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Dabaka is a town in Hojai district of Assam state in India. It is a commercial place situated in the central part of Assam; as of the 2001 Indian census, Dabaka had a population of 11,043. Males constitute 51% of the population and females 49%. Dabaka has an average literacy rate of 85%, much higher than the national average of 66.5%: male literacy is 88% and, female literacy is 79%. 12% of the population is under 6 years of age. Although its promising a center of education in Hojai District. Dabaka is located at an elevation of 61 m above MSL. Dabaka is connected by National Highway 27 by National Highway 29 to Dimapur, its location provides great commercial advantage. Dabaka's culture is a blend of traditional festivals, food and theatres; the town offers a complex and diverse lifestyle with a variety of food and night life, available in a form and abundance comparable to that in other towns of Assam.} Doboka's history as a trading centre has led to a diverse range of cultures and cuisines coexisting in the town.

This blend of cultures is due to the migration of people from all over Assam since the British period.} The majority of the residents are immigrant Sylheti -speaking Muslims with a notable number of Hindus which have over numbered the indigenous Assamese communities. Dabaka's residents celebrate both Indian festivals along with indigenous festivals. Diwali, Eid, Navratri, Good Friday, Moharram, Durga Puja and Maha Shivratri are some of the festivals held in the town. Doboka has been one of the leading town after Hojai town in International Agar Exportation to Middle Eastern countries, Laos, Singapore etc. Dabaka is one of the developed town of Assam and it ranked 10th position in Highest per capita income in Assam. Lower class families are engaged with farming of Rice and Sugarcane. Though it has little land for farming, it has produced huge amount of Rice production; the natural fertility of the soil behind the foothills accelerate the production of farming.} Hojai Markaz Academy

Adaptive participatory integrated approach

The adaptive participatory integrated approach is a method of developing and managing water irrigation in developing regions. It attempts to balance multiple competing needs for water among various users; the prevailing sectoral approach to irrigation management has tended to prevent the optimal use of water for agriculture and fisheries. Adoption of an adaptive and integrated assessment of the impacts of irrigation on fisheries can ensure that poverty is alleviated, food security and livelihoods are enhanced rather than hurt by irrigation development, it provides an opportunity to decrease conflicts between fishers and farmers, to increase overall benefits of irrigation systems at little additional cost. The approach has been designed in interaction with a multidisciplinary team of researchers, as part the production of the "Guidance Manual for the Management of Impacts of Irrigation Development on Fisheries"; the proposed APIA approach was tested through an ex-ante impact assessment in Laos and an ex-post assessment in Sri Lanka.

In Laos, the ex-ante appraisal of the damming of a small river predicted a modest positive impact on production and livelihoods, with creation of a reservoir fishery outweighing degradation of the pre-existing river fishery. The outcome was contingent on continuation of rainfed wet season rice production and traditional farming practices, as adoption of practices involving reduced water storage in paddy fields was to reduce fish production considerably. Since maintaining connectivity of paddy fields and perennial water bodies is important, cross-drainage culverts need to be passable to fish and the harvesting at these concentration points should be restricted; the creation of a reservoir would improve access to and convenience of fishing for those within reach in the dry season, it would increase opportunities for specialisation in fishing. New income opportunities in irrigated agriculture are to reduce the overall level of fishing effort and increase returns, with the greatest benefits to the households most reliant on fishing.

In Sri Lanka, an ex-post evaluation of reservoir construction and the expansion of irrigated command areas revealed a complex picture of both positive and negative impacts at different points in the watershed. Over the catchment as a whole, the net effect on the value of aggregate production was estimated to have been positive. Sustaining this benefit was contingent on adoption of improved regimes for the management of reservoir water levels and fish stocks. Improvements in the management of the hydrological regime of coastal lagoons would further raise aggregate production. Although practiced by a minority of rural households, fishing was found to perform a wide range of livelihood functions, including: livelihood of last resort. Disaggregated analysis of the impacts on the livelihoods of households who practiced fishing showed different effects, depending on where the household fished, the functions performed by fishing in their livelihood strategy. In both cases, irrigation development was deemed to have positive net impacts on local fisheries production and to provide livelihood opportunities related to fisheries, in particular to the poor.

These gains and opportunities arise from specific local conditions, can only be realized through the use of appropriate water management, agricultural practices and fisheries regulations. APIA facilitated the appraisal of gross production and livelihoods impacts, opportunities for mitigation of negative or enhancement of positive impacts. Testing and systematic evaluation validated the approach and revealed the following benefits and limitations; the benefits of APIA compared to a conventional narrow technical assessment have been shown to include the following: The ability to study inland fisheries in a larger context of multiple competing uses for water and alternative livelihood opportunities, with explicit identification of conflicts within a sequential and management oriented process. However, use of APIA approach can be demanding of time, expertise for its implementation and in requirements for its support. In particular adequate awareness and strong institutional support are essential at all relevant levels of governance.

Participatory processes can be biased if the representation and influence of competing groups is unbalanced, there is risk that undue emphasis is given to conflicts that are difficult to resolve. Participation and local knowledge can be of great value, but should not be a substitute for rigorous technical assessment where this is necessary. Cumulative and synergistic impacts on fisheries of multiple irrigation schemes and other water resource developments within a river basin need to be further investigated. IWMI Working Paper 89 Lorenzan Lab @ Imperial College London

Pane di Altamura

Pane di Altamura is a type of Italian leavened bread made from remilled durum wheat semola from the Altamura area of the Provincia di Bari, in the Apulia region. In 2003 Pane di Altamura was granted PDO status within Europe. By law, it must be produced according to a range of strict conditions, including using particular varieties of durum wheat, a certain specification of water, a consistent production method, must have a final crust, at least 3mm thick; the shape of the bread is not essential for a loaf to be certified but there are some traditional shapes. Official production zone consists of the Comuni of: Altamura Gravina in Puglia Poggiorsini Spinazzola Minervino Murge Altamura Altamura Man Pulo di Altamura Altamurana Consorzio per la tutela del Pane di Altamura

Turkmen in Pakistan

There are over 60,000 people of Turkmen ethnicity living in Pakistan, according to both United Nations and national estimates. They are predominantly refugees who fled from Turkmenistan to Afghanistan in the aftermath of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution and from Afghanistan to neighbouring Pakistan following the instability during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. A large number have been in Pakistan for decades and many are part of second and third generations. Turkmen in Pakistan are pioneers of a successful and reputable carpet industry. In order to make a living, many have taken on the role of producing Turkmen rugs which are in great demand both inside and outside the country. In Turkmen culture, carpet-weaving is a tradition tracing back to nomadic roots; those in the industry are consigned by Pakistani wholesalers who provide designs and patterns, with a pay of 2,000 to 3,000 rupees per square meter. By working each day from early in the morning until late in the evening, one person is able produce a square meter within a month.

The business has transformed Turkmen villages into giant sweatshops. Many Turkmen have claimed to be better off economically than the million or so Afghan refugees in Pakistan. Most of the Turkmen are based in the northern parts of the country; the land they live on is courtesy of the Pakistani government and years ago they received international assistance to build their homes. Many refugees do not have the resources to rent fields and grow crops in surrounding farmlands. A considerable portion of Turkmen immigrants in Pakistan are Afghan nationals who migrated into the country less than two decades ago. A 2005 census showed there were over 6,000 Afghan Turkmen living in the province of Balochistan alone and they formed an overall 0.8% of the local Afghan population. Pakistan–Turkmenistan relations Turkmen in Syria

Maamiyar Veedu

Maamiyar Veedu is a 1993 Tamil drama film directed by S. Ganesaraj, who had directed the film Chinna Thayee; the film features Saravanan, Selva and Nandhini in lead roles. The film, produced by T. N. Janakeramen, had musical score by Ilaiyaraaja and was released on 14 January 1993. Aravind and Parthasarathy alias, they meet each other in jail, the two soon become good friends. After their release from jail, Aravind doesn't know where to go, so Parthasarathy accommodates him at his home. Both continue to steal. One day, they steal money from an old village man Korai Kaluthu Kuppusamy; the next day, the old man dies from a heart attack. Feeling guilty, Aravind tries to help the late Kuppusamy's family. Aravind decides to become a good man, but Parthasarathy does not want to change and believe that the society will not accept it. Aravind gets married with Anandavalli, a former prostitute. Meanwhile, Parthasarathy falls in love with Kuppusamy's granddaughter Daisy. Parthasarathy clashes with the dreaded don Kondaiah.

After he witnesses Daisy's father immolating himself for not paying back debts to Kondaiah. Pacha avenges his death by brutally slashing Kondaiah's leg. Inspector Vijay, cat-eyed inspector who earlier arrested Aravind and Pacha decides to investigate the murder, he shoots him on the pretext of getting him released. Anandavalli is saddened by Aravind's death while losing her baby in the process, she murders Vijay and gets arrested with Pacha lamenting that police never lets criminals to lead a peaceful life. The film score and the soundtrack were composed by film composer Ilaiyaraaja; the soundtrack, released in 1993, features 5 tracks with lyrics written by Vaali

Benton County National Bank

The Benton County National Bank is a historic bank building at 123 West Central Street in Bentonville, Arkansas. It is an elegant Classical Revival structure, designed by the regional architect Albert O. Clark and completed in 1906, it has a distinctive Roman-style temple front with three tall round-arch openings, sheltered by a projecting gable-pedimented Greek temple front supported by four marble columns with modified Corinthian capitals. A parapet above the Roman front obscures a dome at the center of the building; the building was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1983. National Register of Historic Places listings in Benton County, Arkansas