Liberal conservatism is a political ideology combining conservative policies with liberal stances on economic and ethical issues, or a brand of political conservatism influenced by liberalism. Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal view of minimal government intervention in the economy, according to which individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference. However, individuals cannot be depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and responsibility to the nation, they support civil liberties, along with some social conservative positions. In Europe liberal conservatism is the dominant form of contemporary conservatism and centre-right politics; as both "conservatism" and "liberalism" have had different meanings over time and across countries, the term "liberal conservatism" has been used in quite different ways.
It contrasts with "aristocratic conservatism", which deems the principle of equality as something discordant with human nature and emphasizes instead the idea of natural inequality. As conservatives in democratic countries have embraced typical liberal institutions such as the rule of law, private property, the market economy and constitutional representative government, the liberal element of liberal conservatism became consensual among conservatives. In some countries, the term "liberal conservatism" came to be understood as "conservatism" in popular culture, prompting some conservatives who embraced more classical liberal values to call themselves "libertarians" instead. In the United States conservatives combine the economic individualism of classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism that emphasizes the natural inequalities between men, the irrationality of human behavior as the basis for the human drive for order and stability and the rejection of natural rights as the basis for government.
However, from a different perspective, American conservatism has exalted three tenets of Burkean conservatism, namely the diffidence toward the power of the state, the preference of liberty over equality, patriotism while rejecting the three remaining tenets, namely loyalty to traditional institutions and hierarchies, scepticism regarding progress and elitism. In the United States the term "liberal conservatism" is not used. American "modern liberalism" happens to be quite different from European liberalism and occupies the centre-left of the political spectrum, in contrast to many European countries where liberalism is more associated with the centre-right and social democracy makes up a substantial part of the centre-left; the opposite is true in Latin America, where economically liberal conservatism is labelled under the rubric of neoliberalism both in popular culture and academic discourse. For their part, in their embracement of liberal and free market principles, European liberal conservatives are distinguishable from those holding national conservative social-conservative and/or outright populist views, let alone a right-wing populist posture.
Being liberal involves stressing free market economics and the belief in individual responsibility together with the defense of civil rights and support for a limited welfare state. Compared to other centre-right political traditions, such as Christian democracy, liberal conservatives are less traditionalist and more economically liberal, favouring low taxes and minimal state intervention in the economy; some regional varieties and peculiarities can be observed: In much of central and northwestern Europe in Germanic and traditionally Protestant countries, as well as the United Kingdom and Belgium, a divide persists between liberal conservatives and liberals. In most Nordic countries, liberal conservatives, Christian democrats and liberals form distinct political families and have each their own party. In most countries where Romance languages are spoken and where Catholicism is or has been dominant, as well as in Greece, liberal conservative movements encompassing Christian democrats and liberals, have more gained traction and the terms "conservative" and "liberal" may be understood as synonymous.
At the European level, Christian democrats and most liberal conservatives are affiliated to the European People's Party, while liberals to the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party. In this context, some traditionally Christian-democratic parties have become undistinguishable from other liberal-conservative parties. On the other hand, newer liberal-conservative parties have not adopted traditional labels, but their ideologies are a mixture of conservatism, Christian democracy and liberalism. In the modern European discourse, "liberal conservatism" encompasses centre-right political outlooks that reject at least to
Parliament of Montenegro
The Parliament of Montenegro is the unicameral legislature of Montenegro. The Parliament has 81 members, elected for a four-year term. Following the 2006 independence referendum, the Parliament declared and ratified the independence of Montenegro on 3 June 2006; the system of the house is proportional representation. The current Speaker of the Parliament is Ivan Brajović, while Deputy Speakers are Branimir Gvozdenović and Genci Nimanbegu. Opposition is awarded the remaining Deputy Speaker seat, vacant due to the ongoing boycott of 39 opposition MPs following the alleged electoral fraud which took place during the latest parliamentary election. Parliament of Montenegro has first been established by the Constitution of the Principality of Montenegro in 1905, under the name of Popular Assembly, under which it had limited legislative role, limited by the authority of Knjaz; the first convocation of the Parliament has been constituted in 1906. Following the annexation of Kingdom of Montenegro into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1918, the Parliament of Montenegro was disbanded until the World War II.
The Parliament was reinstated in 1944, in the form of Montenegrin Antifascist Assembly of National Liberation, which changed its name to Montenegrin National Assembly, National Assembly, lasting until 1946, when the new Assembly was elected in FR Montenegro, a constituent republic within SFR Yugoslavia. Current convocation is the 23rd since the foundation of the Parliament; the Parliament appoints the Prime Minister nominated by the President, as well as the ministers chosen by the Prime Minister. Parliament passes all laws in Montenegro, ratifies international treaties, appoints justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution; the Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence in the Government with a majority of the members. A deputy has a four-year term. One deputy is elected per 6,000 voters, which in turn results in a change of total number of deputies in the parliament; the Parliament has 81 members elected by a D'Hondt method system of proportional representation for a four-year term.
The 81 seats of the Parliament of Montenegro are elected in a single nationwide constituency by closed list proportional representation. Seats are allocated using the d'Hondt method with a 3% electoral threshold. However, minority groups that account for at least 15% of the population in a district are given an exemption that lowers the electoral threshold to 0.7% if their list fails to cross the 3% threshold. For ethnic Croats, if no list representing the population passes the 0.7% threshold, the list with the most votes will win one seat if it receives more than 0.35% of the vote. The most recent elections were held on 16 October 2016 and the next are scheduled for 2020. Since October 2016, the ruling majority is formed by DPS, SD, BS, LP, HGI and FORCA. President of the Parliament of Montenegro Official website
Social Democratic Party of Montenegro
Social Democratic Party of Montenegro, or just the Social Democratic Party is a centre-left political party in Montenegro. It is the only party in Montenegro to have full membership in the Socialist International. On 14 July 1991 reformists from four coastal municipalities in the SR Montenegro, Herceg Novi, Kotor and Budva, who were subsequently joined by reformists from Cetinje, formed the first regional Montenegrin political party - the Alliance of Reformists of the Montenegrin Coastline with Miodrag Marović as President. On 7 July 1992 the League united with Žarko Rakčević's Party of Socialists desiring to create a major Montenegrin party, forming the Social Democratic Party of Reformists of Montenegro. On 12 June 1993 the Independent Organization of Communists of Bar, the Alliance of Reform forces of Yugoslavia for Montenegro and the Party of National Tolerance merged into it, forming the Social Democratic Party of Montenegro and uniting the forces that opposed the policies of the Milošević regime during the Yugoslav wars.
Yugoslav People's Party and Old Yugoslav People's Party merged into SDP in the following years. Notable SDP founders include Žarko Rakčević, Ljubiša Stanković and Dušan Simonović; when the policies of the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro turned towards the goal of full independence for Montenegro, DPS and SDP started working together to achieve this goal. Allying itself with the DPS and Đukanović ahead of the 1998 parliamentary elections allowed the SDP to enter the parliament for the first time in its history. Since the 1998 election, SDP has continued to a minor coalition partner of DPS and a part of every Montenegrin government between 1998 and 2015; the goal of restoration of the Montenegrin independence was achieved following the victory in a referendum held on 21 May 2006. Current president of the SDP and President of the Parliament of Montenegro from 2003 to 2016, Ranko Krivokapić proclaimed the independence of Montenegro on 3 June 2006. Following the shift of the party towards a more critical and independent political course, in Autumn 2015 the pro-DPS faction of SDP formed a new party named Social Democrats of Montenegro.
On 22 January 2016, SDP left the ruling coalition with DPS and announced its support for a vote of no confidence against the government of Milo Đukanović on 25 January 2016. In the following 2016 parliamentary election SDP ran independently for the first time since 1996, retained its parliamentary status, winning 5.23% of votes. At the 2018 presidential elections, SDP nominated its MP Draginja Vuksanović, the first female presidential candidate in the history of Montenegro. Vuksanović finished third. A Government.
Montenegro is a country in Southeast Europe on the Adriatic Sea. It borders Herzegovina to the northwest. Montenegro has an area of 13,812 square kilometres and a population of 620,079, its capital Podgorica is one of the twenty-three municipalities in the country. Cetinje is designated as the Old Royal Capital. During the Early Medieval period, three principalities were located on the territory of modern-day Montenegro: Duklja corresponding to the southern half. In 1042, archon Stefan Vojislav led a revolt that resulted in the independence of Duklja from the Byzantine Empire and the establishment of the Vojislavljević dynasty; the independent Principality of Zeta emerged in the 14th and 15th centuries, ruled by the House of Balšić between 1356 and 1421, by the House of Crnojević between 1431 and 1498, when the name Montenegro started being used for the country. After falling under Ottoman rule, Montenegro regained de facto independence in 1697 under the rule of the House of Petrović-Njegoš, first under the theocratic rule of prince-bishops, before being transformed into a secular principality in 1852.
Montenegro's de jure independence was recognised by the Great Powers at the Congress of Berlin in 1878, following the Montenegrin–Ottoman War. In 1905, the country became a kingdom. After World War I, it became part of Yugoslavia. Following the breakup of Yugoslavia, the republics of Serbia and Montenegro together established a federation known as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, renamed State Union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2003. On the basis of an independence referendum held in May 2006, Montenegro declared independence and the federation peacefully dissolved on 3 June of that year. Since 1990, the sovereign state of Montenegro has been governed by the Democratic Party of Socialists and its minor coalition partners. Classified by the World Bank as an upper middle-income country, Montenegro is a member of the UN, NATO, the World Trade Organization, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Council of Europe, the Central European Free Trade Agreement, it is a founding member of the Union for the Mediterranean.
The country's name derives from Venetian and translates as "Black Mountain", deriving from the appearance of Mount Lovćen when covered in dense evergreen forests. The native name Crna Gora came to denote the majority of contemporary Montenegro only in the 15th century, it had referred to only a small strip of land under the rule of the Paštrovići, but the name came to be used for the wider mountainous region after the Crnojević noble family took power in Upper Zeta. The aforementioned region became known as Stara Crna Gora'Old Montenegro' by the 19th century to distinguish the independent region from the neighbouring Ottoman-occupied Montenegrin territory of Brda' Highlands'. Montenegro further increased its size several times by the 20th century, as the result of wars against the Ottoman Empire, which saw the annexation of Old Herzegovina and parts of Metohija and southern Raška, its borders have changed little since losing Metohija and gaining the Bay of Kotor. After the second session of the AVNOJ during World War II in Yugoslavia, the modern state of Montenegro was founded as the Federal State of Montenegro on 15 November 1943 within the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia by the ZAVNOCGB.
After DF Yugoslavia became the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, the Federal State of Montenegro was renamed to the People's Republic of Montenegro on 29 November 1945. In 1963, the FPRY was renamed to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and coincidentally, the People's Republic of Montenegro was renamed to the Socialist Republic of Montenegro; as the breakup of Yugoslavia occurred, the SRCG was renamed to the Republic of Montenegro on 27 April 1992 within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia by removing the adjective "socialist" from the republic's title. Since 22 October 2007, a year after its independence, the name of the country became known as Montenegro; the ISO Alpha-2 code for Montenegro is ME and the Alpha-3 Code is MNE. In the 9th century, three Slavic principalities were located on the territory of Montenegro: Duklja corresponding to the southern half, the west, Rascia, the north. Duklja gained its independence from the Byzantine Roman Empire in 1042. Over the next few decades, it expanded its territory to neighbouring Rascia and Bosnia, became recognised as a kingdom.
Its power started declining at the beginning of the 12th century. After King Bodin's death, several civil wars ensued. Duklja reached its zenith under Vojislav's son and his grandson Constantine Bodin. By the 13th century, Zeta had replaced Duklja. In the late 14th century, southern Montenegro came under the rule of the Balšić noble family the Crnojević noble family, by the 15th century, Zeta was more referred to as Crna Gora; as the nobility fought for the throne, the kingdom was weakened, by 1186, it was conquered by Stefan Nemanja and incorporated into the Serbian realm as a province named Zeta. After the Serbian Empire collapsed in the second half of the 14th century, the most powerful Zetan family, the Balšićs, became sovereigns of Zeta. In 1421, Zeta was a
President of Montenegro
The President of Montenegro is the head of state of Montenegro. The current president is Milo Đukanović, elected in the first round of the 2018 presidential election with 53.90% of the vote. The official residence of the President is the Blue Palace located in the former royal capital Cetinje; this section is according to the Constitution of Montenegro, Article 86 Each president has a term of 5 years in office. Each president can have two terms in office; the President is elected through secret ballots. In the event of a state of war during term of office of the President of Montenegro shall be extended for as long as the state of war exists; this section is according to the Constitution of Montenegro, Article 87 The term of office of the President shall cease when the term of office for which he has been elected expires, in the event of recall or by his resignation. The President may be recalled by the Assembly, only in case the Constitutional Court should decide that he has breached the provisions of the Constitution.
The procedure to determine the breach of Constitution shall be instigated by the Assembly. This section is according to the Constitution of Montenegro, Article 88 The President shall: represent the Republic in the country and abroad. Grant amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the republican law; the President shall be a member of the Supreme Defence Council. This section is according to the Constitution of Montenegro, Article 90 In case of termination of the term of office of the President, until the election of the new President and in the case the President is temporarily prevented to perform his functions, his duties shall be assumed by the President of the Assembly and in case the Assembly is dissolved, by the Prime Minister; this section is according to the Constitution of Montenegro, Article 89 The President shall promulgate a law by ordinance within seven days from the date of its adoption. The President may within seven days from the date of adoption of a law, request the Assembly to decide again on the same law.
The President shall be bound to promulgate a law passed for the second time by the Assembly. Montenegro became an independent state on 3 June 2006. List of heads of state of Yugoslavia Prime Minister of Yugoslavia President of Serbia and Montenegro Prime Minister of Serbia and Montenegro List of Presidents of Montenegro Prime Minister of Montenegro President of Montenegro
Socialist People's Party of Montenegro
The Socialist People's Party of Montenegro is a conservative and social-democratic opposition political party in Montenegro. It is part of an opposition political alliance in Montenegro, it has 2 of 3 MPs. The party is pro-European Union and anti-NATO. In the late 1990s a rift inside the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro came out. On the Montenegrin presidential election, 1997, aside then's President of the Republic and the Party Momir Bulatović, the Premier of Montenegro and party's vice-president Milo Đukanović ran too, leading a reforming wing opposing mainstream DPS CG's political attitudes regarding support of Serbian president Slobodan Milošević; the ruling parties of the Republic of Serbia, SPS and SRS, have soundly and stood on Momir's side, while the opposition in Serbia gave their support in Milo. It is so that the Democratic Party of Socialists — Momir Bulatović had seceded from the other branch of the DPS CG, but Momir's supports had only retained majority in 5 municipalities of Montenegro, while the other 16 in which DPS reigned voiced their support of Milo.
Momir presented in the political campaign that his main goal was the preservation of FRY and the maintaining of the present political status in Montenegro. In the first round on 5 October 1997 Momir Bulatović won receiving most votes, 147,615 or 47.45%, but lost to opposing Milo the second round on 19 October 1997 when he won 169,257 or only 49.2%. Momir refused to recognize the results, calling them unrealistic and forged — considering that every single of the other candidates that ran in the first circle voiced their support in Momir in the second. One of the main controversial moments, as criticized by OEBS, is that Milo as Premier, managed to seize control of the Montenegrin national media. On the other side, the Serbian national media had been unbalanced, promoting Momir; the other unbalancing issue is that Milo, as Premier, was in a much stronger position to further his personal goals, controlling the government and had seized control over most of DPS' local authorities, while DPS — Momir Bulatović got only 5 of total DPS' 21.
On the other hand, Momir enjoyed the support of Serbia and the Federal Yugoslav government itself. With the huge clashes between Momir and Milo, the election respected minimal democratic standards. However, with eventual loss at the election, the rift between the two wings was final. By 2000, Milošević began to lose its ground in Serbia, it became apparent that he no longer had support either within the international community or his own country. However, Momir Bulatović was still a close ally of Milošević, that fact led to a split within the SNP on whether to stay loyal to Milošević or to become a party with a more democratic image. In 2001 the pro-European and democratic wing led by Predrag Bulatović prevailed and he became SNP's president; the party continued to be a proponent of the union with Serbia, while the old-style pro-Milosevic faction of politicians formed the People's Socialist Party under Momir Bulatović. As some ethnic Serb parties took advantage of the SNP's new orientation and attracted some voters, SNP became to be the strongest opposition party in Montenegro.
It was the leader of the Movement for European Union of Serbia and Montenegro, which failed to preserve the union with Serbia. SNP avoided to explicitly state its rejection of the Montenegrin independence referendum results, but it refused to attend the country's inauguration ceremonies. Other pro-union opposition parties refused to recognize the results. On the first parliamentary elections in independent Montenengro, SNP saw the largest downfall of the number of its voters since the founding of the party; the coalition it had led in 2002 elections fell from 30 to 11 seats in the Montenegrin parliament. SNP lost its status of leader of Montenegrin opposition in favour of Serbian List led by Serbian People's Party of Montenegro and Movement for Changes; this resulted in resignation of party's leader Predrag Bulatović, as well as three vice-presidents. On 27 December 2006, Srđan Milić was announced new party president, after gaining the majority of General Party Congress votes, beating the other two candidates, Dragiša Pešić and Borislav Globarević, representing the victory of the excessively pro-European Unionist program.
SNP CG has adopted a civic Social Democrat political course and broke off the traditional coalition with the People's Party and the Democratic Serb Party. In the negotiations for the new Montenegrin Constitution, SNP has forged a united political alliance of the entire Opposition with the Movement for Changes, both of its old partners the People's Party and Democratic Serb Party, the members of the Serb List alliance, the Bosniak Party and the ethnic Albanian Democratic League in Montenegro and Albanian Alternative with a united platform, preparing to boycott the referendum. However, NS, DSS, DSCG and SL retreated from negotiations with the opposition. On the other hand, PzP, BS and AA accepted independently from the alliance terms of the ruling coalition and are ready to give the required super-majority to adopt the constitution. SNP has submitted 33 amendments and still does not include the option to support the constitution as well, under the condition that its amendments — included in the Opposition's demands — are adopted
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and