Fine Gael is a liberal-conservative political party in Ireland. Fine Gael is the governing and largest party in Ireland in terms of members of the Oireachtas and Irish members of European Parliament; the party has a membership of 21,000 and is the senior partner governing in a minority coalition with several independent politicians, with party leader Leo Varadkar serving as Taoiseach. Varadkar succeeded Enda Kenny as Taoiseach on 14 June. Fine Gael was founded on 8 September 1933 following the merger of its parent party Cumann na nGaedheal, the National Centre Party and the National Guard, its origins lie in the struggle for Irish independence and the pro-Treaty side in the Irish Civil War and Michael Collins, in particular, is identified as the founder of the movement. Fine Gael is considered to be more of a proponent of market liberalism than its traditional rival, Fianna Fáil. However, apart from brief minority governments, Fine Gael has governed Ireland without a coalition that included the Labour Party, a social-democratic, centre-left party.
Fine Gael describes itself as a "party of the progressive centre" which it defines as acting "in a way, right for Ireland, regardless of dogma or ideology". It lists its core values as "equality of opportunity, free enterprise and reward, security and hope." It is in favour of the European Union and opposed to physical force Irish republicanism. The party's youth wing, Young Fine Gael, was formed in 1977, has four thousand members. Fine Gael is a founding member of the European People's Party; the following is timeline of participation in governments and positions on proposed constitutional referenda: 1933: Fine Gael is formed through the merger of Cumann na nGaedheal with two smaller groups, the National Centre Party and the National Guard known as the Blueshirts. 1937: It campaigns against the enactment of a new constitution proposed by Fianna Fáil advocating a no vote in the referendum, however the new constitution was approved by a majority of voters. 1948–51: It forms part of Ireland’s first coalition government including the Labour Party, Clann na Poblachta, Clann na Talmhan and the National Labour Party.
1954–57: It takes part in a three-party coalition government with the Labour Party and Clann na Talmhan. 1959: It opposed a proposal to amend the constitution to scrap proportional representation with single member constituencies, advocating a no vote in the referendum, the amendment was rejected by voters. 1968: It opposed two proposals to amend the constitution advocating no votes for both proposals, a proposal to permit greater malapportionment in favour of rural areas, rejected by voters and another proposal to amend the constitution to scrap proportional representation with single member constituencies, again rejected by voters, this time by a larger margin than 1959. 1972: It supported the campaign for a yes vote in the referendum to join the European Communities, voters approved of this proposal in the referendum. 1973: It supported the campaign for a yes vote for two constitutional amendments, a proposal to reduce to minimum voting age from 21 to 18 and a proposal to remove the "special position" of the Roman Catholic Church from the constitution in order to make Ireland a secular state.
Both amendments were approved by voters in referenda. 1973–77: It takes part in a two-party coalition government with the Labour Party. 1979: It supported the campaign for a yes vote for two constitutional amendments, one proposal to reverse a 1977 finding that certain orders made by the adoption board were unconstitutional, a proposal to extend the voting franchise for Seanad Éireann. Both amendments were approved by voters in referenda. 1981–82: It takes part in a two-party minority coalition government with the Labour Party. 1982 –87: It takes part in a two-party coalition government with the Labour Party. 1983: It was divided on the referendum on the Eighth amendment, a bill introduced by the Fianna Fáil minority government of 1982 to introduce a constitutional de facto ban on abortion, though the Fine Gael party leader at the time, Garret FitzGerald advocated a no vote, the amendment was approved by voters in the referendum. 1984: It proposed and supported the campaign for a yes vote for a constitutional amendment to extend the voting franchise to allow votes for non-citizens who are residents.
This amendment was approved by voters in the referendum. 1986: It proposed and supported the campaign for a yes for a constitutional amendment to make divorce constitutional. This amendment was rejected by voters in the referendum. 1987: It supported the campaign for a yes vote for a constitutional amendment permitting the state to ratify the Single European Act. This amendment was approved by voters in the referendum. 1992: It supported the campaign for a yes vote for a constitutional amendment permitting the state to ratify the Maastricht Treaty. This amendment was approved by voters in the referendum. 1994–97: It takes part in a three-party coalition government with the Labour Party and Democratic Left. 1995–97: It proposed and supported the campaign for a yes vote for three constitutional amendments between 1995 and 1997. An amendment in 1995 to make divorce constitutional. An amendment in 1996 to reverse a 1965 Supreme Court ruling by allowed a court to refuse someone bail if it suspected a person would commit a serious criminal offence while at liberty.
An amendment in 1997 to reverse a 1992 Supreme Court ruling that meetings of the cabinet were absolu
A coalition government is a cabinet of a parliamentary government in which multiple political parties cooperate, reducing the dominance of any one party within that "coalition". The usual reason for this arrangement is that no party on its own can achieve a majority in the parliament. A coalition government might be created in a time of national difficulty or crisis to give a government the high degree of perceived political legitimacy or collective identity it desires while playing a role in diminishing internal political strife. In such times, parties have formed all-party coalitions. If a coalition collapses, a confidence vote is held or a motion of no confidence is taken; when a general election does not produce a clear majority for a single party, parties either form coalition cabinets, supported by a parliamentary majority, or minority cabinets which may consist of one or more parties. Cabinets based on a group of parties that command a majority in parliament tend to be more stable and long-lived than minority cabinets.
While the former are prone to internal struggles, they have less reason to fear votes of no confidence. Majority governments based on a single party are even more stable, as long as their majority can be maintained. Countries which operate with coalition cabinets include: the Nordic countries, the Benelux countries, Austria, France, Greece, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Kosovo, Lebanon, New Zealand, Thailand and Tobago, Turkey and Ukraine. Switzerland has been ruled by a coalition of the four strongest parties in parliament from 1959 to 2008, called the "Magic Formula". Between 2010 and 2015, the United Kingdom operated a formal coalition between the Conservative and the Liberal Democrat parties, but this was unusual: the UK has a single-party majority government. In the United Kingdom, coalition governments have only been formed at times of national crisis; the most prominent was the National Government of 1931 to 1940. There were multi-party coalitions during both world wars. Apart from this, when no party has had a majority, minority governments have been formed with one or more opposition parties agreeing to vote in favour of the legislation which governments need to function: for instance the Labour government of James Callaghan formed a pact with the Liberals from March 1977 until July 1978, after a series of by-election defeats had eroded Labour's majority of three seats, gained at the October 1974 election.
However, in the run-up to the 1997 general election, Labour opposition leader Tony Blair was in talks with Liberal Democrat leader Paddy Ashdown about forming a coalition government if Labour failed to win a majority at the election. The 2010 general election resulted in a hung parliament, the Conservatives, led by David Cameron, which had won the largest number of seats, formed a coalition with the Liberal Democrats in order to gain a parliamentary majority, ending 13 years of Labour government; this was the first time that the Conservatives and Lib Dems had made a power-sharing deal at Westminster. It was the first full coalition in Britain since 1945, having been formed 70 years to the day after the establishment of Winston Churchill's wartime coalition and the Liberal Democrats have entered into a coalition three times in the Scottish Parliament and twice in the Welsh Assembly. In Germany, for instance, coalition government is the norm, as it is rare for either the Christian Democratic Union of Germany together with their partners the Christian Social Union in Bavaria, or the Social Democratic Party of Germany, to win an unqualified majority in a national election.
Thus, at the federal level, governments are formed with at least two parties. For example, Helmut Kohl's CDU governed for years in coalition with the Free Democratic Party. "Grand coalitions" of the two large parties occur, but these are rare, as large parties prefer to associate with small ones. However, if none of the larger parties can receive enough votes to form their preferred coalition, a grand coalition might be their only choice for forming a government; this was the situation in Germany in 2005 when Angela Merkel became Chancellor: in early elections, the CDU/CSU did not garner enough votes to form a majority coalition with the FDP. A grand coalition government was subsequently forged between the CDU/CSU and the SPD. Partnerships like these involve structured cabinets; the CDU/CSU ended up holding the Chancellery. Parties make statements ahead of elections which coalitions they categorically reject, similar to election promises or shadow cabinets in other countries. In Germany, coalitions consist of more than two parties.
However, in the 2010s coalitions on the state level included three different parties FDP, Greens and one of the major parties or "red red green" coalitions of SPD, Linkspartei and Greens. By 2016, the Greens have joined governments on the state level in eleven coalitions in seven various constellations. In federal Australian politics
Dáil Éireann is the lower house, principal chamber, of the Oireachtas, which includes the President of Ireland and Seanad Éireann. It consists of 158 members, known as Teachta Dála. TDs represent 40 constituencies, are directly elected at least once every five years under the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote, its powers are similar to those of lower houses under many other bicameral parliamentary systems and it is by far the dominant branch of the Oireachtas. Subject to the limits imposed by the Constitution of Ireland, it has power to pass any law it wishes, to nominate and remove the Taoiseach. Since 1922, it has met in Leinster House in Dublin; the name Dáil Éireann is taken from the Irish language but is the official title of the body in both English and Irish, including both language versions of the Irish constitution. Since the Dáil was first established in 1919, it has been described variously as a "National Assembly", a "Chamber of Deputies" and a "House of Representatives".
A dáil means an assembly or parliament, so a literal translation of Dáil Éireann is "Assembly of Ireland". Article 15 of Ireland's constitution describes the body as "a House of Representatives to be called Dáil Éireann". In common usage, the word Dáil is accompanied by the definite article. So one speaks of "the Dáil" but not "the Dáil Éireann"; the plural Dálaí is used. Dáil Éireann has 158 members. Under current legislation, members are directly elected at least once in every five years by the people of Ireland under a system of proportional representation known as the single transferable vote. Membership of the Dáil is open to Irish citizens. A member of the Dáil is known as a Teachta TD or Deputy; the Dáil electorate consists of Irish and British citizens over 18 years of age who are registered to vote in Ireland. Under the Constitution a general election for Dáil Éireann must occur once in every seven years, an earlier maximum of five years is set by the Electoral Act, 1992; the Taoiseach can, by making a request to the president dissolve the Dáil at any time, in which case a general election must occur within thirty days.
The President may refuse to dissolve the Dáil, ask the Dáil to form an alternative government without a general election taking place. The STV electoral system broadly produces proportional representation in the Dáil; the small size of the constituencies used, however gives a small advantage to the larger parties and under-represents smaller parties. Since the 1990s the norm in the state has been coalition governments. Prior to 1989, one-party government by the Fianna Fáil party was common; the multi-seat constituencies required by STV mean that candidates must compete for election with others from the same party. This is accused by some of producing TDs who are excessively parochial. Two failed attempts – 1959 and 1968 – have been made to change to the United Kingdom's plurality voting system electoral system. Both were rejected in referendums. By-elections occur under the alternative vote system; every constituency elects between three and five TDs. The constitution specifies that no constituency may return fewer than three TDs but does not specify any upper limit to constituency magnitude.
However, statute specifies a maximum of five seats per constituency. The constitution requires that constituency boundaries be reviewed at least once in every twelve years, so that boundaries may be redrawn to accommodate changes in population. Boundary changes are drafted by an independent commission, its recommendations are followed. Malapportionment is forbidden by the constitution. Under the Constitution, the commission is required to refer to the most recent Census of Ireland when considering boundary changes. Under the Constitution of Ireland there must never be fewer than one TD for every thirty thousand of the population, nor more than one for every twenty thousand. In the 29th Dáil there was one TD for every 25,000 citizens, in line with many other European Union member state national parliament ratios with Malta having one MP for every 6,000 citizens and Spain having one MP for every 130,000 citizens. Ireland has a similar MP to Citizen ratio to Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Finland, Latvia and Sweden.
With the adoption of the current constitution in 1937 the membership of the Dáil was reduced from 153 to 138, but in the 1960s the number was increased to 144 for the 1977 election to 148, only to be increased more in 1981 to the figure of 166. The Electoral Act 2011 provides that the number of members "shall be not less than 153 and not more than 160"; this came into effect at the 2016 general election. The Dáil chamber has confrontational benches but the end segment is curved to create a partial hemicycle; the government TDs sit with the main opposition party on his right. The Chamber was adapted for use as a Parliament from its former use as a lecture theatre; the First Dáil Éireann was established on 21 January 1919 as the single chamber parliament of th
India–United States Civil Nuclear Agreement
The 123 Agreement signed between the United States of America and the Republic of India is known as the U. S.–India Civil Nuclear Agreement or Indo-US nuclear deal. The framework for this agreement was a July 18, 2005, joint statement by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and U. S. President George W. Bush, under which India agreed to separate its civil and military nuclear facilities and to place all its civil nuclear facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards and, in exchange, the United States agreed to work toward full civil nuclear cooperation with India; this U. S.-India deal took more than three years to come to fruition as it had to go through several complex stages, including amendment of U. S. domestic law the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, a civil-military nuclear Separation Plan in India, an India-IAEA safeguards agreement and the grant of an exemption for India by the Nuclear Suppliers Group, an export-control cartel, formed in response to India's first nuclear test in 1974.
In its final shape, the deal places under permanent safeguards those nuclear facilities that India has identified as "civil" and permits broad civil nuclear cooperation, while excluding the transfer of "sensitive" equipment and technologies, including civil enrichment and reprocessing items under IAEA safeguards. On August 18, 2008 the IAEA Board of Governors approved, on February 2, 2009, India signed an India-specific safeguards agreement with the IAEA. After India brought this agreement into force, inspections began in a phased manner on the 35 civilian nuclear installations India has identified in its Separation Plan; the deal is seen as a watershed in U. S.-India relations and introduces a new aspect to international nonproliferation efforts. On August 1, 2008, the IAEA approved the safeguards agreement with India, after which the United States approached the Nuclear Suppliers Group to grant a waiver to India to commence civilian nuclear trade; the 48-nation NSG granted the waiver to India on September 6, 2008 allowing it to access civilian nuclear technology and fuel from other countries.
The implementation of this waiver made India the only known country with nuclear weapons, not a party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty but is still allowed to carry out nuclear commerce with the rest of the world. The U. S. House of Representatives passed the bill to approve the deal on September 28, 2008. Two days India and France inked a similar nuclear pact making France the first country to have such an agreement with India. On October 1, 2008 the U. S. Senate approved the civilian nuclear agreement allowing India to purchase nuclear fuel and technology from—and sell them to—the United States. U. S. President, George W. Bush, signed the legislation on the Indo-US nuclear deal, approved by the U. S. Congress, into law, now called the United States-India Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Non-proliferation Enhancement Act, on October 8, 2008; the agreement was signed by Indian External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee and his counterpart Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, on October 10. In 2015, the agreement had still not been implemented.
In 2016, the countries agreed to build 6 US-designed reactors in India. See timeline below; the Henry J. Hyde United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006 known as the Hyde Act, is the U. S. domestic law that modifies the requirements of Section 123 of the U. S. Atomic Energy Act to permit nuclear cooperation with India and in particular to negotiate a 123 Agreement to operationalize the 2005 Joint Statement; as a domestic U. S. law, the Hyde Act is binding on the United States. The Hyde Act cannot be binding on India's sovereign decisions although it can be construed as prescriptive for future U. S. reactions. As per the Vienna Convention, an international agreement such as the 123 Agreement cannot be superseded by an internal law such as the Hyde Act; the 123 agreement defines the terms and conditions for bilateral civilian nuclear cooperation, requires separate approvals by the U. S. Congress and by Indian cabinet ministers; the agreement will help India meet its goal of adding 25,000 MW of nuclear power capacity through imports of nuclear reactors and fuel by 2020.
After the terms of the 123 agreement were concluded on July 27, 2007, it ran into trouble because of stiff opposition in India from the communist allies of the ruling United Progressive Alliance. The government survived a confidence vote in the parliament on July 22, 2008 by 275–256 votes in the backdrop of defections by some parties; the deal had faced opposition from non-proliferation activists, anti-nuclear organisations, some states within the Nuclear Suppliers Group. In February 2008, U. S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said that any agreement would be "consistent with the obligations of the Hyde Act"; the bill was signed on October 8, 2008. Parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty have a recognized right of access to peaceful uses of nuclear energy and an obligation to cooperate on civilian nuclear technology. Separately, the Nuclear Suppliers Group has agreed on guidelines for nuclear exports, including reactors and fuel; those guidelines condition such exports on comprehensive safeguards by the International Atomic Energy Agency, which are designed to verify that nuclear energy is not diverted from peaceful use to weapons programs.
Though neither India, nor Pakistan have signed the NPT, India argues that instead of addressing the central objective of universal and comprehensive non-proliferation, the treaty creates a club of "nuclear haves" and a larger group of "nuclear have-nots" by restricting the legal possession of nuclear weapons to those states that tested them before 1967, who alone are free to possess and mul
Parliament of England
The Parliament of England was the legislature of the Kingdom of England, existing from the early 13th century until 1707, when it merged with the Parliament of Scotland to become the Parliament of Great Britain after the political union of England and Scotland created the Kingdom of Great Britain. In 1066, William of Normandy introduced what, in centuries, became referred to as a feudal system, by which he sought the advice of a council of tenants-in-chief and ecclesiastics before making laws. In 1215, the tenants-in-chief secured Magna Carta from King John, which established that the king may not levy or collect any taxes, save with the consent of his royal council, which developed into a parliament. Over the centuries, the English Parliament progressively limited the power of the English monarchy which arguably culminated in the English Civil War and the trial and execution of Charles I in 1649. After the restoration of the monarchy under Charles II, the subsequent Glorious Revolution of 1688, the supremacy of Parliament was a settled principle and all future English and British sovereigns were restricted to the role of constitutional monarchs with limited executive authority.
The Act of Union 1707 merged the English Parliament with the Parliament of Scotland to form the Parliament of Great Britain. When the Parliament of Ireland was abolished in 1801, its former members were merged into what was now called the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Under a monarchical system of government, monarchs must consult and seek a measure of acceptance for their policies if they are to enjoy the broad cooperation of their subjects. Early kings of England had no standing army or police, so depended on the support of powerful subjects; the monarchy had agents in every part of the country. However, under the feudal system that evolved in England after the Norman Conquest of 1066, the laws of the Crown could not have been upheld without the support of the nobility and the clergy; the former had economic and military power bases of their own through major ownership of land and the feudal obligations of their tenants. The Church was a law unto itself in this period as it had its own system of religious law courts.
In order to seek consultation and consent from the nobility and the senior clergy on major decisions, post-Norman Conquest English monarchs called Great Councils. A typical Great Council would consist of archbishops, abbots and earls, the pillars of the feudal system; when this system of consultation and consent broke down, it became impossible for government to function effectively. The most prominent instances of this before the reign of Henry III are the disagreements between Thomas Becket and Henry II and between King John and the barons. Becket, who served as Archbishop of Canterbury between 1162 and 1170, was murdered after a long running dispute with Henry II over the jurisdiction of the Church. John, king from 1199 to 1216, aroused such hostility from many leading noblemen that they forced him to agree to Magna Carta in 1215. John's refusal to adhere to this charter led to civil war; the Great Council evolved into the Parliament of England. The term came into use during the early 13th century, when it shifted from the more general meaning of "an occasion for speaking."
It first appears in official documents in the 1230s. As a result of the work by historians G. O. Sayles and H. G. Richardson, it is believed that the early parliaments had a judicial as well as a legislative function. During the 13th and 14th centuries, the kings called Knights of the Shire to meet when the monarch saw it as necessary. A notable example of this was in 1254 when sheriffs of counties were instructed to send Knights of the Shire to parliament to advise the king on finance. Parliaments were summoned when the king needed to raise money through taxes. After Magna Carta, this became a convention; this was due in no small part to the fact that King John died in 1216 and was succeeded by his young son Henry III. Leading peers and clergy governed on Henry's behalf until he came of age, giving them a taste for power that they would prove unwilling to relinquish. Among other things, they made sure. Once the reign of John ended and Henry III took full control of the government, leading peers became concerned with his style of government his unwillingness to consult them on decisions he took, his seeming patronisation of his foreign relatives over his native subjects.
Henry's support of a disastrous papal invasion of Sicily was the last straw. In 1258, seven leading barons forced Henry to swear to uphold the Provisions of Oxford, the following year, by the Provisions of Westminster; this abolished the absolutist Anglo-Norman monarchy, giving power to a council of fifteen barons, providing for a thrice-yearly meeting of parliament to monitor their performance. Parliament assembled six times between June 1258 and April 1262, most notably at Oxford in 1258; the French-born nobleman Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, emerged as the leader of this characteristically English rebellion. In the years that followed, those supporting Montfort and those supporting the king grew more hostile to each other. Henry obtained a papal bull in 1263 exempting him from his oath and both sides began to raise armies. At the Battle of Lewes on 14 May 1264, Henry was taken prisoner by Montfort's army. However, many of the peers who had supported Montfort began to suspect that he ha
1989 Indian general election
General elections were held in India in 1989 to elect the members of the 9th Lok Sabha. V. P. Singh united the entire disparate spectrum of parties including regional parties such as the Telugu Desam Party, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, the Asom Gana Parishad, forming the National Front with N. T. Rama Rao as President and V. P. Singh as convenor with additional outside support from the Bharatiya Janata Party and Communist Party of India led Left front they defeated Rajiv Gandhi's Congress in the 1989 parliamentary elections; the 1989 Indian general election were held because the previous Lok Sabha has been in power for a five years, the constitution allowed for new elections. Though Rajiv Gandhi had won the last election by a landslide, this election saw him trying to fight off scandals that had marred his administration; the Bofors scandal, rising terrorism in Punjab, the civil war between LTTE and Sri Lankan government were just some of the problems that stared at Rajiv's government. Rajiv's biggest critic was Vishwanath Pratap Singh, who had held the portfolios of the finance ministry and the defence ministry in the government.
But Singh was soon sacked from the Cabinet and he resigned from his memberships in the Congress and the Lok Sabha. He formed the Jan Morcha with Arun Nehru and Arif Mohammad Khan and re-entered the Lok Sabha from Allahabad. Witnessing V P Singh's meteoric rise on national stage, Rajiv tried to counter him with another prominent Rajput stalwart Satyendra Narain Singh but failed eventually. V. P. Singh, the head of the Janata Dal, was chosen leader of the National Front government, his government fell after Singh, along with Bihar's Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav's government, had Advani arrested in Samastipur and stopped his Ram Rath Yatra, going to the Babri Masjid site in Ayodhya on 23 October 1990. Bharatiya Janata Party withdrew their support to Singh government, causing them to lose parliamentary vote of confidence on 7 November 1990. Chandra Shekhar broke away from the Janata Dal with 64 MPs and formed the Samajwadi Janata Party in 1990, he became the 9th Prime Minister of India. He resigned on 6 March 1991, after the Congress alleged that the government was spying on Rajiv Gandhi.
9th Lok Sabha constituted. Election Commission of India Indian presidential election, 1987