Glory hole (sexual slang)
A glory hole is a hole in a wall, or other partition between public lavatory cubicles or adult video arcade booths and lounges, for people to engage in sexual activity or observe the person in the next cubicle while one or both parties masturbate. Glory holes are associated with gay male culture, anal or oral sex, but may be used by bisexual or heterosexual men, or by men who do not identify as gay, bisexual, or heterosexual; the partition maintains anonymity. Some gay websites offer directories of glory holes. Glory holes are sometimes the topic of erotic literature, pornographic films have been devoted to the uses of glory holes. Numerous motivations can be ascribed to the eroticism of glory holes; as a wall separates the two participants, they have no contact except for a mouth, a penis, a hand. Total anonymity is maintained as no other attributes are taken into consideration." The glory hole is seen as an erotic oasis in gay subcultures around the world. In light of the ongoing HIV pandemic, many gay men re-evaluated their sexual and erotic desires and practices.
It is suggested by queer theorist Tim Dean that glory holes allow for a physical barrier, which may be an extension of psychological ones where there is internalized homophobia. For some gay men, a glory hole serves to depersonalize their partner altogether as a disembodied object of sexual desire, either sticking through or on the other side of the hole. Public sex of any kind is illegal in many parts of the world, police undercover operations continue to be used in order to enforce such laws. Adverse personal consequences to participants in glory hole activity have included police surveillance, public humiliation in the press with marital and employment consequences, imprisonment following a criminal conviction. Gay bashing and bodily injury are further potential risks. For reasons of personal safety, as well as etiquette, men wait for a signal from the receptive partner to come through the hole before inserting any part of their genitals through a glory hole. A Sex Stop on the Way Home by Corey Kilgannon, New York Times, September 21, 2005 The Little Black Book: This one can keep you out of trouble, Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund.
An article regarding legal issues of sex in public restrooms
The term dyke or dike is a slang noun meaning lesbian. It originated as a misogynistic slur for a masculine, tomboyish, or butch woman; the origin of the term is obscure and many theories have been proposed. The Oxford English Dictionary notes the first attestation as Berrey and Van den Bark's 1942 American Thesaurus of Slang. There, dike was the more common term. From the mid-19th century to the early 20th century, dike had been American slang for a well-dressed man, with "diked out" and "out on a dike" indicating a young man was in his best clothes and ready for a night on the town; the etymology of that term is obscure, but may have originated as a Virginian variant of deck and decked out. However, the term bulldyker preceded dyke in print, appearing in Harlem Renaissance novels in the 1920s. Claude McKay's 1928 Home to Harlem includes the passage that lesbians are "what we calls bulldyker in Harlem... I don't understan'... a bulldyking woman." From the context in the novel, the word was considered pejorative at the time.
This may be related to the late-19th-century slang use of dike for the vulva. Bull being used in the sense of "masculine" and "aggressive", a bulldyke would have implied a "masculine cunt". Other theories include that bulldyker derived from morphadike, a dialect variant of hermaphrodite, used for homosexuals in the early 20th century. In an investigative study, Julia Stanley theorizes that the source of these varying definitions stems from gender-determined sub-dialects. Homosexuality in America is a “subculture with its own language.” As such, a special vocabulary is developed by its members. Male homosexuals defined dyke as lesbian without derogation. A bull dyke was defined as a lesbian without further distinction. For female homosexuals of the community, however, a dyke is an masculine identified lesbian, given to indiscretion. Bull dyke is an extension of this term, with the addition of this person described as nasty, obnoxiously aggressive, overly demonstrative of her hatred of men. In an alternative investigation, Susan Krantz discusses the etymology of bulldyke, with derivations of the Middle English “falsehood” for bull and dick for dyke.
Therefore, a possible origin for a masculine lesbian comes from bulldicker that could mean “fake penis,” denoting a “false man.” Further speculation talks of the synonymous term bulldagger. Here, dagger alludes to the male genitalia and bull referring to "false" rather than "man"; the earliest account of dagger in this context stems from an account in 1348 by Henry Knighton. In the 1950s, the word dyke was used as a derogatory term used by straight people and lesbians who were most to be able to move up in social class, they used this term to identify rough bar lesbians. In the 1970s, a poem called; this empowered the lesbian community because they had never heard the term dyke used because it was only used as a derogatory term against them. Because of the exposure of the word to the public, the term dyke was taken up by the lesbian community in the 1970s; the meaning of dyke has positively changed over time. Most members of the community have dropped bull from the term to use it as a positive identifier of one who displays toughness, or as a simple, generic term for all lesbians.
This abbreviation does not carry the negative connotations of the full phrase as it did. Scholar Paula Blank, in an article on lesbian etymology, calls for taking ownership of lesbian and similar words. In the late 20th and early 21st century, the term dyke was claimed by many lesbians as a term of pride and empowerment. In 1983, Alison Bechdel named her new comic strip Dykes to Watch Out For. Depicting the lives of a lesbian community, it is one of the earliest representations of lesbians in popular culture and ran until 2008, it has been described "as important to new generations of lesbians as landmark novels like Rita Mae Brown's Rubyfruit Jungle and Lisa Alther's Kinflicks were to an earlier one."In her 2011 article The Only Dykey One, Lucy Jones argues that consideration of lesbian culture is core to an understanding of lesbian identity construction. Matters came to a head when the United States Patent and Trademark Office denied the lesbian motorcycle group Dykes on Bikes a trademark for its name, on the grounds dyke was offensive and disparaging to lesbians.
However, the office reversed itself and permitted the group to register its name after lawyers appealed and submitted hundreds of pages to show the slang word does not disparage lesbians in the way it once did. Dykes on Bikes declared victory on December 8, 2005 and gained international recognition for leading the city’s gay parade. Much of the gay slang, used today was once seen by the public as self-destructive and demeaning when it was used within the LGBTQ+ community. In 1969, people in the gay community began to march in the streets to demand civil rights. If used, terms such as dyke and faggot were used to identify people as political activists for the gay community. During this time, dyke referred to a woman committed to the most radical position. A surge of feminism in the lesbian commun
Cottaging is a gay slang term, originating from the United Kingdom, referring to anonymous sex between men in a public lavatory, or cruising for sexual partners with the intention of having sex elsewhere. The term has its roots in self-contained English toilet blocks resembling small cottages in their appearance. See gay beat in Australian English; the word "cottage" meaning a small, countryside home, is documented as having been in use during the Victorian era to refer to a public toilet and by the 1960s its use in this sense had become an homosexual slang term. This usage is predominantly British, though the term is used with the same meaning in other parts of the world. Among gay men in the United States, lavatories used for this purpose are called tea rooms. Cottages were and are located in places used by many people such as bus stations, railway stations and university campuses. Glory holes are drilled in the walls between cubicles in popular cottages. Foot signals — tapping a foot, sliding a foot under the divider between stalls, attracting the attention of the occupant of the next stall — are used to signify that one wishes to connect with the person in the next cubicle.
In some used cottages, an etiquette develops and one person may function as a lookout to warn if non-cottagers are coming. Since the 1980s, more individuals in authority have become more aware of the existence of cottages in places under their jurisdiction and have reduced the height of or removed doors from the cubicles of popular cottages, or extended the walls between the cubicles to the floor to prevent foot signalling. Before the gay liberation movement, many, if not most and bisexual men at the time were closeted and there were no public gay social groups for those under legal drinking age; as such, cottages were among the few places where men too young to get into gay bars could meet others whom they knew to be gay. The internet brought significant changes to cottaging, an activity engaged in by men with other men in silence with no communication beyond the markings of a cubicle wall. Today, an online community is being established in which men exchange details of locations, discussing aspects such as when it receives the highest traffic, when it is safest and to facilitate sexual encounters by arranging meeting times.
The term cybercottage is used by some gay and bisexual men who use the role-play and nostalgia of cottaging in a virtual space or as a notice board to arrange real life anonymous sexual encounters. Laud Humphrey's Tearoom Trade, published in 1970, was a sociological analysis and observance between the social space public restrooms offer for anonymous sex and the men–either closeted, gay, or straight– who sought to fulfill sexual desires that their wives, religion, or social lives couldn't; the study, met with praise on one side due to its innovation and criticism on the other due to having outed "straight" men and risked their privacy, brought to light the multidimensionality of public restrooms and the intricacy and complexity of homosexual sex amongst self-identifying straight men. Sexual acts in public lavatories are outlawed by many jurisdictions, it is that the element of risk involved in cottaging makes it an attractive activity to some. In the United Kingdom, public gay sex resulted in a charge and conviction of gross indecency, an offence only pertaining to sexual acts committed by males and applied to homosexual activity.
Anal penetration was a separate and much more serious crime that came under the definition of buggery. Buggery was a capital offence between 1533 and 1861 under UK law, although it resulted in death penalty. Importuning was an offer of a sexual gratification between men for money; the Sexual Offences Act 1967 permitted homosexual sex between consenting adults over 21 years of age when conducted in private. The act excluded public lavatories from being "private"; the Sexual Offences Act 2003 removed this contentious offence in favour of "indecent exposure". In many of the cases where people are brought to court for cottaging, the issue of entrapment arises. Since the offences are public but carried out behind closed doors, the police have found it easier to use undercover police officers who would frequent toilets posing as homosexuals in an effort to entice other men to approach them for sex; these men would be arrested for indecent assault. Such practices were curtailed after a judge decided the police officer in the case had consented to the assault if he had desired and required the defendant to touch him with sexual intent in order to have evidence of a crime.
Alternatively, they were arrested for importuning, with a much lower burden of proof and shorter maximum sentence. After the murder of playwright Joe Orton by his boyfriend in 1967, Orton's diaries were published and included explicit accounts of cottaging in London toilets; the diaries were the basis of the 1987 film Prick Up the play of the same name. The film Get Real was based on the 1992 play What's Wrong with Angry?, which features schoolboys cottaging as a key theme. The modern dance company, DV8, staged a piece in 2003 called Men Who Have Sex With Men, which explicitly portrayed the theme of cottaging; the Chinese film East Palace, West Palace, released in 1996, is centred on cottaging activity in Beijing. Nicholas de Jongh's play Plague Over England was based on the arrest and conviction of John Gielgud for cottaging and premièred in 2008; the Strange Decline of the English Cottage was a documentary made about wh
Bear (gay culture)
In male gay culture, a bear is a larger or obese hairier man who projects an image of rugged masculinity. Bears are one of many LGBT communities with events, a culture-specific identity. However, in San Francisco in the 1970s any hairy man of whatever shape was referred to as a'bear' until the term was appropriated by larger men and other words had to be used to describe hairy other-shaped men such as otter, cub, or wolf; the word manatee describes a hairless man, i.e. a bear without hair. The term bear was popularized by Richard Bulger, along with his partner Chris Nelson founded Bear Magazine in 1987. There is some contention surrounding whether Bulger originated the term and the subculture's conventions. George Mazzei wrote an article for The Advocate in 1979 called "Who's Who in the Zoo?", that characterized gay men as seven types of animals, including bears. The bear concept can function as an identity or an affiliation, there is ongoing debate in bear communities about what constitutes a bear.
Some bears place importance on presenting a clear masculine image and may disdain or shun men who exhibit effeminacy, while others consider acceptance and inclusiveness of all behavioural types to be an important value of the community. The bear community consists of gay or bisexual men. However, as LGBT culture and modern slang has taken on a wider appeal in modern society, it is possible to call a hairy and burly straight man a bear, although they would not be part of the gay bear community. Transgender men and those who shun labels for gender and sexuality are included within bear communities. However, heterosexual men who have bearish physical traits and are affirming of their gay friends and family may be informally accorded "honorary" bear status. A smaller number of lesbians those portrayed as butch participate in bear culture, referring to themselves with the distinct label of ursula. In Europe after the so-called leather scene evolved from the merger of homosexual motorcyclists with other organizations in the 1970s, some associations of men preferred bearded and hairy men.
Thus, in the early 1980s, the group "Beards meeting Beards" was created in London. Analogous to this, Michael Zgonjanin and Henning Marburger founded the group "Bartmänner Köln" in 1984, which today is the oldest existing bear group in the world. Common to the initiators was the idea of creating a circle of friends for followers of hairy men, not subject to the constraints of the leather and fetish scene - their sometimes strict codes such as fetish orientation and rigid club structures. At the onset of the bear movement, some bears separated from the gay community at large, forming "bear clubs" to create social and sexual opportunities of their own. Many clubs are loosely organized social groups. Bear clubs sponsor large yearly events — "bear runs" or "bear gatherings" like the annual events such as Southern HiBearNation in Melbourne, Bear Pride and Bear Essentials in Sydney, Bearstock in Adelaide, HiBearNation in St. Louis, Missouri, SF Bear Weekend, CBL's Bear Hunt, Bear Pride in Chicago, Texas Bear Round Up in Dallas, Orlando Bear Bash, Summer Bear Week in Provincetown, drawing regional and international visitors.
Many LGBT events attract a significant bear following, such as Southern Decadence in New Orleans. A feature at many bear events is a "bear contest," a sort of masculine beauty pageant awarding titles and sashes to winners. One example of a bear contest was International Mr. Bear held each February at the International Bear Rendezvous in San Francisco, it attracted contestants with local titles, from all over the world. The first International Mr. Bear was held in 1992 and the last in 2011; the contest included Bear, Daddy and Grizzly titles with the contestant who receives the highest score winning the bear title, regardless of what type he is. Example: "Mr. Washington, D. C. Bear, 2006." Gay "leather-bears" have competed in leather contests, "muscle-bears" are another subculture noted by their muscular body mass. The bear community has spread all with bear clubs in many countries. Bear clubs serve as social and sexual networks for their members, who can contribute to their local gay communities through fund-raising and other functions.
Bear events have become common, to include smaller sized cities and many rural areas. Most gay oriented campgrounds now include some type of bear-related event during their operating season; the bear community constitutes a specialty niche in the commercial market. It offers T-shirts and other accessories as well as calendars and porn movies and magazines featuring bear icons, e.g. Jack Radcliffe. Catalina Video has a bear-themed line, the "Furry Features Series." Other adult studios who feature bear-type men are Bear Magazine, 100% BEEF Magazine, BearFilms, Butch Bear, Raging Stallion, Titan Media. There are social media websites and smartphone apps that market to men of the bear community; as the bear community has matured, so has its music and literature, as well as other arts and culture. Examples include a traveling bear music festival; the larger organized bear runs host a "bear market" area where ar
The slang term "drag" refers to the wearing of clothing of the opposite sex, may be used as a noun as in the expression in drag, or as an adjective as in drag show. The use of "drag" in this sense appeared in print. One suggested etymological root is 19th-century theatre slang, from the sensation of long skirts trailing on the floor. Men dressed or disguised as women have featured in traditional rituals for centuries. For example, the characters of some regional variants of the traditional mummers play, which were traditionally always performed by men, include Besom Bet; the variant performed around Plough Monday in Eastern England is known as the Plough Play and involves two female characters, the young "Lady Bright and Gay" and "Old Dame Jane" and a dispute about a bastard child. A character called Bessy accompanied the Plough Jags in places where no play was performed: "she" was a man dressed in women's clothes, who carried a collecting box for money and other largesse. "Maid Marian" of the Abbots Bromley Horn Dance is played by a man, the Maid Marians referred to in old documents as having taken part in May Games and other festivals with Morris dancers would most also have been men.
The "consort" of the Castleton Garland King was traditionally a man and was simply referred to as "The Woman". Cross-dressing elements of performance traditions are widespread cultural phenomena. In England, actors in Shakespearean plays, all Elizabethan theatre, were all male. Shakespeare used the conventions to enrich the gender confusions of As You Like It, Ben Jonson manipulated the same conventions in Epicœne, or The Silent Woman; the plot device of the film Shakespeare in Love turns upon this Elizabethan convention. During the reign of Charles II the rules were relaxed to allow women to play female roles on the London stage, reflecting the French fashion, the convention of men playing female roles disappeared. However, in current-day British pantomime, the Pantomime dame is a traditional role played by a man in drag, while the Principal boy, such as Prince Charming or Dick Whittington, is played by a girl. Within the dramatic fiction, a double standard affected the uses of drag. In male-dominated societies where active roles were reserved to men, a woman might dress as a man under the pressures of her dramatic predicament.
In these societies a man's position was above a woman's, causing a rising action that suited itself to tragedy, sentimental melodrama and comedies of manners that involved confused identities. A man dressed as a woman was thought to be a falling action only suited to broad low comedy and burlesque. Les Ballets Trockadero de Monte Carlo are an all-male ballet troupe where much of the humor is in seeing male dancers en travesti; these conventions of male-dominated societies were unbroken before the 20th century, when rigid gender roles were undermined and began to dissolve. This evolution changed drag in the last decades of the 20th century. Among contemporary drag performers, the theatrical drag queen or street queen may at times be seen less as a "female impersonator" per se, but as a drag queen, the role of the queen existing as an identity based in neither mainstream male nor mainstream female conventions. Examples include Danny La Rue or RuPaul. In the 1890s the slapstick drag traditions of undergraduate productions were permissible fare to the same middle-class American audiences that were scandalized to hear that in New York City, rouged young men in skirts were standing on tables to dance the Can-Can in Bowery dives like The Slide.
Drag shows were popular night club entertainment in New York in the 20s were forced underground, until the "Jewel Box Revue" played Harlem's Apollo Theater in the 1950s: "49 men and a girl." The girl received a roar of applause, when she was revealed as the same smart young man in dinner clothes, introducing each of the evening's acts. In Baroque opera, where soprano roles for men were sung by castrati, Handel's heroine Bradamante, in the opera Alcina, disguises herself as a man to save her lover, played by a male soprano. In Romantic opera, certain roles of young boys were written for alto and soprano voices and acted by women en travestie; the most familiar trouser role in pre-Romantic opera is Cherubino in Mozart's Marriage of Figaro. Romantic opera continued the convention: there are trouser roles for women in drag in Rossini's Semiramide, Donizetti's Rosamonda d'Inghilterra and Anna Bolena, Berlioz's Benvenuto Cellini, a page in Verdi's Don Carlo; the convention was beginning to die out with Siebel, the ingenuous youth in Charles Gounod's Faust and the gypsy boy Beppe in Mascagni's L'Amico Fritz, so that Offenbach gave the role of Cupid to a real boy in Orphée aux Enfers.
But Sarah Bernhardt played Hamlet in tights, giving French audiences a glimpse of Leg and Prince Orlovsky, who gives the ball in Die Fledermaus, is a mezzo-sopr
Chub (gay slang)
A chub is an overweight or obese gay man who identifies as being part of the chubby culture. Although there is some overlap between chubs and bears, chubs have their own distinct subculture and community. There are bars and social events catering to this subculture, which allows members of the community to socialize with each other and develop social networks. In the last several years, large regional social events for gay chubs have developed, they feature pageants in which titles are given to winners, such as "Mr. Chubby International" and "Mr. Chaser International". In the United States, there is an annual national event, Convergence, as well as several annual regional gatherings. There is an annual event in Europe called European Big Men's Convergence; these events are held in different cities each year and are hosted by that city's local big men's organization. Japan has had a large but silent chub community, with Samson being one of the oldest forms of Japanese media which focuses on Gay Chubs.
These definitions are general in nature. Chubby or chub – a large, overweight, or obese man Superchub – a chub, large Bear – a man with a stocky or heavyset build; the term chaser is sometimes used in various communities to describe an outsider, sexually attracted to people within the community Chub for chub – a chub, sexually or attracted to other chubby men Girth & Mirth – a widespread name for clubs of big men and their admirers Big Men's Club – another term used to define clubs and organizations for gay and bisexual men and their male admirers BeefyFrat – was a popular gainer/feeder social network, it folded sometime around 2014 - having been abandoned by its creator The Chub subculture is found to overlap with the Bear subculture. Though there is no strict terminology which differentiates between the two groups, it may be noted that most Bears associate themselves as Chubs, though Chubs may not associate themselves with the Bear subculture. Numerous websites exist which focus on Gay Chubs or related sub-cultures, including: Grommr – a website geared toward gainers and their counterpart feeders who enjoy seeing their partners gain weight Chasabl – A partner site to Grommr that does not focus on gaining weight BiggerCity – A chub and chaser dating website active since 1998, which offers blogs, photos and discussions specific to Gay Chubs and ChasersSome common Pornography websites that focus on Gay Chubs and/or Bears include: Stocky Dudes Chub Videos Monstercub.com, run by Gay Pornstar Hunter Scott While casual social networks for chubby men and chasers had long existed, the first organized social group in the United States, Girth & Mirth, formed in 1976 in San Francisco.
The following year, a chapter was organized in Boston, in 1978 the New York chapter started. Conventions were held in cities such as San Francisco and New York City as early as 1977 or 1978 with large numbers of chubbies and chasers attending. Formally organized Convergence conventions in the United States were first held in Seattle in 1986. Several chapters are now active across the United States in large and diverse cities. Bear Fat fetishism Samson "Fat Gay Men: Girth and the Politics of Stigma" by Jason Whitesel
Bugchasing known in slang as charging, is the practice among gay men or men who have sex with men, of pursuing sexual activity with HIV-positive individuals in order to contract HIV. Individuals engaged in this activity are referred to as bugchasers, it is a form of self-harm. Bugchasers seek sexual partners who are HIV-positive for the purpose of having unprotected sex and becoming HIV-positive. Bugchasers indicate various reasons for this activity; some bugchasers engage in the activity for the excitement and intimacy inherent in pursuing such a dangerous activity, but do not implicitly desire to contract HIV. Some researchers suggest that the behavior may stem from a "resistance to dominant heterosexual norms and mores" due to a defensive response by gay men to repudiate stigmatization and rejection by society; some people consider bugchasing "intensely erotic" and the act of being infected through the "fuck of death" as the "ultimate taboo, the most extreme sex act left." People who are HIV negative and in a relationship with someone, HIV-positive may seek infection as a way to remain in the relationship when the HIV-positive partner may wish to break up to avoid infecting the HIV negative partner.
Others have suggested that some people who feel lonely desire the nurturing community and social services that support people with HIV/AIDS. It has been used as a form of suicide. By design, bug chasing involves unprotected sex, but members of the bareback subculture are not bugchasers; the difference is intent: In reviewing the scarce unpublished and published materials on bugchasing, as well as general healthcare speculations, a common theme appears — the lumping of bug chasers with barebackers.... Although these two groups share some of the same practices, namely unprotected anal intercourse, there are distinctions that differentiate bug chasing...even though all bug chasers are indeed barebackers, not all barebackers are bugchasers. In simple terms, bugchasers engage in unprotected intercourse, seek out partners with HIV, because they desire infection. Barebackers engage in unprotected intercourse because they prefer the sensation of it but prefer to avoid contracting STIs. While actual activity is the same for both groups the two do not share the same psychology.
Barebackers conceptually have the same motivation as heterosexual couples that use non-barrier methods of birth control, and, in contrast with bugchasers, do not deliberately seek HIV-infected partners. As many "bugchasers" appear to be seeking the community and sympathy that HIV+ individuals experience, comparisons have been drawn with Munchausen syndrome. Over the past decade, researchers have endeavored to document and look for a solution to bugchasing. Dr. DeAnn Gauthier and Dr. Craig Forsyth put forth the first academic article in 1999, they explored the emerging trend of gay men who eschew condoms and the development of a barebacking subculture. They noted through their qualitative research that some barebackers were in search of HIV. Dr. Richard Tewksbury was one of the first researchers to acknowledge bug chasing online and that bug chasers were using the Internet to assist their seroconversive efforts. In his more recent research, he gave a strong analysis of what bug chasers and gift givers resemble in their behaviors and demographics.
Drs. Christian Grov and Jeffrey T. Parsons' research using the internet profiles of 1,228 bug chasers and gift givers identified six subsets of bug chasers and gift givers. "The Committed Bug Chaser" included men who indicated they were HIV-negative and seeking HIV-positive partners. Of the committed bug chasers who indicated a desired sexual position, the majority were bottoms. Only 7.5 percent of the sample were classified as committed bug chasers. "The Opportunistic Bug Chaser" included men who were HIV-negative and indicated that their partner’s HIV status did not matter. Most of these men were either bottoms. In total, 12.1 percent of their sample included opportunistic bug chasers. "The Committed Gift Giver" included men who were HIV-positive who indicated they were seeking HIV-negative partners. Notably, only five men from the entire sample of 1,228 fell into this category. "The Opportunistic Gift Giver" included men who indicated they were HIV-positive and that their partner’s status did not matter to them.
Most of these men were versatile. Opportunistic Gift Givers accounted for 26 percent of the sample. "The Serosorter" Although all men Drs Grov and Parsons sampled indicated they were a gift giver or a bug chaser in their Internet profile, behavioural intentions did not match with bug chaser/gift giver identity. Some HIV-positive men indicated preference for other HIV-positive men. Meanwhile, some HIV-negative men indicated preference for other HIV-negative men. Although having indicated they were a bug chaser or a gift giver, these men were serosorting for partners of similar HIV status. "The Ambiguous Bug Chaser or Gift Giver" included men who indicated they did not know their HIV status and thus it was difficult to determine if they were seeking to bug chase or gift give. This category was 16.3 percent of the sample. In total, Drs Christian Grov and Jeffrey T. Parsons concluded that bug chasing and gift giving might occur among a select few individuals. Further, their research found that there was substantial variation in intentions to spread HIV among those who indicated they were gift g