Corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, once legendary, has diminished in recent years, but continues to exceed corruption in most states. The BBC's DRC country profile calls its recent history "one of civil war and corruption." President Joseph Kabila established the Commission of Repression of Economic Crimes upon his ascension to power in 2001. Mobutu Sese Seko ruled Zaire from 1965 to 1997, looting his country's wealth for personal use to such a degree that critics coined the term "kleptocracy". A relative once explained how the government illicitly collected revenue: "Mobutu would ask one of us to go to the bank and take out a million. We'd tell him to get five million, he would go to the bank with Mobutu's authority, take out ten. Mobutu got one, we took the other nine." Mobutu institutionalized corruption to prevent political rivals from challenging his control, leading to an economic collapse in 1996. Mobutu stole up to US$4 billion while in office. In 2017, Reuters unveiled a scheme involving overpriced biometric passports.
In 2015 Transparency International ranked the DRC 147 out of 167 countries in the Corruption Perception Index, tying Chad and the Republic of the Congo with a score of 22/100. Laurent Kabila led an insurgence group against Mobutu and assumed power after Mobutu was overthrown. During this time period, Kabila issued a statement making himself president with near absolute power in the government. With people supporting him for overthrowing Mobutu, he was not met with much public opposition. However, Kabila's and his government's goals for the regime were said to be vague, he refused immediate elections in fear of the country returning to Mobutuism, continued to postpone promised elections. The constitution was not changed, he and his peers exploited resources for their personal benefit. Laurent Kabila, led a regime that upheld corruption through clientelism by appointing his clients as cabinet members. Under the Kabila regime, the DRC has failed to pull itself out of its “collapsed state” status from when Mobutu was in power.
The government has not implemented security and human rights reforms, free media, the decentralization of power. The economy plummeted, living conditions to deteriorate. Laurent Kabila was killed in 2001 by one of his body guards in an attempted coup d'état. During that time period, The Democratic Republic of Congo received a score of 1.9 out of 10 in the Corruption Perception Index, which reveals high levels of corruption. His son, Joseph Kabila was elected president after Laurent Kabila's death. Joseph Kabila is working with the World Bank to improve economy. In addition, the Commission of Economic Crimes was implemented in 2001 by President Joseph Kabila. Nonetheless, there are still reports of high ranking officials exploiting resources for their personal benefit and other forms of corruption. In 2006, the constitution changed the president's minimum age from 35 to 30 years old to include Joseph Kabila, 33 at the time. Similar to his father, Joseph Kabila has been reported to minimize freedom of speech and freedom of the press by imprisoning opposing peoples.
Resource Extraction in the Democratic Republic of Congo Democratic Republic of the Congo passport Corruption in Angola Kleptocracy Interactive world map of the Corruption Perception Index
Corruption in Uzbekistan
Corruption in Uzbekistan is a serious problem. There are laws in place to prevent corruption, but the enforcement is weak. Low prosecution rates of corrupt officials is another contributing factor to the rampant corruption in Uzbekistan, it is not a criminal offense for a non-public official to influence the discretion of a public official. The judicial system faces severe corruption. In Uzbekistan, corruption is present at every level of society and government, it is one of the world's most corrupt countries, among the contributory factors is its possessing the second largest economy in Central Asia, its large reserves of natural gas, its geographical position between the rival powers of the so-called Cold War II. Transparency International's 2017 Corruption Perception Index ranks the country 157th place out of 180 countries.“Graft and bribery among low and mid-level officials are part of everyday life and are sometimes transparent,” states Freedom House, which adds that the ubiquity of corruption helps to “limit equality of opportunity.”A 2015 report by Amnesty International quotes a businessman, arrested and tortured in 2011, as saying that corruption in Uzbekistan is a “cancer that had spread everywhere.”
Bribery and extortion are common throughout the Uzbek public sector. Uzbek artist Vyacheslav Okhunov told Der Spiegel in 2015 that the late Islam Karimov Uzbekistan's president, was "a dictator" who exhibits Mafioso tendencies. Karimov has been accused of ruling Uzbekistan with an iron fist for a quarter-century, shaping a culture that "has a greater resemblance to North Korea than China." Critics have sardonically noted that there is no televised news broadcast that does not feature Karimov "cutting a ribbon for some new facility somewhere". According to the Heritage Foundation, Karimov's absolute power extended to judicial appointments. Freedom House has reported that Karimov exercised total power over the legislature, which acts as a "rubber stamp" that approved Karimov's decisions; the group states that Karimov's absolute power allowed him to exploit every sphere of activity in his country for personal economic benefit. After his death in office, Karimov's influence has remained firm enough to allow his handpicked successor, Prime Minister Shavkat Mirziyoyev, to be acting President pending the Presidential by-election in blatant disregard to the Constitution, which places that responsibility at the hands of the President of the Senate.
The president's daughter, Gulnara Karimova, has been associated with large-scale corruption. A Swiss criminal investigation begun in 2012 was directed at first against four Uzbek citizens who had connections to Karimova. Two of them were released on bail. In 2012, a Swedish television documentary stated that a Swedish telecommunications company, TeliaSonera AB, had paid $320 million to Takilant in exchange for licenses and frequencies in Uzbekistan. In January 2013, Swedish investigators released new documents showing that TeliaSonera had tried to negotiate directly with Karimova. In the same year, U. S. and Dutch authorities began investigating Karimova. In February 2014, the chief executive of TeliaSonera was forced to resign after serious failures of due diligence were uncovered. In May, the Swedish media made documents public that suggested Karimova had aggressively dictated the terms of the TeliaSonera contract and threatened it with obstructions. Related money-laundering investigations in Switzerland and Sweden continued throughout the year, hundreds of millions of dollars in accounts connected to the case being frozen by authorities.
In March 2014, Swiss authorities began a money-laundering investigation into Karimova, prosecutors in Bern said that the evidence had led their investigation into Sweden and France and that they had "seized assets in excess of 800 million Swiss francs." According to Swiss newspaper Le Temps, of the seized funds 500 million francs of the seized funds involved TeliaSonera and the remained "involved Karimova's personal assets."In 2014, the United States Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission investigated TeliaSonera as well as the Amsterdam-based Vimpelcom Ltd. and the Russian firm Mobile TeleSystems PJSC on suspicion that these three firms had funneled hundreds of millions of dollars to firms controlled by Karimova. An August 2015 report stated that U. S. prosecutors were asking authorities in Ireland, Luxembourg and Switzerland to seize assets of about $1 billion in connection with their investigation. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported in January 2015 that executives at the Norwegian telecom firm Telenor, which owns one-third of Vimpelcom, had knowledge about millions in bribes.
In March 2015, DOJ asked Sweden to freeze $30 million in funds held by the Stockholm-based Nordea Bank. The DOJ probe discovered that firms had "paid bribes to Uzbek officials to obtain mobile telecommunications business in Uzbekistan." European investigators revealed. A July 2015 report stated that U. S. authorities were seeking to seize $300 million in bank accounts in Ireland and Belgium, alleging that the funds were bribes paid to Karimova. In August 2015, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported that Uzbek authorities had arrested nine suspects in connection with probes, including two top executives at a Coca-Cola bottling plant in Uzbekistan, which Karimova owned. "There are no free elections in Uzbekistan," according to Freedom House. In the April 2015 election, Karimov received 90.39% of the vote, winning a fourth ter
Corruption in Zambia
Despite several steps taken by the previous government in order to fight corruption in Zambia, there has not been a dramatic improvement in the public perception of anti-corruption efforts over the past years. Corruption still remains pervasive in the country yet the situation is considered better when compared to other countries in the region. Unnecessarily long and complicated administrative procedures are common in Zambia's business environment, leading many companies to operate in the informal sector; the risk of widespread use of facilitation payments is high due to the bureaucratic procedures for obtaining licences. Crime in Zambia
Corruption in Turkey
Corruption in Turkey is an issue affecting the accession of Turkey to the European Union. Transparency International's 2016 Corruption Perception Index ranks the country 75th place out of 176 countries, while the 2017 index saw Turkey fall back to 87th place; the 1998 Türkbank scandal led to a no-confidence vote and the resignation of Prime Minister Mesut Yılmaz. Although Yılmaz was investigated by Parliament, a five-year statute of limitations prevented further action. On 17 December 2013, the sons of three Turkish ministers and many prominent businesspeople were arrested and accused of corruption. Anti-Corruption legislation includes Turkey's Criminal Code which criminalizes various forms of corrupt activity, including active and passive bribery, attempted corruption, bribing a foreign official, money laundering and abuse of office. Anti-corruption laws are poorly enforced, anti-corruption authorities are deemed ineffective. Corruption has slowed the growth of the Turkish economy. Practices indicative of corruption include bribery, embezzlement and fraud.
Corruption affects the institutional structures promoting growth in Turkey: Property rights: If government officials are bribed to seize properties from people, investments decrease as potential investors lose confidence. Patents and copyrights: Corruption increases theft and fraud, decreasing the flow of innovative technology. Efficient financial institutions: Corruption decreases the efficiency of financial institutions, such as banks. Corrupt government officials have collaborated with large banks to manipulate the country’s economy for their gain, decreasing trust placed in the banking system. Literacy and universal education: Corrupt government officials decrease spending on infrastructure and education, using the money saved for speculation. Free trade: Domestic businesses bribe government officials to raise tariffs, decreasing demand for imports and increasing demand for domestic goods. Competitive market system: Although Turkish law requires competitive bidding, some businesses attempt bribery to gain protection and favoritism from the government.
A reduction in competitiveness can reduce encouraging monopolies and oligopolies. Economic development is the increase in standard of living and economic health of a country, reflected in its Human Development Index. For a country to develop economically it must invest in capital goods, such as infrastructure, health care and education. Unlike consumer goods, which promote immediate wealth for a nation, capital goods promote future development and a higher standard of living. Corruption affects economic development in the following ways: Decreased spending on capital goods: A corrupt government spends less on capital goods, such as health care and education; this falls. In Turkey, 79.6 percent of health-care costs are covered by the Social Security Institution. Abuses of power: Corruption encourages a government to use its power in ways detrimental to the majority of its citizens. Misappropriation of funds: To reduce taxation corrupt government officials send their money overseas, reducing the money supply.
A loss of money encourages the printing of triggering inflation. 2011 Turkish sports corruption scandal 2013 corruption scandal in Turkey Crime in Turkey Lost Trillion Case Media of Turkey Türkbank scandal Turkey Corruption Profile from the Business Anti-Corruption Portal
Corruption in Ghana
Corruption in Ghana has been common since independence. Since 2006, Ghana's score and ranking on the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index has improved ranked higher than Italy and Brazil. However, there is a growing perception in Ghana. Ranked 64th in 2012, tied with Lesotho. Though corruption in Ghana is low when compared to other countries in Africa, businesses quote corruption as an obstacle for doing business in the country. Corruption occurs in locally funded contracts, companies are subject to bribes when operating in rural areas. In a 1975 book, Victor T. Le Vine wrote that bribery and embezzlement arose from reversion to a traditional winner-takes-all attitude in which power and family relationships prevailed over the rule of law. Corruption in Ghana is comparatively less prevalent than in other countries in the region. Ghana is not a signatory to the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery, it has, taken steps to amend laws on public financial administration and public procurement.
The public procurement law, passed in January 2004, seeks to harmonize the many public procurement guidelines used in the country and to bring public procurement into conformity with World Trade Organization standards. The new law aims to improve accountability, value for money and efficiency in the use of public resources. However, some in civil society have criticized the law as inadequate; the government, in conjunction with civil society representatives, is drafting a Freedom of Information bill, which will allow greater access to public information. Notwithstanding the new procurement law, companies cannot expect complete transparency in locally funded contracts. There continue to be allegations of corruption in the tender process and the government has in the past set aside international tender awards in the name of national interest. Businesses report being asked for "favors" from contacts in Ghana, in return for facilitating business transactions; the Government of Ghana has publicly committed to ensuring that government officials do not use their positions to enrich themselves.
Official salaries, are modest for low-level government employees, such employees have been known to ask for a "dash" in return for assisting with license and permit applications. Member of parliament for the Chiana-Paga constituency, Abuga Pele was convicted in February 2018 and charged with a six year jail term for willfully causing a loss of GH¢4.1 million to the state of Ghana. In June 2009, Mubarak Muntaka resigned from his position as Minister of Youth and Sports on the orders of president Mills following investigations into dozens of allegations leveled against him including financial malpractice and abuse of power. Ghana's Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice asked Mubarak Muntaka to refund misappropriated funds; the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice was petitioned by a pressure group in September 2009 to investigate Mahama Ayariga for acquiring 5 subsidized tractors from the ministry of Agriculture that were meant to support underprivileged farmers in rural communities.
Appointments Committee of Parliament suspended his approval of becoming a minister pending investigations, that cleared him afterwards. Mahama Ayariga claimed that his application to acquire the tractors "was approved" and he was unaware that there was an "affordable arrangements" scheme associated with purchasing the tractors; the investigation was reopened in July 2017 when a different political party formed a new government. The hospital or health sector are the last places. In 2017,the deputy minister of health, Kingsley Aboagye Gyedu, asserted that Ghana's health sector had high corruption rates because of its low level of accountability.. Doctors in Tamale Teaching hospital plant agents to direct patients from the hospital to their clinics and direct patients to procure drugs and lab tests outside the hospital thus reducing hospital revenue, they go into agreement with these pharmacies and labs so they profit from the referrals Ghana's health sector was ranked second most corrupt in Africa, with most of the allocated resources going into the pockets of private individuals.
The worst affected people are the poor individuals who are not sensitised on medical practices in the hospital. Medical practitioners end up selling adulterated drugs and request bribes to allow patients jump queues.. In Koforidua in the eastern region of Ghana, a combined team of US and Ghanaian medical professionals were supposed to undertake the "Operation Walk Syracuse", a surgical procedure for some selected arthritis patients, it was revealed that some of the local professionals in the St. Joseph's hospital had charged from prospective beneficiaries varying sums of money ranging from GHC100.00 to GHC6,000.00 to allow them access the procedure. Meanwhile, this was at the blind side of the US team; the 1992 Constitution provided for the establishment of a Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice. Among other things, the Commission is charged with investigating all instances of alleged and suspected corruption and the misappropriation of public funds by officials; the Commission is authorized to take appropriate steps, including providing reports to the Attorney General and the Auditor-General, in response to such investigations.
The Commission has a mandate to prosecute alleged offenders when there is sufficient evidence to initiate legal actions. The Commission, however, is under-resourced and few prosecutions have been made since its inception. In 1998, the Government of Ghana established an anti-corruption institution, called the Serious Fraud Office, to inve
Corruption in Botswana
The 2010 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index gave Botswana a corruption perceptions index of 5.8, where 10.0 is the most clean and 0.0 is the most corrupt. Botswana was the 33rd lowest out of 178 countries in terms of how corrupt its public sector was perceived to be. Botswana has the highest score in Africa. In a survey carried out by Afrobarometer, 32 percent of those polled thought either all or most of the officials in non-local government and those with jobs as civil servants were involved with corruption. 29 percent thought the same of members of parliament. Local government was perceived as less corrupt with 20 percent saying either all or most of the officials in local government were involved with corruption; when asked if they had to bribe a government official to obtain employment, a government payment, electricity or water, or housing and land, each category had 96 to 97 percent responding they had never bribed a government official. This suggests the experience with corruption of people in Botswana is much lower than that of people living in other countries in Africa.
Corruption in Botswana is investigated by the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crimes. Botswana is a member of the Eastern and Southern Anti-Money Laundering Group
Corruption in South Africa
Corruption in South Africa includes the private use of public resources and improper favoritism. The 2017 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index assigned South Africa an index of 43 out of 100, ranking South Africa 71 out of 180 countries; this ranking represents a downward direction change with a drop of two points down from 45. Countries with scores below 50 are believed to have a serious corruption problems. Recent scandals surfacing since 2016 involving former South African President Jacob Zuma have drawn attention to corruption in South Africa. Cyril Ramaphosa, the newly elected South African President, has vowed to root out existing corruption and further the development of anti-corruption initiatives. South Africa has a robust anti-corruption framework, but laws are inadequately enforced and accountability in public sectors such as healthcare remain low. In addition, negative sanctions have been put in place to discourage whistle blowers from reporting corrupt activities in both the public and private sectors.
A recent scandal involving the Gupta family and former South African President Jacob Zuma, has pushed Zuma out of office while resurfacing a long list corruption complaints against the former president. Complaints against Zuma range from the former leader's lavish spending of state funds to the delegation of contracts to businesses with familial connections or close ties. In 2013, the Afrobarometer report shows a substantial increase in the public perception of corruption since 2008. While a little over half of all people on the continent of Africa believe that their country could be doing more to curb corruption, 66% of South Africans believe that the government could be taking more steps to restrict corrupt activity. South Africa ranks among the lowest countries. Only 15% of South Africans admit to having paid a bribe in the past year; the average percentage of Africans paying bribes in the prior year falls around 30%. Between 2011 and 2015, approval of Former President Zuma was halved to 36% due to reports of corruption and inadequate leadership.
The majority of South Africans believe that different branches of government should oversee other branches' work. Around a quarter of South Africans feel as if they should be responsible for holding elected representatives and leaders accountable. Apartheid, the system of discrimination and segregation on racial grounds, dominated the ideology and political system in South Africa from 1948 to 1994; this system, which intentionally excluded non-Afrikaners from civil service jobs, government positions, politics altogether, came to an end in 1994 when the African National Congress headed by Nelson Mandela conducted negotiations with the South African government at the time. Before the abolition of Apartheid, civil service was a pervasive medium for rent-seeking and the preferential treatment of Afrikaners. Policies favoring Afrikaner cultural and educational systems, the awarding of government contracts to Afrikaner businesses, the funding of parastatal Afrikaner organizations was a common phenomenon during the era of Apartheid.
The building of rural homeland states in the 1980s created ideal projects for rent-seeking with many homeland leaders presiding over massive patronage networks. Around the same time, the ANC was receiving funds from foreign donors in order to build up stronger opposition parties to protest the South Africa's National Party and Apartheid; these leaders were given large sums of money without formal book-keeping. Though there is no evidence of corruption or rent-seeking, the informal habits and the notion of ANC leaders being above accounting remained with the party which rose to power after the transition; the ANC's tradition of loyalty to the organization was shaped in the Apartheid era, with clear implications in modern-day ANC politics. In the years leading up to the inevitable transition of power, corruption was rampant in most government departments, intelligence agencies, the police, the military. There is much ongoing debate regarding the origin of corruption and the definition of corruption in South Africa.
The inherited bureaucracy and political culture originating in the Apartheid era renders corruption issues hard to trace and tackle. The creation of a new economic elite consisting of ANC members or associates following 1994, created a context where corruption flourished under the new regime. Both the new and old political order created their own types of corruption, benefitting those in their inner circles. Although forms of endemic corruption were passed on to the new order, since 1994, new forms of corruption have persisted and layered themselves on top. Although South Africa is subject to various types of corruption, two prevalent forms are tenderpreneurism and BEE fronting. Recent scandals involving South African politicians and the Gupta family have brought both types of corruption into the public spotlight. Petty Corruption is another relevant issue affecting public services and day-to-day life in South Africa. A tenderpreneur is an individual who enriches themselves through corrupting the awarding of government tender contracts based on personal connections and corrupt relationships - although outright bribery might take place - and sometimes involving an elected or politically appointed official holding simultaneous business interests.
This is accompanied by overcharging and shoddy workmanship. The previous case involving the Gupta family and their close ties to the Zuma regime can be classified as tenderpreneurism. BEE-fronting is an abuse of the rules governing Black Economic Empowerment, where qualifying persons are given a seat on the Board of Directors of a company while having no decision-making power in the company