Social Democratic Path
Social Democratic Path is a centre-left secularist political party in Tunisia. It was formed in April 2012, by the merger of the post-communist Ettajdid Movement and the Tunisian Labour Party, including some individual members of the Democratic Modernist Pole, together holding 7 seats in the Constituent Assembly, it is led by former secretary of the Ettajdid Movement. In February 2013, it became a part of the Union for Tunisia alliance of secularist parties
The Destourian Movement is a Tunisian political party founded by former members of Tunisia's pre-revolution ruling party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally. In the 2014 presidential election, the Destourian Movement presented Abderrahim Zouari, Minister of Transport from 2004 to 2011, as candidate. Facebook page of the Destourian Movement
Popular Unity Movement
Popular Unity Movement, is a socialist political party in Tunisia. The MUP was formed by Ahmed Ben Salah in Swiss exile in 1973. Ben Salah was a trade unionist, a member of the ruling Socialist Destourian Party and minister of economic planning in the government of Habib Bourguiba. In this role he pursued a communitarian socialist policy, aiming for a more unified and enlightened society by the means of a strong government. Ben Salah was made responsible for the economic failure of the late 1960s, dropped from the government, expelled from the PSD and sentenced to 10 years of forced labour in 1970, he fled abroad. His new party gathered Tunisian expatriates living in Europe. In 1977, it published a Charter of Democratic and Popular Liberties which had great influence on the political debate in Tunisia. However, the party remained illegal; when the more reformist Mohammed Mzali became Prime Minister, he allowed oppositional parties to run candidates' lists in elections and announced to recognize them in case they won more than five percent.
However, the government rigged the elections and the MUP received, according to official results, less than 1 percent. Ben Salah therefore announced to boycott further elections. A more moderate faction which disagreed with Ben Salah, broke away in 1981 and formed the Popular Unity Party, which gained official recognition in 1983. After the Tunisian revolution 2011, the MUP was legalised, but in the following election for the Constituent Assembly it failed to win any seats
Movement of Socialist Democrats
The Movement of Socialist Democrats is a political party in Tunisia. The MDS was founded by defectors from the ruling Socialist Destourian Party and liberal-minded expatriates in 1978; the founders of the MDS had been involved in the establishment of the Tunisian Human Rights League in 1976/77. Its first secretary general was Ahmed Mestiri, a member of the PSD and interior minister in the government of Habib Bourguiba, but was dropped from the government in 1971 and expelled from the party after he had called for democratic reforms and pluralism. Tunisia was a single-party state ruled by the PSD; the MDS remained illegal until 1981 when the more reform-minded Prime Minister Mohammed Mzali allowed oppositional parties to run candidates' lists in elections and announced to recognise them in case they won more than 5%. Among the minor, weakly institutionalised oppositional parties, the MDS presented the most appealing candidates list and threatened to beat the PSD in the capital Tunis; the government decided to rig the elections.
So, according to official results, the MDS won only 3.2 percent, behind the ruling PSD with 94.6 percent. However, the government relented and allowed the MDS to register in 1983, it was one of three legal oppositional parties during the 1980s. The MDS welcomed Zine El Abidine Ben Ali taking over the presidency from the logterm head of state Bourguiba in 1987. Many MDS members believed that Ben Ali pursued reforms and liberalisation and defected to his Constitutional Democratic Rally, weakening the MDS. Ahmed Mestiri led the party until 1990. In the early 1990s, the party was torn between cooperation with the opposition; those who strove for a oppositional course left the party or were edged out. In 1994, a group of MDS dissidents around Mustapha Ben Jaafar founded the Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties, only legalised in 2002. In 1994, the electoral law was changed, ensuring the parliamentary representation of oppositional parties; the MDS received 10 of 163 seats. In 1999, it became the largest opposition party, with 13 seats in the Tunisian parliament.
In 2001, the then-party leader Mohamed al-Mouadda was charged with having formed a pact with the banned Islamist group Ennahda. At the 2004 parliamentary election, the party won 4.6 % of 14 seats. Their number of seats rose to 16 at the 2009 election, making it again the second-largest party in the Chamber of Deputies, behind the dominant Constitutional Democratic Rally. After the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, the party obtained two seats in the election for the Constituent Assembly; the MDS has published the Arabic weekly newspapers Al-Moustaqbal and Al-Ra'i, as well as the French-language L'Avenir
2011 Tunisian Constituent Assembly election
An election for a constituent assembly in Tunisia was announced on 3 March 2011 and held on 23 October 2011, following the Tunisian revolution. The Assembly had 217 members, it was the first free election held in Tunisia since the country's independence in 1956, as well as the first election in the Arab world held after the start of the Arab Spring. The result was announced after counting began on 25 October 2011 and Ennahda won a plurality of votes. Senior party members of the disbanded former ruling party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally, were banned from standing in the election if they had been active in politics within the last ten years; the ban would have applied to all former senior party members, but this was revised after protests by former RCD members. The election campaign started on 1 October 2011; the voting system allocated seats through proportional representation within various multi-member districts on closed lists based on thresholds set as the quotient of votes cast divided by seats contested.
All party lists were required to alternate between female candidates. Each governorate of Tunisia had a designated number of seats based on population. Districts within Tunisia ranged in size from four to ten seats; each delegate represented 60,000 inhabitants, in a country of 10.5 million. Eighteen of the 217 constituent assembly members represented Tunisians abroad. A million Tunisians live abroad, with up to 500,000 Tunisians in France. Polling for expatriate Tunisians took place in 80 countries around the world. France, Tunisia's former colonial ruler, elected ten representatives. Around 60,000 Tunisians living in Germany were eligible to vote. In Canada, where around 16,000 Tunisians live, voting took place at the Tunisian embassy in Ottawa and the consulate in Montreal, Quebec. In the United States, where an estimated 14,500 Tunisian citizens live, polling took place in Washington, D. C. New York City, Houston, San Francisco, Los Angeles. In the United Kingdom, there were 4,700 potential voters and voting took place in Birmingham, Edinburgh and Manchester.
The largest and most organised party was the center-right and moderately Islamist Ennahda. Its platform included economic liberalism, as well as allowing Islam to have a greater presence in public life, its leader Rachid Ghannouchi did not run in the election saying that he had no ambitions to be in government. Instead, General Secretary Hamadi Jebali ran as the prime ministerial candidate; the Congress for the Republic, centered around intellectual freedom. Ettakatol or FDTL, a secular social democratic party. Most of its support came from social grassroots volunteers. Al Aridha, the Popular Petition for Freedom and Development, a populist party; the Progressive Democratic Party a secular liberal, economically centrist party, with leanings towards a mixed economy. Like Ennahda, it was able to run a nationwide campaign; the party benefitted from the support of the business community. The Al-Watan Party and The Initiative emerged from the dissolved and banned Constitutional Democratic Rally and represented key figures of the ousted Ben Ali regime.
The Democratic Modernist Pole, a coalition led by the Ettajdid Movement, focused on implementing political change. It is anti-Islamist. Support for the coalition has dwindled due to infighting and an increase in support for other secular parties. Afek Tounes, a liberal center-right party with focus on secularism and civil liberties. A number of communist parties, by far the largest of, the trade union-centered Tunisian Workers' Communist Party. Although they had only limited support, they were well expected to win seats. Many of these far-left parties were centered around human rights and anti-globalisation; the primary topic of discussion during the campaign was the role of secularism and Islam in public life. The repression of Islamists goes back to the days of Habib Bourguiba. After the fall of the Ben Ali government, the ban on the hijab in public institutions was lifted. Though Ennahda sought to establish an Islamic democracy guaranteeing civil freedoms and equality, some secularists claimed that the party would endanger civil rights if it came to power.
Secularists were alarmed at violent protests by religious conservatives against the broadcast of the film Persepolis by Nessma TV. Ennahda condemned the violence, but maintained that the film had "touched everything, sacred for Tunisians". Another major issue was the role of campaign finances; the PDP alleged that Ennahda ran their campaign unfairly because, they claim, Ennahda received money from Gulf billionaires. However, Ennahda denied the claims and asserted that they used their money efficiently and fundraised more due to having greater support, they pointed out that their moderate policies had alienated many people in the Gulf, who believed in radical Salafist and Wahhabi ideas. Others alleged that the pro-business PDP and smaller UPL had themselves received unfair funding, as they had the support of the rich native business community; as the Constituent Assembly had to decide on a new constitution for Tunisia, the contenders presented different proposals for the configuration of the new democratic system.
The Ennahda Movement envisioned a parliamentary model with a strong prime minister, inspired by t
The dinar is the currency of Tunisia. It is subdivided into millimes; the abbreviation DT is used in Tunisia, although writing "dinar" after the amount is acceptable. The name "dinar" is derived from the Roman denarius, used in the Africa province, the antique territory of Carthage, modern day Tunisia; the dinar was introduced in 1960, having been established as a unit of account in 1958. It replaced the franc at a rate of 1000 francs; the dinar did not follow the devaluation of the French franc in 1958, resulting in the exchange rate being abandoned. Instead a peg to the United States dollar of 1 dinar = 2.38 dollars was established, maintained until 1964, when the dinar devalued to 1 dinar = 1.90 dollars. This second rate was held until the dollar was devalued in 1971. Tunisia had a low inflation; the dinar was less volatile in 2000–2010 than the currencies of its oil-importing neighbors and Morocco. Inflation was 4.9% in fiscal year 2007–08 and 3.5% in fiscal year 2008–09. In 1960, aluminium 1, 2 and 5 millime and brass 10, 20, 50 and 100 millime coins were introduced.
The 1 and 2 millimes were last issued in 1990 and 1983 and are no longer legal tender. In 1968, nickel 1⁄2 dinar coins were introduced, replaced by smaller, cupro-nickel pieces in 1976, when cupro-nickel 1 dinar coins were introduced. Bimetallic 5 dinar coins were introduced in 2002. Coins in circulation are 1 millime 5 millimes 10 millimes 20 millimes 50 millimes 100 millimes 200 millimes 1⁄2 dinar 1 dinar 2 dinars 5 dinarsIt was on 26 December 2013 that the two new tridecagonal coins were introduced, 200 millimes and 2 dinar. On 3 November 1958, banknotes were introduced by the Central Bank of Tunisia in denominations of 1⁄2, 1 and 5 dinars; the designs of these denominations were changed with a series of notes dated 1-6-1965, but issued on 3 March 1966. A 10-dinar note dated 1-6-1969 was issued on 2 January 1970; the last 1⁄2-dinar notes were dated 1973-10-15 whilst the last 1-dinar notes were dated 1980-10-15. 20-dinar notes dated 1980-10-15 were introduced on 26 December 1984. 30-dinar notes were issued between 1997 and 2011.
50-dinar notes dated 2008 were issued on 25 July 2009. On 8 November 2005, an updated version of the used 10-dinar note was issued. Tunisians sometimes do not use the main division, when mentioning prices of goods. Accordingly, one dinar and a half, is referred to as khomstach en miya; this applies to all prices below 2 dinars. 50 dinar is referred to as khamsin alf. This convention is used for higher prices, for example 70,000 dinars would be called sab'in maliun. "Francs" is still heard from time to time, 1000 of them colloquially representing a single dinar. It is a criminal offence in Tunisia to export dinar; every year, each citizen can convert into foreign currency up to 6,000 Tunisian dinars before departure from the country. Therefore, prices at duty-free shops are in convertible currencies such as euros, US dollars and British pounds. There are many converting ATMs in the country for tourists. There is some speculation, it appears this is an initiative of the Tunisian Postal Service and not the Central Bank and that there is no national e-currency.
Economy of Tunisia Carthaginian shekel Denarius Tunisian rial or piastre Tunisian franc
Universal health care
Universal healthcare is a health care system that provides health care and financial protection to all residents of a particular country or region. It is organized around providing a specified package of benefits to all members of a society with the end goal of providing financial risk protection, improved access to health services, improved health outcomes. Universal healthcare does not imply coverage for all people for everything, only that all people have access to healthcare; some universal healthcare systems are government funded, while others are based on a requirement that all citizens purchase private health insurance. Universal healthcare can be determined by three critical dimensions:, covered, what services are covered, how much of the cost is covered, it is described by the World Health Organization as a situation where citizens can access health services without incurring financial hardship. The Director General of WHO describes universal health coverage as the “single most powerful concept that public health has to offer” since it unifies “services and delivers them in a comprehensive and integrated way”.
One of the goals with universal healthcare is to create a system of protection which provides equality of opportunity for people to enjoy the highest possible level of health. As part of Sustainable Development Goals, United Nations member states have agreed to work toward worldwide universal health coverage by 2030; the first move towards a national health insurance system was launched in Germany in 1883, with the Sickness Insurance Law. Industrial employers were mandated to provide injury and illness insurance for their low-wage workers, the system was funded and administered by employees and employers through "sick funds", which were drawn from deductions in workers' wages and from employers' contributions. Other countries soon began to follow suit. In the United Kingdom, the National Insurance Act 1911 provided coverage for primary care for wage earners, covering about one third of the population; the Russian Empire established a similar system in 1912, other industrialized countries began following suit.
By the 1930s, similar systems existed in all of Western and Central Europe. Japan introduced an employee health insurance law in 1927, expanding further upon it in 1935 and 1940. Following the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Soviet Union established a public and centralized health care system in 1920. However, it was not a universal system at that point, as rural residents were not covered. In New Zealand, a universal health care system was created in a series of steps, from 1939 to 1941. In Australia, the state of Queensland introduced a free public hospital system in the 1940s. Following World War II, universal health care systems began to be set up around the world. On July 5, 1948, the United Kingdom launched its universal National Health Service. Universal health care was next introduced in the Nordic countries of Sweden, Norway and Finland. Universal health insurance was introduced in Japan, in Canada through stages, starting with the province of Saskatchewan in 1962, followed by the rest of Canada from 1968 to 1972.
The Soviet Union extended universal health care to its rural residents in 1969. Italy introduced its Servizio Sanitario Nazionale in 1978. Universal health insurance was implemented in Australia beginning with the Medibank system which led to universal coverage under the Medicare system. From the 1970s to the 2000s, Southern and Western European countries began introducing universal coverage, most of them building upon previous health insurance programs to cover the whole population. For example, France built upon its 1928 national health insurance system, with subsequent legislation covering a larger and larger percentage of the population, until the remaining 1% of the population, uninsured received coverage in 2000. In addition, universal health coverage was introduced in some Asian countries, including South Korea, Taiwan and Thailand. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia retained and reformed its universal health care system, as did other former Soviet nations and Eastern bloc countries.
Beyond the 1990s, many countries in Latin America, the Caribbean and the Asia-Pacific region, including developing countries, took steps to bring their populations under universal health coverage, including China which has the largest universal health care system in the world and Brazil's SUS which improved coverage up to 80% of the population. A 2012 study examined progress being made by these countries, focusing on nine in particular: Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam. Universal health care in most countries has been achieved by a mixed model of funding. General taxation revenue is the primary source of funding, but in many countries it is supplemented by specific levies or with the option of private payments for services beyond those covered by the public system. All European systems are financed through a mix of public and private contributions. Most universal health care systems are funded by tax revenue; some nations, such as Germany and Japan, employ a multipayer system in which health care is funded by private and public contributions.
However, much of the non-government funding is by contributions by employers and employees to regulated non-profit sickness funds. Contributions are compulsory and defined according to law