The Cushitic languages are a branch of the Afroasiatic language family. They are spoken in the Horn of Africa, as well as the Nile Valley, parts of the African Great Lakes region. Speakers of Cushitic languages and the descendants of speakers of Cushitic languages are referred to as Cushitic peoples; the phylum was first designated as Cushitic in 1858. Major Cushitic languages include Oromo, Beja and Afar. Based on onomastic evidence, ancient people of northern Nubia such as the Medjay and the Blemmyes are assumed to have spoken Cushitic languages related to the modern Beja language. Less certain are hypotheses which propose that Cushitic languages were spoken by the people of the C-Group culture in northern Nubia, or the people of the Kerma culture in southern Nubia. Historical linguistic analysis indicates that the languages spoken in the Savanna Pastoral Neolithic culture of the Rift Valley and surrounding areas, may have been languages of the South Cushitic branch; the Cushitic languages with the greatest number of total speakers are Oromo, Beja and Afar.

Oromo is the working language of the Oromia Region in Ethiopia. Somali is one of two official languages of Somalia, as such is the only Cushitic language accorded official language status at the country level, it serves as a language of instruction in Djibouti, as the working language of the Somali Region in Ethiopia. Beja, Afar and Saho, the languages of the Cushitic branch of Afroasiatic that are spoken in Eritrea, are languages of instruction in the Eritrean elementary school curriculum; the constitution of Eritrea recognizes the equality of all natively spoken languages. Additionally, Afar is a language of instruction in Djibouti, as well as the working language of the Afar Region in Ethiopia; the Proto-Cushitic language dates back to the Early Holocene and was spoken in or near the southern Red Sea hills in the Horn of Africa and the branching of the language occurred before the late 7th millennium B. C. E, the Horn of Africa is believed to be the original homeland of the Proto-Afroasiatic language.

Most Cushitic languages have a simple five-vowel system with phonemic length. The consonant inventory of many Cushitic languages includes glottalic consonants, e.g. in Oromo, which has the ejectives /pʼ tʼ tʃʼ kʼ/ and the implosive /ᶑ/. Less common are pharyngeal consonants /ħ ʕ/, which appear e.g. in Somali or the Saho–Afar languages. Nouns are inflected for number. All nouns are further grouped into masculine gender and feminine gender. In many languages, gender is overtly marked directly on the noun; the case system of many Cushitic languages is characterized by marked nominative alignment, typologically quite rare and predominantly found in languages of Africa. In marked nominative languages, the noun appears in unmarked "absolutive" case when cited in isolation, or when used as predicative noun and as object of a transitive verb. Possession is expressed by genitive case marking of the possessor. South Cushitic—which has no case marking for subject and object—follows the opposite strategy: here, the possesed noun is marked for construct case, e.g. Iraqw afé-r mar'i "doors", where afee "mouth" is marked for construct case.

Most nouns are by default unmarked for number, but can be explicitly marked for singular and plural number. E.g. in Bilin, dəmmu "cat" is number-neutral, from which singular dəmmura "a single cat" and plural dəmmura "several cats" can be formed. Plural formation is diverse, employs ablaut and reduplication. Verbs are inflected for tense/aspect. Many languages have a special form of the verb in negative clauses. Most languages distinguish seven person/number categories: first, third person and plural number, a masculine/feminine gender distinction in third person singular; the most common conjugation type employs suffixes. Some languages have a prefix conjugation: in Beja and the Saho–Afar languages, the prefix conjugation is still a productive part of the verb paradigm, whereas in most other languages, e.g. Somali, it is restricted to only a few verbs, it is assumed that the suffix conjugation developed from the older prefix conjugation, by combining the verb stem with a suffixed auxilliary verb.

The following table gives an example for the suffix and prefix conjugations in affirmative present tense in Somali. The Cushitic languages include the following branches: North Cushitic Central Cushitic East Cushitic Lowland East Cushitic Highland East Cushitic Yaaku-Dullay Dahalo South CushiticThese classifications have not been without contention, many other classifications have been proposed over the years. Beja is the sole member of the Northern Cushitic branch and contains a number of linguistic innovations that are unique to it, it is grammatically and lexically quite distant from other Cushitic languages from its closest neighbors such as Afar and Somali and Agaw. Hetzron argues. However, this suggestion has been ignored by the linguistic community; the charac

The Storm is a drama in five acts by the 19th-century Russian playwright Aleksandr Ostrovsky. As with Ostrovsky's other plays, The Storm is a work of social criticism, directed towards the Russian merchant class. Ostrovsky wrote the play between July and October 1859, he read it in Lyubov Nikulina-Kositskaya's Moscow flat to the actors of the Maly Theatre to a great response. To make sure the play makes it through censorship barrier the author made a trip to the capital where he had hard time convincing censor Nordstrom that in Kabanikha he hadn't shown the late Tsar Nikolai I, it was premiered on November 16, 1859, as actor Sergey Vasiliev's benefit and enjoyed warm reception. In Saint Petersburg the play was being produced, as in Moscow, under the personal supervision of its author. Katerina there was played by young and elegant Fanny Snetkova who gave lyrical overtones to the character. In both cities the play angered most of the theatre critics but appealed to audiences and was a tremendous box office success.

The Storm provoked fierce debate in the Russian press of the time concerning moral issues. While Vasily Botkin was raving about "the elemental poetic force emerging from secret depths of a human soul... for Katerina's love is a woman's nature thing in the way that any of climactic cataclysm is a thing of physical nature", critic Nikolai Filippov lambasted the play as an "example of vulgar primitivism", calling Katerina "shameless" and the scene of rendezvous in Act III "scabrous". Mikhail Shchepkin was skeptical too about "those two episodes that take place behind the bushes". Stepan Shevyryov wrote about the decline of a Russian comedy and drama, "sliding down the ranking stairs" to the bottom of social hierarchy. Vladimir Petrov's 1934 Russian film Groza. 1864: Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky wrote an overture, The Storm, first performed in 1896. He reworked this music into his Concert Overture in C minor, first performed in 1931. 1867: The Storm, Vladimir Nikitich Kashperov 1921: Káťa Kabanová, Leoš Janáček 1940: The Storm, Boris Asafiev 1940: The Storm, Ivan Dzerzhinsky 1941: The Storm, Viktor Nikolayevich Trambitsky 1952: The Storm, Lodovico Rocca 1962: The Storm, Venedikt Pushkov Marsh, Cynthia.

1982. "Ostrovsky's play The Thunderstorm." In Leoš Janáček, Káťa Kabanová by John Tyrrell. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. ISBN 0-521-23180-9

Self Title is Treble Charger's EP released in February 1995. It was re-released by RCA on November 26, 1996, BMG in 1997; the album was nominated for "Best Alternative Album" at the 1997 Juno Awards. This disk featured CD-ROM contents, called "screen zine" in the track listing, profiling some of the band's friends and colleagues in the Canadian indie rock scene of the era All songs written by Treble Charger. "Morale" – 4:37 "Even Grable" – 4:10 "Case In Fact" – 4:13 "Cleric's Hip" – 1:56 "Sick Friend Called" – 3:27 "Motor Control" – 3:18 "Slight" – 4:56 "Disclaimer" – 3:12 * "Half Down" – 2:48 *There were 3 different releases of this cd, one was self-released, one released by Sonic Unyon and one released by RCA for the American market. The self-released copy had a data track at the start, the Sonic Unyon one had the zines, but it wasn't visible to cd players; the RCA release included the tracks Disclaimer and Half Down and the bands on the zines were changed to American bands. Treble Charger - Mixing Greig Nori - Guitar, Vocals Bill Priddle - Guitar, Vocals Rosie Martin - Bass guitar, Vocals Morris Palter - drums Jon Auer - Mixing Joao Carvalho - Mastering Chris Jackson - Artwork Ted Jensen - Mastering Brian Malouf - Mixing Brad Nelson - Mixing Assistant Rob Sanzo - Engineer

The Composition for Tithes Act of 1823 known as the Tithe Composition Act, was an act of the British Parliament requiring all citizens of Ireland to pay monetary tithes to support the Anglican Church in Ireland, instead of a percentage of agricultural yield. The act allowed for those who paid a large tithe to be able to negotiate the composition of the tithes for their parish, it was thought by some members of Parliament to be a conciliatory measure that would reduce the oppressive nature of the current tithe system. Controversy rose up even in Parliament itself; some Members of Parliament felt that the Irish clergy were grossly overpaid when compared to clergy in England. Catholics and Dissenters did not feel that the Composition Act reduced the oppression of the tithe system, in light of the fact that the six million Catholics in Ireland were still forced to pay the tithes for churches they did not attend or use, they saw this as persecution by the English Anglicans towards people who were not members of the established Church.

It seemed to critics that the Act did nothing to reform the problems in the Irish clergy – that they were absent from their parishes and that they held enormous wealth. A change in the composition of tithes would have had no effect on the level of clergymens' wealth. While the Irish clergy and their supporters refuted these claims, popular opinion seemed to overshadow their arguments. Non-resident clergy were resident elsewhere and thus could not be considered absentee. In support of the clergy's point of view, their income had diminished due to a reduction in tithe-rates. In this way, the Act would have helped the clergy, as currency was much more versatile in helping the church than raw goods. Attempts at reform came as early as 1828 when Thomas Greene, a Member of Parliament, introduced a bill that would have replaced the tithes with corn rents, a proposal that failed. Lord Althorp attempted the same measure in 1833, which failed, his bill the following year did not pass, despite severe emendation.

Many reforms never came to fruition. During the "Tithe War" from 1831 to 1838, Irish peasants rebelled and refused to pay the tithes, sometimes violently persecuting those who did pay the tithes; the government found it hard to enforce the law, due to the popularity of the rebels' cause. The Irish believed the tithes were another form of English abuse, the rebellion took on an apparent aura of nationalism, or at least the feeling of a religious war against the persecution of the faithful; the Tithe Commutation Act 1838 applied the tithe-tax to landlords instead of peasants. This created a new system where peasants paid an increase in rent instead of a direct tithe, but it enabled peasants to no longer feel that the Anglican Church in Ireland took advantage of them; the Bill did not solve all of the problems in Ireland, but allowed for some respite in the continuing conflict in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

Killer BOB is a fictional character and the main antagonist of the ABC television series Twin Peaks. He is an interdimensional entity who feeds on sorrow, he possesses human beings and commits acts of rape and murder in order to feast upon his victims. BOB made his first appearance in the pilot episode, "Northwest Passage", where he makes a brief appearance in a vision Sarah Palmer has; the character grew into the series' main antagonist in the second season. Frank Silva, a set dresser on the pilot, was given the role of BOB after a reflection of his face in a mirror was accidentally captured by the camera during filming; when series creator David Lynch saw Silva's face, he liked it so much he kept it in the show, cast Silva as BOB. Although Silva died before production on the 2017 revival began, he appears in the series through archival footage. In 2016, Rolling Stone ranked him #5 of their "40 Greatest TV Villains of All Time". BOB is an interdimensional entity from the Black Lodge, a realm of pure evil which exists on an alternate plane of reality.

While "possessing" humans, he commits horrible crimes to elicit pain and suffering from those around him. During his investigation of Laura Palmer's murder, FBI Special Agent Dale Cooper first learns of BOB's existence in a vision, in which he encounters another entity named MIKE. In this vision, Cooper learns that BOB was in life a serial killer who raped and murdered young women, with MIKE as his accomplice. MIKE repented, removing his left arm in order to be rid of the tattoo that he shared with BOB. At the beginning of the second season, one of BOB's intended victims, Ronnette Pulaski, awakens from a coma induced by her torture at BOB's hands, at which time she identifies BOB as Laura's killer. Cooper and the Twin Peaks Sheriff department canvass the town with wanted posters of BOB. Leland Palmer, Laura's father, identifies the man in the poster as "Robertson", says that he lived near his grandfather and used to taunt Leland when he was a child, it is revealed that BOB is, in fact, possessing Leland, has been "possessing" him since Leland first met him as a child at his grandfather's house.

Under BOB's influence, Leland sexually abused his own daughter for years, murdered her. Leland is under BOB's control when he murders Leland's niece Maddy Ferguson, who looks just like Laura. Upon learning the truth, Cooper lures BOB into a trap by tricking Leland into allowing himself to be questioned. Under interrogation, BOB takes control and taunts Cooper before forcing Leland to bash his head into the wall, sustaining fatal injuries. In his dying breaths, Leland states when he was a child he saw BOB in a dream and invited him inside, before stating that he never knew when BOB was in control of his body. After Leland dies, Cooper engages in a philosophical debate with Sheriff Harry Truman and Albert Rosenfield over how real BOB was, whether or not BOB was in fact a physical incarnation of Leland's personal demons. Although the men cannot agree on a unifying idea, they do come to the conclusion that BOB is a manifestation of "the evil that men do". Cooper sees a vision of BOB taunting him shortly after Josie Packard has a sudden heart attack as he tries to arrest her.

It is implied that BOB caused the heart attack by flooding her body and soul with terror frightening her to death. In the final episode, Cooper ventures into the Black Lodge to apprehend his former partner, rogue FBI Agent Windom Earle, attempting to harness the power of the Lodge for himself; when Earle tries to strike a bargain with Cooper in which Cooper will sell his soul to Earle in exchange for Earle sparing Cooper's lover, Annie Blackburn, BOB appears, causing time in the Lodge to reverse to the moment before Cooper agreed to sell his soul. BOB informs Cooper that the Black Lodge is his domain, thus Earle has trespassed by coming into it and demanding Cooper's soul for himself; as a punishment, BOB kills Earle. Cooper attempts to flee; the series ends with BOB maniacally laughing alongside the doppelgänger in a mirror. The 2017 revival Twin Peaks: The Return explores BOB's origins in the episode "Part 8"; the episode reveals that an orb bearing his face was created by the experiment during the first atomic bomb test in 1945.

The creation of BOB's orb is witnessed by The Fireman, who creates an orb bearing the face of Laura Palmer in response. In the present, BOB continues to inhabit Cooper's doppelgänger and appears as an orb inside of his body. If the doppelgänger suffers a fatal injury, a group of Woodsmen dig BOB out of his body, BOB returns to the doppelgänger when he is revived. Cooper's doppelgänger works to keep himself and BOB from returning to the Black Lodge, set into motion 25 years following their escape; the doppelgänger uses a tulpa of Dale Cooper that he created named Dougie Jones to be sent to the lodge in his place. During this process the doppelgänger ends up throwing up garmonbozia and passes out, is imprisoned when a gun and a dog's leg is found on his person; when in prison, the doppelgänger looks into the mirror and his face morphs into BOB's, confirming to the pleased doppelgänger that BOB is still within him. He intimidates the warden into letting him go, heads to Twin Peaks to wreak further havoc on the town.

It is implied that BOB, as Cooper's doppelgänger, is the biological father of Audrey Horne's delinquent son, Richard. In "Episode 7", it is revealed that Cooper'

St. Paul is a town in Collin County, United States; the population was 1,066 at the 2010 census, up from 630 at the 2000 census. St. Paul is located in southern Collin County at 33°02′30″N 96°32′45″W, it is bordered to the west and east by the city of Wylie. The city of Lucas is to the north. According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 1.5 square miles, of which 0.004 square miles, or 0.34%, is covered by water. As of the census of 2000, 630 people, 223 households, 187 families resided in the town; the population density was 391.9 people per square mile. The 232 housing units averaged 144.3 per square mile. The racial makeup of the town was 93.49% White, 0.63% African American, 0.48% Native American, 1.27% Asian, 0.16% Pacific Islander, 1.43% from other races, 2.54% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4.13% of the population. Of the 223 households, 37.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 76.2% were married couples living together, 2.2% had a female householder with no husband present, 15.7% were not families.

About 13.0% of all households were made up of individuals, 2.2% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.83 and the average family size was 3.09. In the town, the population was distributed as 26.8% under the age of 18, 4.6% from 18 to 24, 31.6% from 25 to 44, 26.3% from 45 to 64, 10.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 40 years. For every 100 females, there were 103.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 103.1 males. The median income for a household in the town was $72,500, for a family was $73,906. Males had a median income of $55,000 versus $30,875 for females; the per capita income for the town was $29,647. About 5.4% of families and 6.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 5.6% of those under age 18 and 10.2% of those age 65 or over. Town of St. Paul official website