize-winning poet, Violeta Parra, the songwriter and folk artist.
At the time, the U. S. State Department estimated the party membership to be 27,500, it came to power along with the Socialist Party in the Unidad Popular coalition in 1970. Within the broad Unidad Popular alliance, the communists sided with Allende, a relative moderate from the Socialist Party, other more moderate forces of that coalition, supporting more gradual reforms and urging to find a compromise with the Christian Democrats; this line was opposed by more radically leftist factions of the Socialist Party and smaller far-left groups. The party was outlawed after the 1973 coup d'état. Much of the Communist leadership went underground, for a while the party's moderation continued after the coup had taken place, it has been argued by Mark Ensalaco that crushing the Communist Party was not a top priority for the military junta. In its first statement after the coup, the party leadership still argued that the coup could succeed because the Unidad Popular was too isolated, due to actions of the'far-left'.
Around 1977, the party changed direction. Communist Party members set up the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front. With the restoration of democracy and the election of a new president in 1990, the Communist Party of Chile was legalized again; as part of the Popular Unity coalition the PCCh advocated a broad alliance. Since the restoration of democracy it has acted independently of its previous partners. Between 1983 and 1987 it was a member of the People's Democratic Movement. In the 1999/2000 presidential elections the party supported Gladys Marín Millie for the national presidential elections, she won 3.2% of the vote in the first round. At the 2005 legislative election, 11 December 2005, the party won 5.1% of the popular vote, but as a result of Chile's binomial electoral rules, no seats. The small but significant support of the PCCh is believed to have aided in the electoral victories of former socialist president Ricardo Lagos in the 2000 elections, in the more recent victory of Chile's first female president, the socialist Michelle Bachelet in January 2006, both of whom won in competitive second round runoffs.
The PCCh is a member of “New Majority”, a leftist coalition led by Michelle Bachelet. KeysRP = supported a candidate from the Radical Party SP = supported a candidate from the Socialist Party PU–SP = member of the Popular Unity coalition, supported the candidate from the Socialist Party PDC = supported a candidate from the Christian Democratic Party Ind = supported an independent candidate HP = supported a candidate from the Humanist Party NM–SP = member of the New Majority coalition, supported the candidate from the Socialist Party NM–Ind = member of the New Majority coalition, supported an independent candidate Communist Youth of Chile Luis Emilio Recabarren Popular Unity Co-ordinating Committee of Communist Parties in Britain Juntos PODEMOS Más Norte Grande insurrection Olga Ulianova and Alfredo Riquelme, Chile en los archivos soviéticos: 1922-1991: Tomo I, Komintern y Chile, 1922-1931. Santiago: Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, Lom Ediciones, 2005. Olga Ulianova and Alfredo Riquelme, Chile en los archivos soviéticos: 1922-1991: Tomo II, Komintern y Chile, 1931-1935.
Santiago: Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, Lom Ediciones, 2009. Homepage
Colombian Communist Party
The Colombian Communist Party or PCC is a legal communist party in Colombia. It was founded in 1930 as the Communist Party of Colombia, at which point it was the Colombian section of the Comintern, changed its name in 1991; the party is led by Jaime Caycedo and publishes a weekly newspaper called Voz. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia was founded as the armed wing of the PCC in 1964, but the two organisations separated in 1993. In July 2017, they announced new plans to form a political coalition. In the mid-1960s the U. S. State Department estimated the party membership to be 13,000. Three members of the PCC were known to have undergone training with the East German Ministry of State Security; the PCC was a founding member of the Social and Political Front party coalition, which merged into the Alternative Democratic Pole alliance. The PCC was expelled from the PDA in August 2012 because of its affiliation to Patriotic March, another political alliance. During and following the La Violencia civil war that erupted in Colombia from the late 1940s to the mid-1950s, the communists developed organic links to several liberal guerrilla and irregular rural forces, most of whom nominally depended on the official Colombian Liberal Party and demobilized by the end of that period.
Those groups with more direct relations with the PCC tended to not demobilize, keeping their weapons and organizational structures intact. In 1947, a short-lived Communist Labour Party was formed by former members of the PCC. In 1964, a section of these guerrillas would develop into the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, considered as the official armed wing of the Communist party; the PCC leadership operated in the cities during the 1960s and 1970s, but it supported the operations of the FARC holding solidarity and donation rallies for FARC members and units, as well as providing other forms of aid. The PCC justified the operations of the guerrillas as the armed component of the fight against capitalism and imperialism in Colombia, while at the same time it continued to participate in legal electoral activities independently. Both activities were considered to have their own place within the so-called "combination of all forms of struggle", a concept employed by PCC and FARC; the PCC and FARC-EP grew apart politically, in particular during the 1980s.
Both organizations had their share of internal debates, for example as to which entity would have greater influence and control over the Unión Patriótica during its formation, on the issue of continuing to participate in elections as the UP suffered violent suppression. Other disagreements would include that the PCC may have tended to follow the changes that developed within the official Soviet line during the Cold War, which the FARC-EP did not consider as binding. After the Berlin Wall fell, confusion among the two sides increased; the principle of the "combination of all forms of struggle" was brought into question at the time by some members of the PCC and UP leadership. The PCC broke with the FARC in 1993; as a result, a separate Clandestine Colombian Communist Party was formed in 2000, though some sort of separate FARC-based internal party structure had been in de facto existence during most of the 1990s. Both organizations have remained distinct in their activities, though individual members of both parties may have continued to maintain working relationships on occasion.
In July 2017, the PCC and FARC announced plans to create a new political alliance ahead of the Colombian parliamentary election, 2018. Both organisations indicated their support for the creation of a "new party or political movement". During most of its history the PCC has been the subject of repression and persecution both by private individuals and retired government agents and others; the PCC was weakened by paramilitary massacres and assassinations from the early 1980s to the mid 1990s. A leading PCC figure, Arturo Díaz García, was assassinated on December 21, 2005 in the corregimiento of Toche in the municipality of Ibagué, Tolima. Supporters of David Ravelo, a member of the PCC's central committee, serving an 18-year sentence for plotting to murder a municipal official, contend that he is a political prisoner, prosecuted illegitimately. Communism in Colombia PCC Party website
Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Ecuador is a political party in Ecuador. It was formed in 1925 as the Socialist Party; the party publishes El Pueblo, the general secretary is Winston Alarcón and the youth wing of the PCE is the Juventud Comunista del Ecuador. After its foundation PCE gained in importance; the first female MP of the country, Nela Martínez, belonged to the party. In 1946 the government jailed many of its members; the PCE was legalized during the 1948-52 term of President Galo Plaza, but was banned again when the military junta held power in 1963-1966. In 1964 PCE suffered a major split; the pro-China minority constituted the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador which went on to side with Albania during the Sino-Albanian split and now maintains a hoxhaist line. In the mid-1960s the U. S. State Department estimated the party membership to be 2500. PCE was legalized, although it had only an estimated 5000 members in 1988; the PCE participated in congressional and presidential elections as part of the coalition of the Broad Left Front, which gained thirteen seats in Congress in 1986.
The main strength of PCE is its trade union work. PCE plays a leading role in the Confederation of Ecuadorian Workers; the party participates in the ruling coalition led by the PAIS Alliance. The Ecuadorian Communist Party is a split from PCE
In political and social sciences, communism is the philosophical, social and economic ideology and movement whose ultimate goal is the establishment of the communist society, a socioeconomic order structured upon the common ownership of the means of production and the absence of social classes and the state. Communism includes a variety of schools of thought, which broadly include Marxism and anarchism, as well as the political ideologies grouped around both. All of these share the analysis that the current order of society stems from its economic system, capitalism; the two classes are the working class—who must work to survive and who make up the majority within society—and the capitalist class—a minority who derives profit from employing the working class through private ownership of the means of production. The revolution will put the working class in power and in turn establish social ownership of the means of production, which according to this analysis is the primary element in the transformation of society towards communism.
Critics of communism can be divided into those concerning themselves with the practical aspects of 20th century communist states and those concerning themselves with communist principles and theory. Marxism-Leninism and democratic socialism were the two dominant forms of socialism in the 20th century; the term "communism" was first coined and defined in its modern definition by the French philosopher and writer Victor d'Hupay. In his 1777 book Projet de communauté philosophe, d'Hupay pushes the philosophy of the Enlightenment to principles which he lived up to during most of his life in his bastide of Fuveau; this book can be seen as the cornerstone of communist philosophy as d'Hupay defines this lifestyle as a "commune" and advises to "share all economic and material products between inhabitants of the commune, so that all may benefit from everybody's work". According to Richard Pipes, the idea of a classless, egalitarian society first emerged in Ancient Greece; the 5th-century Mazdak movement in Persia has been described as "communistic" for challenging the enormous privileges of the noble classes and the clergy, for criticizing the institution of private property and for striving to create an egalitarian society.
At one time or another, various small communist communities existed under the inspiration of Scripture. For example, in the medieval Christian Church some monastic communities and religious orders shared their land and their other property. Communist thought has been traced back to the works of the 16th-century English writer Thomas More. In his treatise Utopia, More portrayed a society based on common ownership of property, whose rulers administered it through the application of reason. In the 17th century, communist thought surfaced again in England, where a Puritan religious group known as the "Diggers" advocated the abolition of private ownership of land. In his 1895 Cromwell and Communism, Eduard Bernstein argued that several groups during the English Civil War espoused clear communistic, agrarian ideals and that Oliver Cromwell's attitude towards these groups was at best ambivalent and hostile. Criticism of the idea of private property continued into the Age of Enlightenment of the 18th century through such thinkers as Jean Jacques Rousseau in France.
Following the upheaval of the French Revolution communism emerged as a political doctrine. In the early 19th century, various social reformers founded communities based on common ownership. However, unlike many previous communist communities they replaced the religious emphasis with a rational and philanthropic basis. Notable among them were Robert Owen, who founded New Harmony in Indiana, as well as Charles Fourier, whose followers organized other settlements in the United States such as Brook Farm. In its modern form, communism grew out of the socialist movement in 19th-century Europe; as the Industrial Revolution advanced, socialist critics blamed capitalism for the misery of the proletariat—a new class of urban factory workers who labored under often-hazardous conditions. Foremost among these critics were his associate Friedrich Engels. In 1848, Marx and Engels offered a new definition of communism and popularized the term in their famous pamphlet The Communist Manifesto; the 1917 October Revolution in Russia set the conditions for the rise to state power of Vladimir Lenin's Bolsheviks, the first time any avowedly communist party reached that position.
The revolution transferred power to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, in which the Bolsheviks had a majority. The event generated a great deal of theoretical debate within the Marxist movement. Marx predicted that socialism and communism would be built upon foundations laid by the most advanced capitalist development. However, Russia was one of the poorest countries in Europe with an enormous illiterate peasantry and a minority of industrial workers. Marx had explicitly stated; the moderate Mensheviks opposed Lenin's Bolshevik plan for socialist revolution before capitalism was more developed. The Bolsheviks' successful rise to power was based upon the slogans such as "Peace and land" which tapp
Socialism in Canada
Socialism in Canada has a long history and is, along with conservatism and liberalism, a political force in Canada. Canada's socialist movement is believed to have originated in Western Canada; the Socialist Labor Party was formed in 1898 in Vancouver. The Socialist Party of British Columbia in 1901; the Socialist Party of Canada was the first Canadian-wide based Socialist party by native Canadians, founded in 1904. The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 and Great Depression are considered to have fuelled socialism in Canada. During the Great Depression, the Communist Party of Canada experienced a brief surge in popularity, becoming influential in various labour unions and electing a single Member of Parliament, Fred Rose; the Communist Party of Canada was created in Guelph, Ontario in 1921 by a group of Marxist activists led by William Moriarty. During the early years of their existence the party's membership faced persecution and arrest for their political activities. In 1935 the Communists gained notoriety by organizing a massive march of unemployed workers known as the On-to-Ottawa Trek and before that organized the young inmates of the relief camps into the Relief Camp Workers' Union to resist the poor conditions of the camps.
The On-to-Ottawa Trek never made it to Ottawa. The trek and the living conditions in the government's "relief camps" helped to discredit Conservative Prime Minister R. B. Bennett, leading to his defeat at the hands of the Liberals in 1935. After the trek the communists were instrumental in organizing over 1,448 Canadians to fight in the Spanish Civil War. Joined by volunteers of other political stripes, the Canadian contingent known as the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion joined the International Brigades to fight for the elected leftwing government of the Second Spanish Republic against the fascist-supported insurgency of General Francisco Franco; the "Mac-Paps" fought bravely in many battles but were forced to leave Spain in 1938 by Prime Minister Juan Negrín López along with the other foreign volunteers as it became clear that the war was lost. Of the nearly 1,500 Canadians known to have fought in Spain, 721 were verified as having lost their lives; the most famous Canadian to serve in the Mackenzie–Papineau Battalion was Dr. Norman Bethune, a surgeon who would invent the world's first mobile medical unit.
Dr. Bethune would be killed during the Second Sino-Japanese War, while aiding the Communist Party of China. Today he is a national hero in the People's Republic of China and is remembered as being a friend of Chinese leader Mao Zedong. By the end of the Second World War, the Communist Party began to lose its momentum, its only elected federal representative, Fred Rose, was accused of being a Soviet spy. Rose was expelled from parliament, arrested for four years, followed at every job site by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, he left for Poland with the intention of returning to clear his name, but had his Canadian citizenship revoked in 1957. By a wide margin, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, a democratic socialist political party from the Prairies with its origins in the Christian left and the social gospel, became the most influential socialist party in Canada; the CCF gained support in the Prairies as well as from many labour unions. Led by Tommy Douglas, the CCF was elected to power during the 1944 Saskatchewan election.
Douglas governed Saskatchewan until 1961. Today his party remains an important force in the politics of the province; the CCF emerged as the official opposition in British Columbia during the election of 1941 and in Ontario during the province's 1943 election. At the federal level, opinion polls indicated a dramatic surge in support for the CCF prior to the 1945 federal election. Although in the end it only translated into modest gains for the party, it is believed to have influenced the early steps taken by Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King in introducing the welfare state; the CCF and the early democratic socialist movement is seen, by some political scientists, as a Christian and European Canadian movement. In 1961, the CCF joined with the Canadian Labour Congress to form the New Democratic Party; the NDP is more moderate and social-democratic than its predecessor, the CCF. The Regina Manifesto of the CCF called for abolishing capitalism, while the NDP wants to reform capitalism, they are perceived as being responsible for the creation of universal healthcare, pensions, a human rights code and for the development of Canada's social safety net in general.
In the past the NDP has formed provincial governments in British Columbia, Yukon Territory, Manitoba and Nova Scotia. At present only Alberta and British Columbia have a New Democratic government, while the NDP is the second largest party in Saskatchewan, Manitoba and the Yukon. At the federal level the NDP has held strong influence over various minority governments, in particular a Liberal minority led by Pierre Trudeau from 1972-1974 during the 29th Canadian Parliament. During this period the NDP was successful in forcing the government to create a state-owned oil company, called Petro Canada; the NDP has held influence over other Liberal-led minority governments during the Lester B. Pearson government and the Paul Martin government, their self stated goal is to one day form a federal government on their own and introduce social-democratic policies. In the province of Quebec the NDP has been less popular, but in the May 2, 2011 Canadian Federal Election elected a record number of Members of Parliament for a total of 59 of the 75 elected members comi
Communist Party of Argentina (Extraordinary Congress)
Communist Party of Argentina is a political party in Argentina founded at the Congress held in Casa Suiza, Buenos Aires, on December 1–2, 1996, following a split from the Communist Party of Argentina. It is led by Pablo Pereyra; the youth wing of PCCE is the Communist Youth Federation. PCCE publishes Raices Latinoamericanas. Politics of Argentina PCCE website
Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina
The Revolutionary Communist Party is a Maoist communist party from Argentina. The party was emerged from a split in the Communist Party of Argentina in 1967. On January 6, 1968 the dissidents formed the Communist Party – National Revolutionary Recovery Committee; the founders of PC came from the Communist Youth Federation, although the group included some Communist Party cadres. Leaders of PC included Jorge Rocha, Carlos Echagüe, Lucila Irene Edelman, Ricardo Helman, José Ratzer, Antonio Sofía and Otto C. Vargas. PC published Nueva Hora. PC rejected the Communist Party line of building a broad democratic front, accusing the Communist Party of'conciliation with imperialism' and'class conciliation'. In contrast to the democratic front line of the old party, PC called for the building of a national liberation front. PC sought to gain followers amongst its ranks. PC was active inside the Argentine University Federation. In late 1967 the Communist Party dissidents set up the Textile Organizational and Struggle Command as its front group amongst textile workers.
On January 10, 1969 the name PCR was adopted. PC/PCR had a'guevarist' orientation; the party turned towards Maoism following a visit to China by a PCR delegation in 1972. The development of a Maoist identity of party led to a split, in which the adherents of immediate armed struggle were expelled from the party. PCR sought to organize workers in the automobile industry, by distribution of pamphlets at factory gates and sending some of its cadres to take up employment at factories. In the wake of the 1969 Cordobazo, the PCR identified the Perdiel plant as a priority for union organizing. Soon the PCR-dominated left opposition began gaining influence at the plant. On May 12, 1970 PCR activists took a group of French supervisors hostage at the Perdriel plant of IKA-Renault; this action was done in protest against the removal of leftist candidates in the local union election. The factory management reinstated the leftist candidates; the May 12, 1970 factory occupation marked the start of more militant industrial struggles in Argentina.
In late 1971, ahead of the 1972 Union of Automotor Transport Mechanics and Similar Trades union election in Córdoba, PCR and other left groups launched the Trade Union Recovery Movement. On April 30, 1972 PCR won various leadership posts in the Union of Automotor Transport Mechanics and Similar Trades union election in Córdoba; the MRS brown list defeated the Peronist green list. René Salamca, a Central Committee member of the party, was elected general secretary of SMATA-Córdoba, accompanied by Roque Romero as assistant secretary. Ahead of the March 11, 1973 general election PCR formed the Fuerza Revolucionaria Antiacuerdista together with Communist Vanguard and independent left groups. In 1975 PCR called for support to Isabel Perón's government. PCR set up the Party of Labour and of the People as a separate entity to build a broader, legal base. PTP contested the 1987 legislative election. In the 1989 general election PTP supported the candidature of Carlos Menem for president and his Frejupo alliance.
Clelia Íscaro of PTP stood as a parliamentary candidate for Frejupo. PTP contested the 1993 legislative election. Following the struggles after the events in Santiago del Estero in 1993, PCR developed a line of electoral abstention and call for insurrection. Within the onset of the 1998–2002 Argentine great depression, the party assigned Juan Carlos Alderete to build a section for unemployed within the Corriente Clasista y Combativa, thus the CCC became the key element of the activity of PCR in the piquetero movement CCC formed a tactical alliance with the CTA-linked piquetero group FTV, the FTV-CCC alliance emerged as the dominant bloc in the piquetero movement 2000–2003. The FTV-CCC bloc carried out several mass protests in the Buenos Aires urban area against the social and economic policies of the government. In 2003 the alliance between FTV and CCC broke apart over differences on how to relate to the Nestor Kirchner administration, as FTV favoured cooperation with the new government whilst CCC rejected it.
PCR maintains networks within agrarian movements such as Movimiento Mujeres en Lucha, Juventud Agraria and Federación Agraria Argentina. PCR publishes Hoy as its main organ; the youth wing of the party is the Revolutionary Communist Youth. JCR publishes the monthly La Chispa. Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina