International Standard Serial Number
An International Standard Serial Number is an eight-digit serial number used to uniquely identify a serial publication, such as a magazine. The ISSN is helpful in distinguishing between serials with the same title. ISSN are used in ordering, interlibrary loans, other practices in connection with serial literature; the ISSN system was first drafted as an International Organization for Standardization international standard in 1971 and published as ISO 3297 in 1975. ISO subcommittee TC 46/SC 9 is responsible for maintaining the standard; when a serial with the same content is published in more than one media type, a different ISSN is assigned to each media type. For example, many serials are published both in electronic media; the ISSN system refers to these types as electronic ISSN, respectively. Conversely, as defined in ISO 3297:2007, every serial in the ISSN system is assigned a linking ISSN the same as the ISSN assigned to the serial in its first published medium, which links together all ISSNs assigned to the serial in every medium.
The format of the ISSN is an eight digit code, divided by a hyphen into two four-digit numbers. As an integer number, it can be represented by the first seven digits; the last code digit, which may be 0-9 or an X, is a check digit. Formally, the general form of the ISSN code can be expressed as follows: NNNN-NNNC where N is in the set, a digit character, C is in; the ISSN of the journal Hearing Research, for example, is 0378-5955, where the final 5 is the check digit, C=5. To calculate the check digit, the following algorithm may be used: Calculate the sum of the first seven digits of the ISSN multiplied by its position in the number, counting from the right—that is, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, respectively: 0 ⋅ 8 + 3 ⋅ 7 + 7 ⋅ 6 + 8 ⋅ 5 + 5 ⋅ 4 + 9 ⋅ 3 + 5 ⋅ 2 = 0 + 21 + 42 + 40 + 20 + 27 + 10 = 160 The modulus 11 of this sum is calculated. For calculations, an upper case X in the check digit position indicates a check digit of 10. To confirm the check digit, calculate the sum of all eight digits of the ISSN multiplied by its position in the number, counting from the right.
The modulus 11 of the sum must be 0. There is an online ISSN checker. ISSN codes are assigned by a network of ISSN National Centres located at national libraries and coordinated by the ISSN International Centre based in Paris; the International Centre is an intergovernmental organization created in 1974 through an agreement between UNESCO and the French government. The International Centre maintains a database of all ISSNs assigned worldwide, the ISDS Register otherwise known as the ISSN Register. At the end of 2016, the ISSN Register contained records for 1,943,572 items. ISSN and ISBN codes are similar in concept. An ISBN might be assigned for particular issues of a serial, in addition to the ISSN code for the serial as a whole. An ISSN, unlike the ISBN code, is an anonymous identifier associated with a serial title, containing no information as to the publisher or its location. For this reason a new ISSN is assigned to a serial each time it undergoes a major title change. Since the ISSN applies to an entire serial a new identifier, the Serial Item and Contribution Identifier, was built on top of it to allow references to specific volumes, articles, or other identifiable components.
Separate ISSNs are needed for serials in different media. Thus, the print and electronic media versions of a serial need separate ISSNs. A CD-ROM version and a web version of a serial require different ISSNs since two different media are involved. However, the same ISSN can be used for different file formats of the same online serial; this "media-oriented identification" of serials made sense in the 1970s. In the 1990s and onward, with personal computers, better screens, the Web, it makes sense to consider only content, independent of media; this "content-oriented identification" of serials was a repressed demand during a decade, but no ISSN update or initiative occurred. A natural extension for ISSN, the unique-identification of the articles in the serials, was the main demand application. An alternative serials' contents model arrived with the indecs Content Model and its application, the digital object identifier, as ISSN-independent initiative, consolidated in the 2000s. Only in 2007, ISSN-L was defined in the
Richard Wyn Jones
Richard Wyn Jones is a Welsh academic at Cardiff University, where he is Director of Cardiff University's Wales Governance and Dean of Public Affairs. Jones was a former Professor of Welsh Politics at Cardiff as well as the founding Director of the Institute of Welsh Politics and Critical Security Studies at Aberystwyth University. Since 1997, he has led election surveys helping to detail the attitudes of electors in Wales in the immediate aftermath of Westminster and National Assembly elections. Jones joined the staff of Cardiff University in February 2009 as Director of the Wales Governance Centre, he has written extensively on contemporary Welsh politics, devolved politics in the UK, nationalism. He is featured on BBC appearing on both Welsh and English-language broadcasts. Jones, Richard Wyn. ‘Y Blaid Ffasgaidd yng Nghymru’: Plaid Cymru a’r Cyhuddiad o Ffasgaeth. Jones, Richard Wyn. "Wales Says Yes: Welsh Devolution and the 2011 Referendum". Jones, Richard Wyn. "Rhoi Cymru’n Gyntaf: Syniadaeth Wleidyddol Plaid Cymru", Cyfrol 1.
Jones, Richard Wyn, ed.. Critical Theory and World Politics. Jones, Richard Wyn. Security and Critical Theory
Neo-Marxism encompasses 20th-century approaches that amend or extend Marxism and Marxist theory by incorporating elements from other intellectual traditions such as critical theory, psychoanalysis, or existentialism. An example of the syncretism in neo-Marxist theory is Erik Olin Wright's theory of contradictory class locations which incorporates Weberian sociology, critical criminology and anarchism; as with many uses of the prefix neo-, some theorists and groups designated as neo-Marxist have attempted to supplement the perceived deficiencies of orthodox Marxism or dialectical materialism. Many prominent neo-Marxists, such as Herbert Marcuse and other members of the Frankfurt School, have been sociologists and psychologists. Neo-Marxism comes under the broader framework of the New Left. In a sociological sense, neo-Marxism adds Max Weber's broader understanding of social inequality such as status and power to Marxist philosophy. Examples of neo-Marxism include analytical Marxism and French structural Marxism.
Neo-Marxism developed as a result of social and political problems that traditional Marxist theory was unable to sufficiently address. This iteration of thinking tended toward peaceful ideological dissemination, rather than the revolutionary and violent methods of the past. Economically, neo-Marxist thought leaders moved beyond the era of public outcry over class warfare and attempted to design viable models to solve it. There are many different branches of neo-Marxism not in agreement with each other and their theories. Following World War I, some neo-Marxists dissented and formed the Frankfurt School. Toward the end of the 20th century, neo-Marxism and other Marxist theories became anathema in democratic and capitalistic Western cultures and the term attained negative connotations during the Red Scare. For this reason, social theorists of the same ideology since that time have tended to disassociate themselves from the term neo-Marxism. Examples of such thinkers include David Harvey and Jacque Fresco, with some ambiguity surrounding Noam Chomsky, labelled a neo-Marxist by some, but who disagrees with such assessments.
Some consider libertarian socialism an example of rebranded neo-Marxism. The neo-Marxist approach to development economics is connected with dependency and world systems theories. In these cases, the "exploitation" that classifies it as Marxist is an external one, rather than the normal "internal" exploitation of classical Marxism. In industrial economics, the neo-Marxist approach stresses the monopolistic rather than the competitive nature of capitalism; this approach is associated with Paul A. Baran and Paul Sweezy; some portions of Marxist feminism have used the neo-Marxist label. This school of thought that believes that the means of knowledge and pedagogy are part of a privileged epistemology as the absence of injustice and the resultant undue enrichment in terms of production of knowledge. Neo-Marxist feminism relies on critical theory and seeks to apply those theories in psychotherapy as the means of political and cultural change. Teresa McDowell and Rhea Almeida use these theories in a therapy method called "liberation based healing" which, like many other forms of Marxism, uses sample bias in the many interrelated liberties in order to magnify the "critical consciousness" of the participants towards unrest of the status quo.
Paul Blackledge. Marxism, the New Left. Merlin Press. ISBN 978-0-85036-532-0. Hans Heinz Holz. Strömungen und Tendenzen im Neomarxismus. München: Carl Hanser Verlag. ISBN 3-446-11650-8. Horst Müller. Praxis und Hoffnung. Studien zur Philosophie und Wissenschaft gesellschaftlicher Praxis von Marx bis Bloch und Lefebvre. Bochum: Germinal Verlag. ISBN 3-88663-509-0. Andreas von Weiss. Neomarxismus. Die Problemdiskussion im Nachfolgemarximus der Jahre 1945 bis 1970. Freiburg/München: Karl-Alber-Verlag. ISBN 3-495-47212-6. Willis, Kate. Theories and Practices of Development 2nd Edition. Routledge. Neo-Marxism: An Attempt at Reformation Liberation Based Healing
International relations or international affairs — also referred to as international studies, global studies, or global affairs — is the study of interconnectedness of politics and law on a global level. Depending on the academic institution, it is either a field of political science, an interdisciplinary academic field similar to global studies, or an independent academic discipline in which students take a variety of internationally focused courses in social science and humanities disciplines. In all cases, the field studies relationships between political entities such as sovereign states, inter-governmental organizations, international non-governmental organizations, other non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, the wider world-systems produced by this interaction. International relations is an academic and a public policy field, so can be positive and normative, because it analyses and formulates the foreign policy of a given state; as political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian Thucydides, and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field within political science.
In practice, international relations and international affairs forms a separate academic program or field from political science, the courses taught therein are interdisciplinary. For example, international relations draws from the fields of politics, international law, communication studies, demography, sociology, criminology and gender studies; the scope of international relations encompasses issues such as globalization, diplomatic relations, state sovereignty, international security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, economic development, global finance and human rights. The history of international relations can be traced back to thousands of years ago; the history of international relations based on sovereign states and many more types are traced back to the Peace of Westphalia of 1648, a stepping stone in the development of the modern state system. Prior to this the European medieval organization of political authority was based on a vaguely hierarchical religious order.
Contrary to popular belief, Westphalia still embodied layered systems of sovereignty within the Holy Roman Empire. More than the Peace of Westphalia, the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713 is thought to reflect an emerging norm that sovereigns had no internal equals within a defined territory and no external superiors as the ultimate authority within the territory's sovereign borders; the centuries of 1500 to 1789 saw the rise of the independent, sovereign states, the institutionalization of diplomacy and armies. The French Revolution added to this the new idea that not princes or an oligarchy, but the citizenry of a state, defined as the nation, should be defined as sovereign; such a state in which the nation is sovereign would thence be termed a nation-state. The term republic became its synonym. An alternative model of the nation-state was developed in reaction to the French republican concept by the Germans and others, who instead of giving the citizenry sovereignty, kept the princes and nobility, but defined nation-statehood in ethnic-linguistic terms, establishing the if fulfilled ideal that all people speaking one language should belong to one state only.
The same claim to sovereignty was made for both forms of nation-state. The particular European system supposing the sovereign equality of states was exported to the Americas and Asia via colonialism and the "standards of civilization"; the contemporary international system was established through decolonization during the Cold War. However, this is somewhat over-simplified. While the nation-state system is considered "modern", many states have not incorporated the system and are termed "pre-modern". Further, a handful of states have moved beyond insistence on full sovereignty, can be considered "post-modern"; the ability of contemporary IR discourse to explain the relations of these different types of states is disputed. "Levels of analysis" is a way of looking at the international system, which includes the individual level, the domestic state as a unit, the international level of transnational and intergovernmental affairs, the global level. What is explicitly recognized as international relations theory was not developed until after World War I, is dealt with in more detail below.
IR theory, has a long tradition of drawing on the work of other social sciences. The use of capitalizations of the "I" and "R" in international relations aims to distinguish the academic discipline of international relations from the phenomena of international relations. Many cite Sun Tzu's The Art of War, Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War, Chanakya's Arthashastra, as the inspiration for realist theory, with Hobbes' Leviathan and Machiavelli's The Prince providing further elaboration. Liberalism draws upon the work of Kant and Rousseau, with the work of the former being cited as the first elaboration of democratic peace theory. Though contemporary human rights is different from the type of rights envisioned under natural
Positivism is a philosophical theory stating that certain knowledge is based on natural phenomena and their properties and relations. Thus, information derived from sensory experience, interpreted through reason and logic, forms the exclusive source of all certain knowledge. Positivism holds. Verified data received from the senses are known as empirical evidence. Positivism holds that society, like the physical world, operates according to general laws. Introspective and intuitive knowledge is rejected, as are metaphysics and theology because metaphysical and theological claims cannot be verified by sense experience. Although the positivist approach has been a recurrent theme in the history of western thought, the modern approach was formulated by the philosopher Auguste Comte in the early 19th century. Comte argued that, much as the physical world operates according to gravity and other absolute laws, so does society, further developed positivism into a Religion of Humanity; the English noun positivism was re-imported in the 19th century from the French word positivisme, derived from positif in its philosophical sense of'imposed on the mind by experience'.
The corresponding adjective has been used in a similar sense to discuss law since the time of Chaucer. Positivism is part of a more general ancient quarrel between philosophy and poetry, notably laid out by Plato and reformulated as a quarrel between the sciences and the humanities, Plato elaborates a critique of poetry from the point of view of philosophy in his dialogues Phaedrus 245a, Symposium 209a, Republic 398a, Laws 817 b-d and Ion. Wilhelm Dilthey popularized the distinction between Geisteswissenschaft and Naturwissenschaften; the consideration that laws in physics may not be absolute but relative, and, if so, this might be more true of social sciences, was stated, in different terms, by G. B. Vico in 1725. Vico, in contrast to the positivist movement, asserted the superiority of the science of the human mind, on the grounds that natural sciences tell us nothing about the inward aspects of things. Positivism asserts that all authentic knowledge allows verification and that all authentic knowledge assumes that the only valid knowledge is scientific.
Thinkers such as Henri de Saint-Simon, Pierre-Simon Laplace and Auguste Comte believed the scientific method, the circular dependence of theory and observation, must replace metaphysics in the history of thought. Émile Durkheim reformulated sociological positivism as a foundation of social research. Wilhelm Dilthey, in contrast, fought strenuously against the assumption that only explanations derived from science are valid, he reprised the argument found in Vico, that scientific explanations do not reach the inner nature of phenomena and it is humanistic knowledge that gives us insight into thoughts and desires. Dilthey was in part influenced by the historicism of Leopold von Ranke. At the turn of the 20th century the first wave of German sociologists, including Max Weber and Georg Simmel, rejected the doctrine, thus founding the antipositivist tradition in sociology. Antipositivists and critical theorists have associated positivism with "scientism". In his career, German theoretical physicist Werner Heisenberg, Nobel laureate for pioneering work in quantum mechanics, distanced himself from positivism by saying: The positivists have a simple solution: the world must be divided into that which we can say and the rest, which we had better pass over in silence.
But can any one conceive of a more pointless philosophy, seeing that what we can say amounts to next to nothing? If we omitted all, unclear we would be left with uninteresting and trivial tautologies. In the early 20th century, logical positivism—a descendant of Comte's basic thesis but an independent movement—sprang up in Vienna and grew to become one of the dominant schools in Anglo-American philosophy and the analytic tradition. Logical positivists rejected metaphysical speculation and attempted to reduce statements and propositions to pure logic. Strong critiques of this approach by philosophers such as Karl Popper, Willard Van Orman Quine and Thomas Kuhn have been influential, led to the development of postpositivism. In historiography the debate on positivism has been characterized by the quarrel between positivism and historicism. Arguments against positivist approaches in historiography include that history differs from sciences like physics and ethology in subject matter and method.
That much of what history studies is nonquantifiable, therefore to quantify is to lose in precision. Experimental methods and mathematical models do not apply to history, it is not possible to formulate general laws in history. Positivism in the social sciences is characterized by quantitative approaches and the proposition of quasi-absolute laws. A significant exception to this trend is represented by cultural anthropology, which tends toward qualitative approaches. In psychology the positivist movement was influential in the development of operationalism; the 1927 philosophy of science book The Logic of Modern Physics in particular, intended for physicists, coined the term operational definition, which went on to dominate psychological method for the whole century. In economics, practising researc
Cynthia Holden Enloe is a feminist writer and professor. She is best known for her work on gender and militarism and for her contributions to the field of feminist international relations. In 2015, the International Feminist Journal of Politics, in conjunction with the academic publisher Taylor & Francis, created the Cynthia Enloe Award "in honour of Cynthia Enloe’s pioneering feminist research into international politics and political economy, her considerable contribution to building a more inclusive feminist scholarly community." Cynthia Enloe was born in New York, New York and grew up in Manhasset, Long Island, a New York suburb. Her father was from Missouri and went to medical school in Germany from 1933 to 1936, her mother married Cynthia's father upon graduation. After completing her undergraduate education at Connecticut College in 1960, she went on to earn an M. A. in 1963 and a Ph. D. in 1967 in political science at the University of California, Berkeley. While at Berkely, Enloe was the first woman to be a Head TA for Aaron Wildavsky an up-and-coming star in the field of American Politics.
For much of her professional life she taught at Clark University in Massachusetts. At Clark, Enloe served as Chair of the Department of Political Science and as Director of Women's Studies, she served on the university's Committee on Personnel and its Planning and Budget Review Committee. Enloe was awarded Clark University's Outstanding Teacher Award on three separate occasions. At the beginning of her career, Enloe focused on studying ethnic and racial politics, she completed her dissertation in Malaysia on a Fulbright Scholarship from 1965-1966. There, she researched the country's ethnic politics. Ten years after receiving her PhD, Enloe had written six books on the subject of ethnical tensions and its role in politics, however she had yet to look at any of these subjects from a feminist angle, it wasn’t until she first began teaching at Clark University, in the middle of the U. S.-Vietnam war, that Enloe began to develop her feminist thought. Enloe spoke with a colleague at Clark, the only man on the faculty, a veteran, about his experiences during the Vietnam war.
He mentioned. She began to wonder how history would be different if the entire war had been told through the eyes of these Vietnamese women. Since, Enloe's work has focused upon how feminist and gendered politics have shaped the national and international conversations. Enloe focuses on the unfair treatment of women in globalized factory and the many ways in which women are exploited for their labor, she critiques global as well as U. S. militarization the roles women play in combat. Enloe isn’t afraid to address security from a feminist perspective, she argues that the U. S. military model trains men to be the protectors of women and produces an environment in which women are the victims of physical violence. One of Enloe's many contributions to feminist writings has been her coining of the term “feminist curiosity.” It came about in 2003 when Enloe was giving a talk at Ochanomizu University, a historic women's university in Tokyo. She has said that she wanted to come up with a phrase that she felt could be understood in both English and Japanese as her lecture was being translated for those who attended.
Enloe created this idea of “feminist curiosity” as a way of saying that feminism is about the questions you ask, not just the answers you give. Having retired from Clark, Enloe is a research professor in the Department of International Development and Environment and is still a frequent and energetic lecturer. In addition to serving on the editorial board for scholarly journals such as Signs and the International Feminist Journal of Politics, Cynthia Enloe has written twelve books published by the University of California Press. Much of Enloe's research centers on women's place in international politics, her books cover a wide range of issues encompassing gender-based discrimination as well as racial and national identities. She is a member of the academic network of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. Enloe states that she has been influenced by many other feminists who use an ethnographic approach Seung-Kyung Kim's work on South Korean women factory workers during the pro-democracy campaign and Anne Allison's work on observing corporate businessmen's interactions with hostesses in a Tokyo drinking club.
Enloe has listed Diane Singerman, Purnima Mankekar, Cathy Lutz as people who have inspired and influenced her work. When asked how Enloe defines feminism for herself, she stated that "Feminism is the pursuit of deep, deep justice for women in ways that change the behaviors of both women and men, change our notions of what justice looks like." She has been awarded Honorary Doctorates by prestigious universities such as Union College, the University of London's School of Oriental and African Studies, Connecticut College, the University of Lund and Clark University. She lives in Boston with partner Joni Seager. Enloe pays particular attention to the effect of globalization on women's wage ratios; this book not only addresses women's roles in economic markets, world conflicts, power politics, but shows Enloe's particular interest in linking these themes to women's everyday lives. She addresses themes similar to those in Bananas and Bases, but in this book she discusses how she became interested in becoming a feminist.
She asserts that curiosity as a feminist means that no
Feminism is a range of political movements and social movements that share a common goal: to define and achieve the political, economic and social equality of the genders. This includes fighting gender stereotypes and seeking to establish educational and professional opportunities for women that are equal to those for men. Feminist movements have campaigned and continue to campaign for women's rights, including the right to vote, to hold public office, to work, to earn fair wages or equal pay, to own property, to receive education, to enter contracts, to have equal rights within marriage, to have maternity leave. Feminists have worked to ensure access to legal abortions and social integration, to protect women and girls from rape, sexual harassment, domestic violence. Changes in dress and acceptable physical activity have been part of feminist movements; some scholars consider feminist campaigns to be a main force behind major historical societal changes for women's rights in the West, where they are near-universally credited with achieving women's suffrage, gender neutrality in English, reproductive rights for women, the right to enter into contracts and own property.
Although feminist advocacy is, has been focused on women's rights, some feminists, including bell hooks, argue for the inclusion of men's liberation within its aims because they believe that men are harmed by traditional gender roles. Feminist theory, which emerged from feminist movements, aims to understand the nature of gender inequality by examining women's social roles and lived experience. Numerous feminist movements and ideologies have developed over the years and represent different viewpoints and aims; some forms of feminism have been criticized for taking into account only white, middle class, college-educated perspectives. This criticism led to the creation of ethnically specific or multicultural forms of feminism, including black feminism and intersectional feminism. Charles Fourier, a Utopian Socialist and French philosopher, is credited with having coined the word "féminisme" in 1837; the words "féminisme" and "féministe" first appeared in France and the Netherlands in 1872, Great Britain in the 1890s, the United States in 1910, the Oxford English Dictionary lists 1852 as the year of the first appearance of "feminist" and 1895 for "feminism".
Depending on the historical moment and country, feminists around the world have had different causes and goals. Most western feminist historians contend that all movements working to obtain women's rights should be considered feminist movements when they did not apply the term to themselves. Other historians assert that the term should be limited to the modern feminist movement and its descendants; those historians use the label "protofeminist" to describe earlier movements. The history of the modern western feminist movements is divided into three "waves"; each wave dealt with different aspects of the same feminist issues. The first wave comprised women's suffrage movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, promoting women's right to vote; the second wave was associated with the ideas and actions of the women's liberation movement beginning in the 1960s. The second wave campaigned for social equality for women; the third wave is a continuation of, a reaction to, the perceived failures of second-wave feminism, which began in the 1990s.
First-wave feminism was a period of activity during early twentieth century. In the UK and the US, it focused on the promotion of equal contract, marriage and property rights for women. By the end of the 19th century, a number of important steps had been made with the passing of legislation such as the UK Custody of Infants Act 1839 which introduced the Tender years doctrine for child custody arrangement and gave women the right of custody of their children for the first time. Other legislation such as the Married Women's Property Act 1870 in the UK and extended in the 1882 Act, these became models for similar legislation in other British territories. For example, Victoria passed legislation in 1884, New South Wales in 1889, the remaining Australian colonies passed similar legislation between 1890 and 1897. Therefore, with the turn of the 19th century activism had focused on gaining political power the right of women's suffrage, though some feminists were active in campaigning for women's sexual and economic rights as well.
Women's suffrage began in Britain's Australasian colonies at the close of the 19th century, with the self-governing colonies of New Zealand granting women the right to vote in 1893 and South Australia granting female suffrage in 1895. This was followed by Australia granting female suffrage in 1902. In Britain the Suffragettes and the Suffragists campaigned for the women's vote, in 1918 the Representation of the People Act was passed granting the vote to women over the age of 30 who owned property. In 1928 this was extended to all women over 21. Emmeline Pankhurst was the most notable activist in England, with Time naming her one of the 100 Most Important People of the 20th Century stating: "she shaped an idea of women for our time. In the U. S. notable leaders of this movement included Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, who each campaigned for the abolition of slavery prior to championing women's right to vote; these women were influenced by the