Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include tradition, hierarchy and property rights. Conservatives seek to preserve a range of institutions such as religion, parliamentary government, property rights, with the aim of emphasizing social stability and continuity; the more extreme elements—reactionaries—oppose modernism and seek a return to "the way things were". The first established use of the term in a political context originated in 1818 with François-René de Chateaubriand during the period of Bourbon Restoration that sought to roll back the policies of the French Revolution. Associated with right-wing politics, the term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. There is no single set of policies regarded as conservative because the meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in a given place and time, thus conservatives from different parts of the world—each upholding their respective traditions—may disagree on a wide range of issues.
Edmund Burke, an 18th-century politician who opposed the French Revolution but supported the American Revolution, is credited as one of the main theorists of conservatism in Great Britain in the 1790s. According to Quintin Hogg, the chairman of the British Conservative Party in 1959: "Conservatism is not so much a philosophy as an attitude, a constant force, performing a timeless function in the development of a free society, corresponding to a deep and permanent requirement of human nature itself". In contrast to the tradition-based definition of conservatism, some political theorists such as Corey Robin define conservatism in terms of a general defense of social and economic inequality. From this perspective, conservatism is less an attempt to uphold traditional institutions and more, "a meditation on—and theoretical rendition of—the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, trying to win it back". Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal view of minimal government intervention in the economy.
Individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference. However, individuals cannot be depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and responsibility to the nation. Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism, influenced by liberal stances; as these latter two terms have had different meanings over time and across countries, liberal conservatism has a wide variety of meanings. The term referred to the combination of economic liberalism, which champions laissez-faire markets, with the classical conservatism concern for established tradition, respect for authority and religious values, it contrasted itself with classical liberalism, which supported freedom for the individual in both the economic and social spheres. Over time, the general conservative ideology in many countries adopted economic liberal arguments and the term liberal conservatism was replaced with conservatism.
This is the case in countries where liberal economic ideas have been the tradition such as the United States and are thus considered conservative. In other countries where liberal conservative movements have entered the political mainstream, such as Italy and Spain, the terms liberal and conservative may be synonymous; the liberal conservative tradition in the United States combines the economic individualism of the classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism. A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative views with those of social liberalism; this has developed as an opposition to the more collectivist views of socialism. This involves stressing what are now conservative views of free market economics and belief in individual responsibility, with social liberal views on defence of civil rights and support for a limited welfare state. In continental Europe, this is sometimes translated into English as social conservatism.
Conservative liberalism is a variant of liberalism that combines liberal values and policies with conservative stances, or more the right-wing of the liberal movement. The roots of conservative liberalism are found at the beginning of the history of liberalism; until the two World Wars, in most European countries the political class was formed by conservative liberals, from Germany to Italy. Events after World War I brought the more radical version of classical liberalism to a more conservative type of liberalism. Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies within the United States and Canada which combine libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism, its four main branches are constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, small government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They differ from paleoconservatives, in that they are in favor of more personal and economic freedom. Agorists such as Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism right-libertarianism.
In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire policies such as free trade, opposition to any national bank and opposition to business regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare and other areas of economic intervention. Many conservatives in the United States, be
Traditionalist conservatism known as classical conservatism and traditional conservatism, is a philosophy emphasizing the need for the principles of a transcendent moral order, manifested through certain natural laws to which society ought to conform in a prudent manner. Shortened to traditionalism and in the United Kingdom and Canada referred to as Toryism, traditionalist conservatism is a variant of conservatism based on the political philosophies of Aristotle and Edmund Burke. Traditionalists emphasize the bonds of social order and the defense of ancestral institutions over hyper-individualism. Traditionalist conservatism places a strong emphasis on the notions of custom and tradition. Theoretical reason is considered against practical reason; the state is seen as a communal enterprise with spiritual and organic qualities. Traditionalists believe that change—if it does happen—is not the result of intentional reasoned thought and it flows out of the traditions of the community. Leadership and hierarchy are seen as natural products.
Traditionalism developed throughout 18th-century Europe as a response to the disorder of the English Civil War and the radicalism of the French Revolution. In the middle of the 20th century, traditionalist conservatism started to organize itself in earnest as an intellectual and political force. A number of traditionalist conservatives embrace high-church Christianity. Another traditionalist who has stated his faith tradition publicly is Caleb Stegall, an evangelical Protestant. A number of conservative mainline Protestants are traditionalist conservatives, such as writers for Touchstone and some traditionalists are Jewish, such as the late Will Herberg, Irving Louis Horowitz, Mordecai Roshwald and Paul Gottfried; as the name suggests, traditionalists believe his worldview. Each generation inherits the experience and culture of its ancestors and through convention and precedence man is able to pass it down to his descendants. To paraphrase Edmund Burke regarded as the father of modern conservatism: "The individual is foolish, but the species is wise".
Traditionalist conservatives believe that human society is hierarchical. Hierarchy allows for the preservation of the whole community instead of protecting one part at the expense of the others; the countryside and the values of rural life are prized. The principles of agrarianism are central to a traditionalist's understanding of rural life. Traditionalists defend classical Western civilization and value an education informed by the texts of the Hebraic, Greek and Medieval eras. Traditionalists are classicists who revere high culture in all of its manifestations. Unlike nationalists who esteem the role of the state or nation over the local or regional community, traditionalists hold up patriotism as a key principle. Traditionalist conservatives think that loyalty to a locality or region is more central than any commitment to a larger political entity. Traditionalists welcome the value of subsidiarity and the intimacy of one's community, preferring the civil society of Burke's "little platoons" over the expanded state.
Alternately, nationalism leads to jingoism and views the state as abstract from the local community and family structure rather than as an outgrowth of these local realities. Traditionalist conservatism began with the thought of Anglo-Irish Whig statesman and philosopher Edmund Burke, whose political principles were rooted in moral natural law and the Western tradition. Burke believed in prescriptive rights and that those rights were "God-given", he defended what he referred to as "ordered liberty". He advocated for those transcendent values that found support in such institutions as the church, the family and the state, he was a fierce critic of the principles behind the French Revolution and in 1790 his observations on its excesses and radicalism were collected in Reflections on the Revolution in France. In Reflections, Burke called for the constitutional enactment of specific, concrete rights and warned that abstract rights could be abused to justify tyranny. American social critic and historian Russell Kirk wrote: "The Reflections burns with all the wrath and anguish of a prophet who saw the traditions of Christendom and the fabric of civil society dissolving before his eyes".
Burke's influence extended to thinkers and writers, both in his native Britain and in continental Europe. Among those influenced by his thought were the English Romantic poets Samuel Taylor Coleridge, William Wordsworth and Robert Southey, Scottish Romantic author Sir Walter Scott, as well as the counter-revolutionaries writers, the French François-René de Chateaubriand and Louis de Bonald and the Savoyard Joseph de Maistre. In the United States, the Federalist Party and its leaders, such as President John Adams and Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton, best represented Burke's legacy. Burke's traditionalist conservatism found its fiercest defenders in three "cultural conservatives" and "critics of material progress": Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Thomas Carlyle and John Henry Newman. According to traditionalist scholar Peter Viereck, Coleridge and
Conservative Judaism is a major Jewish denomination which views Jewish law, or Halakha, as both binding and subject to historical development. It regards the authority of Jewish law and tradition as emanating from the assent of the people and the community through the generations, more than from divine revelation; the Conservative rabbinate therefore employs modern historical-critical research, rather than only traditional methods and sources, lends great weight to its constituency when determining its stance on matters of practice. The movement considers its approach as the authentic and most appropriate continuation of halakhic discourse, maintaining both fealty to received forms and flexibility in their interpretation, it eschews strict theological definitions, lacking a consensus in matters of faith and allowing great pluralism. While regarding itself as the heir of Rabbi Zecharias Frankel's 19th-century Positive-Historical School in Europe, Conservative Judaism institutionalized as a denomination only in the United States during the mid-20th century.
Its largest center today is in North America, where its main congregational arm is the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism and the New York–based Jewish Theological Seminary of America operates as rabbinic seminary. Globally, affiliated communities are united within the umbrella organization Masorti Olami. Conservative Judaism is the third-largest Jewish denomination worldwide, estimated to represent close to 1.1 million people, both over 600,000 registered adult congregants and many non-member identifiers. Conservative Judaism, from its earliest stages, was marked by ambivalence and ambiguity in all matters theological. Rabbi Zecharias Frankel, considered its intellectual progenitor, believed the notion of theology was alien to traditional Judaism, he was accused of obscurity on the subject by his opponents, both Reform and Orthodox. The American movement espoused a similar approach, its leaders avoided the field. Only in 1985 did a course about Conservative theology open in the Jewish Theological Seminary of America.
The hitherto sole major attempt to define a clear credo was made in 1988, with the Statement of Principles Emet ve-Emunah and issued by the Leadership Council of Conservative Judaism. The introduction stated that "lack of definition was useful" in the past but a need to articulate one now arose; the platform provided many statements citing key concepts such as God and Election, but acknowledged that a variety of positions and convictions existed within denominational ranks, eschewing strict delineation of principles and expressing conflicting views. In a 1999 special edition of Conservative Judaism dedicated to the matter, leading rabbis Elliot N. Dorff and Gordon Tucker clarified that "the great diversity" within the movement "makes the creation of a theological vision shared by all neither possible nor desirable". Conservative Judaism upholds the theistic notion of a personal God. Emet ve-Emunah stated that "we affirm our faith in God as the Governor of the universe, his power called the world into being.
Concurrently, the platform noted that His nature was "elusive" and subject to many options of belief. A naturalistic conception of divinity, regarding it as inseparable from the mundane world, once had an important place within the denomination represented by Mordecai Kaplan. After Kaplan's Reconstructionism coalesced into an independent movement, these views were marginalized. A inconclusive position is expressed toward other precepts. Most theologians adhere to the Immortality of the Soul, but while references to the Resurrection of the Dead are maintained, English translations of the prayers obscure the issue. In Emet, it was stated. Relating to the Messianic ideal, the movement rephrased most petitions for the restoration of the Sacrifices into past tense, rejecting a renewal of animal offerings, though not opposing a Return to Zion and a new Temple; the 1988 platform announced that "some" believe in classic eschathology, but dogmatism in this matter was "philosophically unjustified". The notions of Election of Israel and God's covenant with it were retained as well.
Conservative conception of Revelation encompasses an extensive spectrum. Zecharias Frankel himself applied critical-scientific methods to analyze the stages in the development of the Oral Torah, pioneering modern study of the Mishnah, he regarded the Beatified Sages as innovators who added their own, original contribution to the canon, not as expounders and interpreters of a legal system given in its entirety to Moses on Mount Sinai. Yet he vehemently rejected utilizing these disciplines on the Pentateuch, maintaining it was beyond human reach and wholly celestial in origin. Frankel never elucidated his beliefs, the exact correlation between human and divine in his thought is still subject to scholarly debate. A similar negative approach toward Higher Criticism, while accepting an evolutionary understanding of Oral Law, defined Rabbi Alexander Kohut, Solomon Schechter and the early generation of American Conservative Judaism; when JTS faculty began to embrace Biblical criticism in the 1920s, they adapted a theological view consistent with it: an original, verbal revelation did occur at Sinai, but the text itself was composed by authors.
The latter, classified by Dorff as a moderate metamorphosis of the old one, is still espoused by few traditionalist right-wing Conservative rabbis, though it is marginalized among senior leadership. A small but influential segment within the JTS an
Conservative vector field
In vector calculus, a conservative vector field is a vector field, the gradient of some function. Conservative vector fields have the property that the line integral is path independent, i.e. the choice of any path between two points does not change the value of the line integral. Path independence of the line integral is equivalent to the vector field being conservative. A conservative vector field is irrotational. An irrotational vector field is conservative provided that the domain is connected. Conservative vector fields appear in mechanics: They are vector fields representing forces of physical systems in which energy is conserved. For a conservative system, the work done in moving along a path in configuration space depends only on the endpoints of the path, so it is possible to define a potential energy, independent of the actual path taken. In a two- and three-dimensional space, there is an ambiguity in taking an integral between two points as there are infinitely many paths between the two points—apart from the straight line formed between the two points, one could choose a curved path of greater length as shown in the figure.
Therefore, in general, the value of the integral depends on the path taken. However, in the special case of a conservative vector field, the value of the integral is independent of the path taken, which can be thought of as a large-scale cancellation of all elements d R that don't have a component along the straight line between the two points. To visualize this, imagine two people climbing a cliff. Although the two hikers have taken different routes to get up to the top of the cliff, at the top, they will have both gained the same amount of gravitational potential energy; this is. As an example of a non-conservative field, imagine pushing a box from one end of a room to another. Pushing the box in a straight line across the room requires noticeably less work against friction than along a curved path covering a greater distance. M. C. Escher's painting Ascending and Descending illustrates a non-conservative vector field, impossibly made to appear to be the gradient of the varying height above ground as one moves along the staircase.
It is rotational in that one can keep getting higher or keep getting lower while going around in circles. It is non-conservative in that one can return to one's starting point while ascending more than one descends or vice versa. On a real staircase, the height above the ground is a scalar potential field: If one returns to the same place, one goes upward as much as one goes downward, its gradient is irrotational. The situation depicted in the painting is impossible. A vector field v: U → R n, where U is an open subset of R n, is said to be conservative if and only if there exists a C 1 scalar field φ on U such that v = ∇ φ. Here, ∇ φ denotes the gradient of φ; when the equation above holds, φ is called a scalar potential for v. The fundamental theorem of vector calculus states that any vector field can be expressed as the sum of a conservative vector field and a solenoidal field. A key property of a conservative vector field v is that its integral along a path depends only on the endpoints of that path, not the particular route taken.
Suppose that P is a rectifiable path in U with initial point A and terminal point B. If v = ∇ φ for some C 1 scalar field φ so that v is a conservative vector field the gradient theorem states that ∫ P v ⋅ d r = φ − φ; this holds as the fundamental theorem of calculus. An equivalent formulation of this is that ∮ C v ⋅ d r = 0 for every rectifiable simple closed path C in U; the converse of this statement is true: If the circulation of v around every rectifiable simple closed path in U is 0 v is a conservative vector field. Let n =
The Conservative (1898-1902)
The Conservative was a weekly newspaper devoted to the discussion of political and sociological questions published in Nebraska City, Nebraska by Julius Sterling Morton. The Conservative was first issued on July 1898 by the Morton Printing Company; the publication was not acted as a journal of political discussion. During the last two years of publishing Morton would use The Conservative as a forum through which to disagree and criticize his rival Nebraska Democrat William Jennings Bryan and his publication The Commoner. In the first issue of The Conservative the letter from the editor stated that the paper would be a defender of the individual and critical of big government. In addition, the paper served as a platform where Morton campaigned for the formation of a third Conservative party that he believed was necessary to realign the environment of American politics. Issued every Thursday The Conservative was printed in a magazine style three column format that ranged from ten to twenty printed pages per issue.
Although the paper was only published for four years The Conservative included many notable contributors like Robert W. Furnas, Carl Shurz and Dr. George L. Miller. Morton would remain at the helm of the paper until poor health would force him to turn over editorship to his son, Paul Morton, on April 24, 1902; the last issue of The Conservative was published on May 29, 1902 and consisted of tributes to the deceased Julius Sterling Morton. Katherine, Walter. "The Conservative". Nebraska Newspapers. University of Nebraska-Lincoln; this site allows users the ability to read all of the issues of The Conservative as they were published from 1898 to 1902, in PDF format, view the associated images