Asado are the techniques and the social event of having or attending a barbecue in various South American countries, where it is a traditional event. An asado consists of beef, chicken and morcilla which are cooked on a grill, called a parrilla, or an open fire; the meats are accompanied by red wine and salads. This meat is prepared by a person, the assigned asador or parrillero. Huge herds of wild cattle roamed much of the pampa region of Argentina until the mid-nineteenth century. Inhabitants of the Río de la Plata the equestrian gaucho, developed a fondness for beef asado, roasted beef; the meat a side of ribs, is skewered on a metal frame called an asador and is roasted by placing it next to a slow-burning fire. Gauchos favored cooking asado with the wood of the quebracho tree because it smokes little. Asado, accompanied by maté tea, formed the basis of the gaucho diet; the asador begins by igniting the charcoal, made of native trees, avoiding pines and eucalyptus as they have strong-smelling resins.
In more sophisticated asados the charcoal is of a specific tree or made on the coal of burned wood, commonplace when having an asado in a campfire. In Uruguay, charcoal is not instead direct embers or hot coals. Cooking can be done al asador or a la parrilla. In the first case a fire is made on the ground or in a fire pit and surrounded by metal crosses that hold the entire carcass of an animal splayed open to receive the heat from the fire. In the second case a fire is made and after the charcoal has formed, a grill with the meat is placed over it. In many asados, morcillas, chinchulines and other organs accompanied by provoleta, would be served first while the cuts that require longer preparations are still on the grill. Sometimes these are served on a charcoal brasero. Chorizos may be served with pan felipe or baguette bread called choripán. After appetizers, costillas or asado de tira can be served. Next comes vacío, matambre and chicken and chivito. Dishes such as pamplona and Patagonian lamb are becoming more frequent in restaurants.
An asado includes bread, a simple mixed salad of, for instance, lettuce and onions, or it could be accompanied with verdurajo, a mixture made of potatoes, corn and eggplant cooked on the grill and seasoned with olive oil and salt. Beer, soft drink, other beverages are common. Dessert is fresh fruit. Another traditional form to roast the meat, used in Patagonia, is with the whole animal in a wood stick nailed in the ground and exposed to the heat of live coals, called asado al palo; the meat for an asado is not marinated, the only preparation being the application of salt before or during the cooking period. The heat and distance from the coals are controlled to provide a slow cooking. Further, grease from the meat is not encouraged to fall on the coals and create smoke which would adversely flavour the meat. In some asados the area directly under the meat is kept clear of coals; the asado is placed in a tray to be served, but it can be placed on a brasero right on the table to keep the meat warm.
Chimichurri, a sauce of chopped parsley, dried oregano, salt, black pepper and paprika with olive oil, or salsa criolla, a sauce of tomato and onion in vinegar, are common accompaniments to an asado, where they are traditionally used on the offal, but not the steaks. Food is accompanied by salads, which in asado gatherings are traditionally made by women on site or brought to the asado from their homes while the men focus on the meats. Salad Olivier is one of the most common salads served at asados. In Paraguay Chipa Guasu, sopa paraguaya and boiled manioc as a side dish is served. In Chile, the normal version cordero al palo is accompanied with pebre, a local condiment made from pureed herbs and hot peppers; the dish is served hot accompanied by salads. A whole lamb is tied to a spit and is roasted perpendicular on a wood fire; the preparation lasts. In Brazil, asado is called churrasco, although the cooking is faster. Grilled and salted meat in Brazil is called "carne assada" and is cut into small strips and served on a plate or cutting board in the middle of the table for all to partake.
Various grilled meats, pork and chicken are passed around from table to table on a spit and a slice is offered to each person. This is called "rodizio" because each person partakes in turn. Charcoal is predominantly used instead of embers of wood, Brazilians tend to cook the meat on skewers or grills. In some places, the meat is seasoned with a little sugar. In Mexico, there is similar tradition of as parrilladas or carne asadas, which incorporates various marinated cuts of meat, including steaks and sausages; these are all grilled over wood charcoal. Vegetables are placed over the grill green onions and corn. Again, in Argentina and Paraguay, some alternatives are the asado al disco and asado al horno de barro in the countryside; the recipe doesn't change, only the way of cooking. In the asado al disco the worn-out disc of a plough is used. Being meta
National Institute of Statistics and Census of Argentina
National Statistics and Censuses Institute is the Argentine government agency responsible for the collection and processing of statistical data. The institute analyses economic and social indicators such as inflation rate, consumer price index and unemployment, among others; the INDEC is supervised by different federal agencies, is under the direct oversight of the Secretaría de Programación Económica y Regional of the Ministerio de Economía y Producción. The INDEC coordinates the Sistema Estadístico Nacional through which the national and local statistical services work together; each provincial government has a statistics bureau called Dirección de Estadística, that collects and processes information. The Argentine Constitution does not provide for a national census; these were conducted only generationally until 1947, every decade since then. National censuses were taken in 1869, 1895, 1914, 1947, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1991, 2001, 2010. Demographic and economic information is permanently updated with off-year censuses, such as the Economic and Agricultural Censuses, the sampled surveys published in Encuesta Permanente de Hogares.
Monthly releases include figures on inflation, trade balances, industrial production, retail sales, GDP. The first national statistics' centre was the Dirección General de Estadística, established in 1894 as a division of the Ministry of Public Finances. Fifty years in 1944, the Consejo Nacional de Estadística y Censos was created, with dependencies on both the Ministry of the Interior and the National Presidential Office. Other agencies were formed in 1950, 1952, 1956 before the final creation of the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos in 1968 by Law 17622 and Decrees 3110/70 and 1831/93; the bureau's headquarters are located in a downtown, rationalist building designed by Arturo Dubourg, commissioned by President Juan Perón for use as the Ministry of Labour, completed in 1956. Although nominally independent, INDEC is subject to strong political pressure from the government, its statistics are no longer considered trustworthy; because INDEC's statistics have been reported as being manipulated by the Kirchner government, it is considered "discredited".
Controversy arose when the government of President Néstor Kirchner replaced Graciela Bevacqua, the Consumer Prices Indicator director. Bevacqua is reported to have arrived at a consumer price increase figure of 2.0% for January 2007 from internal data but the rate reported to the public was 1.1%. The head of INDEC resigned in March, a new board of directors led by Ana María Edwin was installed by the Ministry of Economy. A group of employees protested publicly at what they saw as a violation of INDEC's autonomy, an attempt by the Economy Ministry under Felisa Miceli to illegally keep inflation indicators under one percent a month. Prosecutors gathered evidence that high government officials had inquired of statistical staff how to get lower inflation numbers, that in early 2007 managers of the price indexes had excluded products whose prices had risen more than 15% in the survey and changed price data after it came in from the field workers. Prices and the official record have continued to part ways since former Commerce Secretary Guillermo Moreno's decision to intervene in the statistics institute in 2007.
Private-sector economists and statistical offices of provincial governments show inflation two to three times higher than INDEC's number. Unions, including those from the public sector, use these independent estimates when negotiating pay rises. Surveys by Torcuato di Tella University show inflation expectations running at 25-30%. Since INDEC's headline inflation statistics have been lower than estimates from analysts in the private sector and lower than INDEC's implicit private consumption price index, incorporated in the measurement of real GDP. Taken from the first quarter of 2007, each index has read as follows: The discrepancy has led to exchanged accusations of politically motivated statistical legerdemain between the ruling party and most of the political opposition, on both left and right. Officials facing election have an incentive to understate the headline CPI figure. Opposition figures relied on estimates made by figures such as Orlando Ferreres; the practice yielded the ruling party no political benefit, helped contribute to their loss in the October 2009 mid-term elections.
An alternative explanation for the policy could rest on government finances: the national government has issued around US$100 billion in government bonds. Payments on US$50 billion of this are indexed to inflation. Other government bonds are tied in value to GDP growth. A 7-point underestimate in inflation could save the Central Bank of Argentina US$3 billion in inflation-indexed interest payments, while higher economic growth would cost added interest on bonds tied to GDP. Since 2007, when Guillermo Moreno, the secretary of internal trade
Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires is the largest and most populous Argentinian province. It takes the name from the city of Buenos Aires, which used to be part of the province and the provincial capital until it was federalized in 1880. Since in spite of bearing the same name, the province does not include the national capital city proper, though it does include all other localities of the Greater Buenos Aires metropolitan area surrounding it; the current capital of the province is the city of La Plata, founded in 1882. The province is the only within the whole Argentina to be divided into partidos and furtherly into localidades, borders the provinces of Entre Ríos to the northeast. Uruguay is just near the Atlantic Ocean to the east; the entire province is part of the Pampas geographical region. The province has a population of 39 % of Argentina's total population. Nearly 10 million people live in Greater Buenos Aires; the area of the province, 307,571 km2, makes it the largest in Argentina with around 11% of the country's total area.
The inhabitants of the province before the 16th century advent of Spanish colonisation were aboriginal peoples such as the Charrúas and the Querandíes. Their culture was lost over the next 350 years, they were subjected to Eurasian plagues from. The survivors joined other tribes or have been absorbed by Argentina's European ethnic majority. Pedro de Mendoza founded Santa María del Buen Ayre in 1536. Though the first contact with the aboriginals was peaceful, it soon became hostile; the city was evacuated in 1541. Juan de Garay re-founded the settlement in 1580 as Santísima Trinidad y Puerto Santa María de los Buenos Aires. Amidst ongoing conflict with the aboriginals, the cattle farms extended from Buenos Aires, whose port was always the centre of the economy of the territory. Following the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata at the end of the 18th century, the export of meat and their derivatives through the port of Buenos Aires was the basis of the economic development of the region.
Jesuits unsuccessfully tried to peacefully assimilate the aboriginals into the European culture brought by the Spanish conquistadores. A certain balance was found at the end of the 18th century, when the Salado River became the limit between both civilizations, despite frequent malones; the end to this situation came in 1879 with the Conquest of the Desert in which the aboriginals were completely exterminated. After the independence from Spain in 1816, the city and province of Buenos Aires became the focus of an intermittent Argentine Civil War with other provinces. A Federal Pact secured by Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1831 led to the establishment of the Argentine Confederation and to his gaining the sum of public power, which provided a tenuous unity. Ongoing disputes regarding the influence of Buenos Aires, between Federalists and Unitarians, over the Port of Buenos Aires fueled periodic hostilities; the province was declared independent on September 1852, as the State of Buenos Aires.
Concessions gained in the 1859 Pact of San José de Flores and a victory at the Battle of Pavón led to its reincorporation into the Argentine Republic on December 17, 1861. Intermittent conflicts with the nation did not cease until 1880, when the city of Buenos Aires was formally federalized and, administratively separated from the province. La Plata was founded in 1882 by Governor Dardo Rocha for the purpose of becoming the provincial capital; the equivalent of a billion dollars of British investment and pro-development and immigration policies pursued at the national level subsequently spurred dramatic economic growth. Driven by European immigration and improved health, the province's population, like Argentina's, nearly doubled to one million by 1895 and doubled again by 1914. Rail lines connected nearly every town and hamlet in the province by 1914; this era of accelerated development was cut short by the Wall Street Crash of 1929, which caused a sharp drop in commodity prices and led to a halt in the flow of investment funds between nations.
The new Concordance and Perón governments funded ambitious lending and public works programs, visible in Buenos Aires Province through the panoply of levees, power plants, water works, paved roads, municipal buildings, schools and massive regional hospitals. The province's population, after 1930, began to grow disproportionately in the suburban areas of Buenos Aires; these suburbs had grown to include 4 million out of the province's total 7 million people in 1960. Much of the area these new suburbs were developed on consisted of wetlands and were prone to flooding. To address this, Governor Oscar Alende initiated the province's most important flood-control project to date, the Roggero Reservoir. Completed a decade in 1971, the reservoir and associated electric and water-treatment facilities encouraged still more, more orderly, development of the Greater Buenos Aires region, which today includes around 10 million people, it did not address worsening pollution resulting from the area's industrial growth, which had made itself evident since aroun
Argentina the Argentine Republic, is a country located in the southern half of South America. Sharing the bulk of the Southern Cone with Chile to the west, the country is bordered by Bolivia and Paraguay to the north, Brazil to the northeast and the South Atlantic Ocean to the east, the Drake Passage to the south. With a mainland area of 2,780,400 km2, Argentina is the eighth-largest country in the world, the fourth largest in the Americas, the largest Spanish-speaking nation; the sovereign state is subdivided into twenty-three provinces and one autonomous city, Buenos Aires, the federal capital of the nation as decided by Congress. The provinces and the capital exist under a federal system. Argentina claims sovereignty over part of Antarctica, the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands; the earliest recorded human presence in modern-day Argentina dates back to the Paleolithic period. The Inca Empire expanded to the northwest of the country in Pre-Columbian times; the country has its roots in Spanish colonization of the region during the 16th century.
Argentina rose as the successor state of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, a Spanish overseas viceroyalty founded in 1776. The declaration and fight for independence was followed by an extended civil war that lasted until 1861, culminating in the country's reorganization as a federation of provinces with Buenos Aires as its capital city; the country thereafter enjoyed relative peace and stability, with several waves of European immigration radically reshaping its cultural and demographic outlook. The almost-unparalleled increase in prosperity led to Argentina becoming the seventh wealthiest nation in the world by the early 20th century. Following the Great Depression in the 1930s, Argentina descended into political instability and economic decline that pushed it back into underdevelopment, though it remained among the fifteen richest countries for several decades. Following the death of President Juan Perón in 1974, his widow, Isabel Martínez de Perón, ascended to the presidency, she was overthrown in 1976 by a U.
S.-backed coup which installed a right-wing military dictatorship. The military government persecuted and murdered numerous political critics and leftists in the Dirty War, a period of state terrorism that lasted until the election of Raúl Alfonsín as President in 1983. Several of the junta's leaders were convicted of their crimes and sentenced to imprisonment. Argentina is a prominent regional power in the Southern Cone and Latin America, retains its historic status as a middle power in international affairs. Argentina has the second largest economy in South America, the third-largest in Latin America, membership in the G-15 and G-20 major economies, it is a founding member of the United Nations, World Bank, World Trade Organization, Union of South American Nations, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States and the Organization of Ibero-American States. Despite its history of economic instability, it ranks second highest in the Human Development Index in Latin America; the description of the country by the word Argentina has been found on a Venetian map in 1536.
In English the name "Argentina" comes from the Spanish language, however the naming itself is not Spanish, but Italian. Argentina means in Italian " of silver, silver coloured" borrowed from the Old French adjective argentine " of silver" > "silver coloured" mentioned in the 12th century. The French word argentine is the feminine form of argentin and derives from argent "silver" with the suffix -in; the Italian naming "Argentina" for the country implies Terra Argentina "land of silver" or Costa Argentina "coast of silver". In Italian, the adjective or the proper noun is used in an autonomous way as a substantive and replaces it and it is said l'Argentina; the name Argentina was first given by the Venetian and Genoese navigators, such as Giovanni Caboto. In Spanish and Portuguese, the words for "silver" are plata and prata and " of silver" is said plateado and prateado. Argentina was first associated with the silver mountains legend, widespread among the first European explorers of the La Plata Basin.
The first written use of the name in Spanish can be traced to La Argentina, a 1602 poem by Martín del Barco Centenera describing the region. Although "Argentina" was in common usage by the 18th century, the country was formally named "Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata" by the Spanish Empire, "United Provinces of the Río de la Plata" after independence; the 1826 constitution included the first use of the name "Argentine Republic" in legal documents. The name "Argentine Confederation" was commonly used and was formalized in the Argentine Constitution of 1853. In 1860 a presidential decree settled the country's name as "Argentine Republic", that year's constitutional amendment ruled all the names since 1810 as valid. In the English language the country was traditionally called "the Argentine", mimicking the typical Spanish usage la Argentina and resulting from a mistaken shortening of the fuller name'Argentine Republic'.'The Argentine' fell out of fashion during the mid-to-late 20th century, now the country is referred to as "Argentina".
In the Spanish language "Argentina" is feminine, taking the feminine article "La" as the i
Partidos of Buenos Aires
A partido is the second-level administrative subdivision only in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. They are formally considered to be a single administrative unit contain one or more population centers, are divided into localidades; the subdivision in partidos in Buenos Aires Province is distinct from all other provinces of Argentina, which call their second-level subdivisions departamento and are further subdivided into distinct municipalities. By the end of 17th century the municipal council of Buenos Aires established the first partidos in the countryside: San Isidro del Pago de la Costa in 1779 and San Vicente, Magdalena, La Matanza, Cañada de Morón, Las Conchas and San Pedro in 1784. At the head of every partido, the cabildo appointed a rural judge called Alcalde de la Santa Hermandad; the judge, or alcalde, had the mission to maintain the law and order in the surrounding rural area of Buenos Aires, fighting against cattle raiders. The alcalde was helped by a constabulary called Santa Hermandad created in the late 15th century by the Catholic Monarchs and transplanted to the colonies.
In 1821 the Governor Martín Rodríguez and his minister Bernardino Rivadavia dissolved the cabildo and since was the governor itself who appointed the judge, now called Juez de Paz. In 1856 the office of Juez de Paz was replaced by a Presidente de la Municipalidad, or Municipal President, it was appointed by the Governor from a list of three candidates presented by the Municipales, or Councillors, who were elected by the citizens of the different partidos. Since 1890 the head of the government is called Intendente, or Mayor, it is directly elected by the citizens. On October 24, 1864 the Legislature of the Province of Buenos Aires sanctioned law № 422, dividing the province into 45 partidos: Arrecifes, Barrancas al Sud, Belgrano, Cañuelas, Carmen de Areco, Chascomús, del Pilar, Exaltación de la Cruz, General las Heras, General San Martín, Junín, Las Conchas, Lomas de Zamora, Luján, Mercedes, Monte, Morón, Pergamino, Ramallo, Rivadavia, Salto, San Antonio, San Fernando, San Isidro, San José de Flores, San Nicolás, San Pedro, San Vicente, Viedma and Zárate.
Every partido is administrated by an executive and a legislative branch the mayor and a council, similar to a county council. It is considered a strong mayor-council form of government; the mayor can be reelected for a new term. If they have been re-elected, they can not be re-elected in the same position, but with an interval of one period; the council is a unicameral body, one-half of whose members are elected every two years to serve four-year terms and can be reelected for a new term. If they have been re-elected, they can not be re-elected in the same position, but with an interval of one period; the number of councillors depends on the population of every partido. According to decret-law 6769/58 the number of councillors varies as follows: Buenos Aires Province is divided into 135 partidos. Adolfo Alsina Adolfo Gonzales Chaves Alberti Almirante Brown Arrecifes Avellaneda Ayacucho Azul Bahía Blanca Balcarce Baradero Benito Juárez Berazategui Berisso Bolívar Bragado Brandsen Campana Cañuelas Capitán Sarmiento Carlos Casares Carlos Tejedor Carmen de Areco Castelli Chacabuco Chascomús Chivilcoy Colón Coronel Dorrego Coronel Pringles Coronel Rosales Coronel Suárez Daireaux Dolores Ensenada Escobar Esteban Echeverría Exaltación de la Cruz Ezeiza Florencio Varela Florentino Ameghino General Alvarado General Alvear General Arenales General Belgrano General Guido General La Madrid General Las Heras General Lavalle General Madariaga General Paz General Pinto General Pueyrredón General Rodríguez General San Martín General Viamonte General Villegas Guaminí Hipólito Yrigoyen Hurlingham Ituzaingó José C.
Paz Junín La Costa La Matanza La Plata Lanús Laprida Las Flores Leandro N. Alem Lezama Lincoln Lobería Lobos Lomas de Zamora Luján Magdalena Maipú Malvinas Argentinas Mar Chiquita Marcos Paz Mercedes Merlo Monte Hermoso Moreno Morón Navarro Necochea Nueve de Julio Olavarría Patagones Pehuajó Pellegrini Pergamino Pila Pilar Pinamar Presidente Perón Puán Punta Indio Quilmes (Q
A gaucho or gaúcho is a skilled horseman, reputed to be brave and unruly. The gaucho is a national symbol in Argentina and Uruguay, but is a strong culture in the far south region of Brazil. Gauchos became admired and renowned in legends and literature and became an important part of their regional cultural tradition. Beginning late in the 19th century, after the heyday of the gauchos, they were celebrated by South American writers; the gaucho in some respects resembled members of other nineteenth century rural, horse-based cultures such as the North American cowboy, the Chilean huaso, the Peruvian chalan or morochuco, the Venezuelan or Colombian llanero, the Hawaiian paniolo, the Mexican charro or the Portuguese campino. According to the Diccionario de la lengua española, in its historical sense a gaucho was "a mestizo who, in the 18th and 19th centuries, inhabited Argentina and Rio Grande do Sul in Brazil, was a migratory horseman, adept in cattle work" In Argentina and Uruguay today a gaucho is, according to the same source "A country person, experienced in traditional livestock farming".
Because historical gauchos were reputed to be brave, if unruly, the word is applied metaphorically to mean "Noble and generous", but "One, skilful in subtle tricks, crafty". In Portuguese the word gaúcho means "An inhabitant of the plains of Rio Grande do Sul or the pampas of Argentina descended from European man and indian woman who devotes himself to lassoing and raising cattle and horses". In its purest sense, gaucho referred to the nomadic outlaw inhabitants of the great plains of Argentina and Brazil. In current usage, gaucho designates the rural working class in general." There are several hypotheses concerning the origin of the term. It may derive from the Spanish term chaucho, in turn derived from a Turkish low-rank military term Chiaus, through Arabic shawsh which became broadly applied to any guard/watcher or aide; the first recorded use of the term dates to Argentine independence in 1816. Another scenario indicates the word may derive from the Portuguese gaudério, designated to the inhabitants of the vast regions of Rio Grande do Sul and Río de la Plata in the 18th century or the Portuguese garrucho that points to an instrument used by the gauchos to trap and hamstring cattle.
The 18th century chronicler Alonso Carrió de la Vandera speaks of gauderios when it mentions the gauchos or huasos as poorly dressed men. Another plausible origin is from a South American indigenous language, such as Mapudungun cauchu, kauču, or Quechua wahcha, it could derive from Arabic وحشة wahcha, which means the state of being lonely in the wilderness. An essential attribute of a gaucho was. "He has taken his first lessons in riding before he is well able to walk". Without a horse the gaucho felt; the naturalist William Henry Hudson recorded that the gauchos of his childhood used to say that a man without a horse was a man without legs. He described meeting a blind gaucho, obliged to beg for his food yet behaved with dignity and went about on horseback. Richard W. Slatta, the author of a scholarly work about gauchos, notes that the gaucho used horses to collect, drive or tame cattle, to draw fishing nets, to hunt ostriches, to snare partridges, to draw well water, − with the help of his friends − to ride to his own burial.
By reputation the quintessential gaucho caudillo Juan Manuel de Rosas could throw his hat on the ground and scoop it up while galloping his horse, without touching the saddle with his hand. For the gaucho, the horse was essential to his survival for, said Hudson: "he must every day traverse vast distances, see judge be ready at all times to encounter hunger and fatigue, violent changes of temperature and sudden perils". A popular copla was: It was the gaucho's passion to own all his steeds in matching colours. Hudson recalled: The gaucho, from the poorest worker on horseback to the largest owner of lands and cattle, has, or had in those days, a fancy for having all his riding-horses of one colour; every man as a rule had his tropilla — his own half a dozen or a dozen or more saddle-horses, he would have them all as nearly alike as possible, so that one man had chestnuts, another browns, silver- or iron-greys, fawns, cream-noses, or blacks, or whites, or piebalds. The caudillo El Chacho Peñalosa described the low point of his life as "In Chile − and on foot!"
The gaucho plays an important symbolic role in the nationalist feelings of this region that of Argentina and Uruguay. The epic poem Martín Fierro by José Hernández used the gaucho as a symbol against corruption and of Argentine national tradition, pitted against Europeanising tendencies. Martín Fierro, the hero of the poem, is drafted into the Argentine military for a border war and becomes an outlaw and fugitive; the image of the free gaucho is contrasted to the slaves who worked the northern Brazilian lands. Further literary descriptions are found in Ricardo Güiraldes' Don Segundo Sombra. Like the North American cowboys, as discussed in Richard W. Slatta, Cowboys of the Americas, gauchos were reputed to be strong, silent types, but proud and capable of violence when provoked; the gaucho tendency to violence over pett
A census is the procedure of systematically acquiring and recording information about the members of a given population. The term is used in connection with national population and housing censuses; the United Nations defines the essential features of population and housing censuses as "individual enumeration, universality within a defined territory and defined periodicity", recommends that population censuses be taken at least every 10 years. United Nations recommendations cover census topics to be collected, official definitions and other useful information to co-ordinate international practice; the word is of Latin origin: during the Roman Republic, the census was a list that kept track of all adult males fit for military service. The modern census is essential to international comparisons of any kind of statistics, censuses collect data on many attributes of a population, not just how many people there are. Censuses began as the only method of collecting national demographic data, are now part of a larger system of different surveys.
Although population estimates remain an important function of a census, including the geographic distribution of the population, statistics can be produced about combinations of attributes e.g. education by age and sex in different regions. Current administrative data systems allow for other approaches to enumeration with the same level of detail but raise concerns about privacy and the possibility of biasing estimates. A census can be contrasted with sampling in which information is obtained only from a subset of a population. Modern census data are used for research, business marketing, planning, as a baseline for designing sample surveys by providing a sampling frame such as an address register. Census counts are necessary to adjust samples to be representative of a population by weighting them as is common in opinion polling. Stratification requires knowledge of the relative sizes of different population strata which can be derived from census enumerations. In some countries, the census provides the official counts used to apportion the number of elected representatives to regions.
In many cases, a chosen random sample can provide more accurate information than attempts to get a population census. A census is construed as the opposite of a sample as its intent is to count everyone in a population rather than a fraction. However, population censuses rely on a sampling frame to count the population; this is the only way to be sure that everyone has been included as otherwise those not responding would not be followed up on and individuals could be missed. The fundamental premise of a census is that the population is not known and a new estimate is to be made by the analysis of primary data; the use of a sampling frame is counterintuitive as it suggests that the population size is known. However, a census is used to collect attribute data on the individuals in the nation; this process of sampling marks the difference between historical census, a house to house process or the product of an imperial decree, the modern statistical project. The sampling frame used by census is always an address register.
Thus it is not known how many people there are in each household. Depending on the mode of enumeration, a form is sent to the householder, an enumerator calls, or administrative records for the dwelling are accessed; as a preliminary to the dispatch of forms, census workers will check any address problems on the ground. While it may seem straightforward to use the postal service file for this purpose, this can be out of date and some dwellings may contain a number of independent households. A particular problem is what are termed'communal establishments' which category includes student residences, religious orders, homes for the elderly, people in prisons etc; as these are not enumerated by a single householder, they are treated differently and visited by special teams of census workers to ensure they are classified appropriately. Individuals are counted within households and information is collected about the household structure and the housing. For this reason international documents refer to censuses of housing.
The census response is made by a household, indicating details of individuals resident there. An important aspect of census enumerations is determining which individuals can be counted from which cannot be counted. Broadly, three definitions can be used: de facto residence; this is important to consider individuals who have temporary addresses. Every person should be identified uniquely as resident in one place but where they happen to be on Census Day, their de facto residence, may not be the best place to count them. Where an individual uses services may be more useful and this is at their usual, or de jure, residence. An individual may be represented at a permanent address a family home for students or long term migrants, it is necessary to have a precise definition of residence to decide whether visitors to a country should be included in the population count. This is becoming more important as students travel abroad for education for a period of several years. Other groups causing problems of enumeration are new born babies, people away on holiday, people moving home around census day, people without a fixed address.
People having second homes because of working in another part of the country or retaining a holiday cottage are dif