Serbo-Croatian is a South Slavic language and the primary language of Serbia, Croatia and Herzegovina, Montenegro. It is a pluricentric language with four mutually intelligible standard varieties. South Slavic dialects formed a continuum; the turbulent history of the area due to expansion of the Ottoman Empire, resulted in a patchwork of dialectal and religious differences. Due to population migrations, Shtokavian became the most widespread dialect in the western Balkans, intruding westwards into the area occupied by Chakavian and Kajkavian. Bosniaks and Serbs differ in religion and were often part of different cultural circles, although a large part of the nations have lived side by side under foreign overlords. During that period, the language was referred to under a variety of names, such as "Slavic" in general or "Serbian", "Croatian", ”Bosnian”, "Slavonian" or "Dalmatian" in particular. In a classicizing manner, it was referred to as "Illyrian"; the process of linguistic standardization of Serbo-Croatian was initiated in the mid-19th-century Vienna Literary Agreement by Croatian and Serbian writers and philologists, decades before a Yugoslav state was established.
From the beginning, there were different literary Serbian and Croatian standards, although both were based on the same Shtokavian subdialect, Eastern Herzegovinian. In the 20th century, Serbo-Croatian served as the official language of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, as one of the official languages of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; the breakup of Yugoslavia affected language attitudes, so that social conceptions of the language separated on ethnic and political lines. Since the breakup of Yugoslavia, Bosnian has been established as an official standard in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is an ongoing movement to codify a separate Montenegrin standard. Serbo-Croatian thus goes by the names Serbian, Croatian and sometimes Montenegrin and Bunjevac. Like other South Slavic languages, Serbo-Croatian has a simple phonology, with the common five-vowel system and twenty-five consonants, its grammar evolved from Common Slavic, with complex inflection, preserving seven grammatical cases in nouns and adjectives.
Verbs exhibit imperfective or perfective aspect, with a moderately complex tense system. Serbo-Croatian is a pro-drop language with flexible word order, subject–verb–object being the default, it can be written in Serbian Cyrillic or Gaj's Latin alphabet, whose thirty letters mutually map one-to-one, the orthography is phonemic in all standards. Throughout the history of the South Slavs, the vernacular and written languages of the various regions and ethnicities developed and diverged independently. Prior to the 19th century, they were collectively called "Illyric", "Slavic", "Slavonian", "Bosnian", "Dalmatian", "Serbian" or "Croatian". Since the XIX century the term Illyric was used quite often. Although the word Illyrian was used on a few occasions before, the widespread usage of the term began after Ljudevit Gaj and several other prominent linguists met at Ljudevit Vukotinović's house to discuss the issue in 1832; the term Serbo-Croatian was first used by Jacob Grimm in 1824, popularized by the Viennese philologist Jernej Kopitar in the following decades, accepted by Croatian Zagreb grammarians in 1854 and 1859.
At that time and Croat lands were still part of the Ottoman and Austrian Empires. The language was called variously Serbo-Croat, Croato-Serbian and Croatian, Croatian and Serbian, Serbian or Croatian, Croatian or Serbian. Unofficially and Croats called the language "Serbian" or "Croatian" without implying a distinction between the two, again in independent Bosnia and Herzegovina, "Bosnian", "Croatian", "Serbian" were considered to be three names of a single official language. Croatian linguist Dalibor Brozović advocated the term Serbo-Croatian as late as 1988, claiming that in an analogy with Indo-European, Serbo-Croatian does not only name the two components of the same language, but charts the limits of the region in which it is spoken and includes everything between the limits. Today, use of the term "Serbo-Croatian" is controversial due to the prejudice that nation and language must match, it is still used for lack of a succinct alternative, though alternative names have emerged, such as Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, seen in political contexts such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Old Church Slavonic was adopted as the language of the liturgy. This language was adapted to non-liturgical purposes and became known as the Croatian version of Old Slavonic; the two variants of the language and non-liturgical, continued to be a part of the Glagolitic service as late as the middle of the 19th century. The earliest known Croatian Church Slavonic Glagolitic manuscripts are the Glagolita Clozianus and the Vienna Folia from the 11th century; the beginning of written Serbo-Croatian can be traced from the 10th century and on when Serbo-Croatian medieval texts were written in five scripts: Latin, Early Cyrillic, Bosnian Cyrillic, Arebica, the last principally by Bosniak nobility. Serbo-Croatian competed with the more established literary languages of Latin
Dnevni telegraf was a Serbian daily middle-market tabloid published in Belgrade between 1996 and November 1998, also in Podgorica until March 1999. It was the first owned daily in Serbia after more than 50 years of across-the-board public ownership under communism. Founded and owned by Slavko Ćuruvija, published in tabloid format with content that catered to the middle-market, Dnevni telegraf maintained high prominence and readership all throughout its run; the newspaper benefited from its owner's personal relationship and access to Mirjana Marković, wife of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević. By getting a constant stream of relevant information from such a top source, the newspaper built up a sizable readership and a steady source of revenue; this Ćuruvija-Marković relationship was described as "non-aggression pact rather than friendship" by Aleksandar Tijanić in Kad režim strelja commemorative documentary that premiered on 1 February 2006 on RTS. In the same documentary, Ćuruvija's common-law wife Branka Prpa added that her significant other's agreement with Marković had to do with the ruling couple's request for the paper to refrain from writing about the activities of their two grown children — Marko and Marija.
Ćuruvija was happy to grant them the wish in return for relevant day-to-day political info. Tijanić said the information from this informed source allowed Ćuruvija and Dnevni telegraf to put together hundreds of front pages over the years, developing a big staff and loyal readership in the process. Prpa went on to say: "Their relationship was centered around one-on-one conversations that Slavko engaged in, like other journalists at the time, hoping to provoke and maybe manipulate her into revealing more than she planned, but as time went on I think they became the ones being manipulated"; the troubles for Dnevni telegraf started in October 1998 when the Serbian government led by prime minister Mirko Marjanović introduced a decree outlining special measures in the wake of the NATO bombing threat. Using the decree, on 14 October 1998 the government's Ministry of Information headed by Aleksandar Vučić decided to ban the publishing of Dnevni telegraf, Danas and Naša borba dailies. In the case of Dnevni telegraf, the reason for this radical measure was listed to be the paper's supposed "spreading of defeatism by running subversive article headlines".
Following the protests and pressure by domestic NGOs and foreign governments, the ban was lifted on 20 October 1998, only to be replaced by the infamous new Information Law, passed on the same day. The "non-aggression pact" between Mira Marković and Slavko Ćuruvija was off. At a time when NATO threatened with airstrikes, the regime was becoming more radicalized by the second; the real reason for its sudden attitude shift when it came to independent media, at least in Curuvija's case lay in the fact that both Dnevni telegraf and its sister bi-weekly Evropljanin reported openly about the deteriorating situation in the Serbian southern province of Kosovo all throughout the summer and fall of 1998. The newspaper was very critical of the regime's severe University Law that took away the academic autonomy from the higher learning institutions in Serbia. Ruling coalition made up of SPS, SRS and Yugoslav Left was getting ready to pass another draconian piece of legislation - new Information Law that would give it enormous powers when it came to fining and disciplining the media.
Following an unpleasant exchange with Mira Marković during the week when Dnevni telegraf was banned - their last conversation - Ćuruvija took Aleksandar Tijanić's suggestion, the two put together a worded open letter to Milošević entitled'What's Next, Slobo?' signed by both of them. It was published in Evropljanin issue that came out on 19 October 1998, one day before the Information Law got urgently passed in the National Assembly. Regime's response was swift; the staff was served with a late-night court-summoning notice on a charge pressed by the Patriotic Alliance, a phantom organization with no prior history of existence - an obvious attempt at disguising the fact Yugoslav Left and Mira Marković were behind it all. After a 1-day trial on 23 October 1998, an YUM2.4 million fine was leveled at Evropljanin by the presiding judge Mirko Đorđević under the new Law for "endangering constitutional order" if the incriminating issue appeared a full day before the law had been passed. On Sunday night, 25 October 1998, police entered the Dnevni telegraf and Evropljanin shared offices, located at the Borba building's 5th floor, confiscated the entire next day's print of Dnevni telegraf.
Since they found only 2 dinars on DT Press' bank account, the police started confiscating their business property, which covered about YUM60,000 of the amount owed. This meant neither publication could go on. Furthermore, the police entered the apartment of Ivan Tadić, DT Press executive director and confiscated his furniture, which they appraised to be worth around DM1,100, they attempted to enter apartments of company owner Slavko Ćuruvija as well as Dragan Bujošević, Evropljanin editor-in-chief, but decided against it fearing bigger media backlash. After two weeks of forced hiatus, the next issue of Dnevni telegraf came out on Saturday, 7 November 1998, featuring Otpor!'s cle
Serbia and Montenegro
Serbia and Montenegro the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro known as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1992 - 2003, was a country in Southeast Europe, created from the two remaining federal republics of Yugoslavia after its breakup in 1992. The republics of Serbia and Montenegro together established a federation in 1992 as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. For the first several years of its existence, the state aspired to be recognized as the sole legal successor to Yugoslavia, but those claims were opposed by other former constituent republics; the United Nations denied its request to take up Yugoslavia's membership. After the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević from power as president of the federation in 2000, the country rescinded those aspirations and accepted the opinion of the Badinter Arbitration Committee about shared succession, it re-applied for UN membership on 27 October and was admitted on 1 November 2000. The FRY was dominated by Slobodan Milošević as President of Serbia and President of Yugoslavia.
Milošević forced the removal of several federal presidents and prime ministers. However, the Montenegrin government enthusiastic supporters of Milošević, started distancing themselves from his policies; that culminated in regime change in 1996, when his former ally Milo Đukanović reversed his policies, became leader of Montenegro's ruling party and subsequently dismissed former Montenegrin leader Momir Bulatović, who remained loyal to the Milošević government. As Bulatović was given central positions in Belgrade from that time, Đukanović continued to govern Montenegro and further isolated it from Serbia, thus from 1996 to 2006 Montenegro and Serbia were only nominally one country—governance at every feasible level was conducted locally, in Belgrade for Serbia and in Podgorica for Montenegro. As a loose union or confederacy and Montenegro were united only in certain realms, such as defence; the two constituent republics functioned separately throughout the period of the Federal Republic, continued to operate under separate economic policies, as well as using separate currencies.
On 21 May 2006, the Montenegrin independence referendum was held, 55.5% of voters voted in favour of independence. The last remnants of the former Yugoslavia, after 88 years since its creation, came to an end upon Montenegro's formal declaration of independence on 3 June 2006, Serbia's formal declaration of independence on 5 June. After the dissolution, Serbia became the legal successor of the union, while the newly independent Montenegro re-applied for membership in international organizations; the country was known as the "Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" from 1992 to 2003. The name Yugoslavia, an Anglicised transcription of Jugoslavija, is a composite word made up of jug and slavija; the Slavic word jug means'south', while slavija denotes a'land of the Slavs'. Thus, a translation of "Jugoslavija" would be'South-Slavia' or'Land of the South Slavs'; when Serbia and Montenegro was known as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia or Yugoslavia for short, some nations, such as the United States, had referred to it as Serbia and Montenegro as their governments viewed its claim to Yugoslavia's successorship as illegitimate.
With the collapse of Yugoslavia during the 1990s, only the republics of Serbia and Montenegro agreed to maintain the Yugoslav state, established a new constitution for a new Yugoslavia in 1992. With the collapse of communism across Eastern Europe, the new state followed the wave of free market change, it abandoned communist symbolism: the red star was removed from the national flag, the communist coat of arms was replaced by a white double-headed eagle with the arms of both Serbia and Montenegro within it. The new state established the office of the president, held by a single person appointed with the consent of the republics of Serbia and Montenegro until 1997 after which the president was democratically elected. With the collapse of Yugoslavia and its institutions from 1991 to 1992, the issue of unity of the two republics remaining in the collapsing federation, Montenegro, as well as Serb-majority territories in Croatia and Bosnia that wished to remain united, became an issue. In 1991 diplomatic talks chaired by Lord Carrington with the leaders of the six republics of the collapsing federation, resulted in all the republics except for Serbia agreeing that Yugoslavia had collapsed and that each republic should become an independent state.
The Serbian government was surprised and outraged by Montenegro's decision in favour of terminating Yugoslavia, as the Bulatovic government had been allied with Milosevic's government in Serbia. Yugoslavia's collapse began in 1991 when Slovenia and the Republic of Macedonia declared independence. On 26 December 1991, Serbia and the Serb rebel-held territories in Croatia agreed that they would form a new "third Yugoslavia". Efforts were made in 1991 to include SR Bosnia and Herzegovina within the federation, with negotiations between Miloševic, Bosnia's Serbian Democratic Party, the Bosniak proponent of union – Bosnia's Vice-President Adil Zulfikarpašić taking place on this matter. Zulfikarpašić believed that Bosnia could benefit from a union
Yellow journalism and the yellow press are American terms for journalism and associated newspapers that present little or no legitimate well-researched news while instead using eye-catching headlines for increased sales. Techniques may include exaggerations of scandal-mongering, or sensationalism. By extension, the term yellow journalism is used today as a pejorative to decry any journalism that treats news in an unprofessional or unethical fashion. In English, the term is chiefly used in the US. In the UK, a equivalent term is tabloid journalism, meaning journalism characteristic of tabloid newspapers if found elsewhere. Other languages, e.g. Russian, sometimes have terms derived from the American term. A common source of such writing is called checkbook journalism, the controversial practice of news reporters paying sources for their information without verifying its truth or accuracy. In the U. S. it is considered unethical, with most mainstream newspapers and news shows having a policy forbidding it.
In contrast, tabloid newspapers and tabloid television shows, which rely more on sensationalism engage in the practice. Joseph Campbell describes yellow press newspapers as having daily multi-column front-page headlines covering a variety of topics, such as sports and scandal, using bold layouts, heavy reliance on unnamed sources, unabashed self-promotion; the term was extensively used to describe certain major New York City newspapers around 1900 as they battled for circulation. Frank Luther Mott identifies yellow journalism based on five characteristics: scare headlines in huge print of minor news lavish use of pictures, or imaginary drawings use of faked interviews, misleading headlines, a parade of false learning from so-called experts emphasis on full-color Sunday supplements with comic strips dramatic sympathy with the "underdog" against the system; the term was coined in the mid-1890s to characterize the sensational journalism in the circulation war between Joseph Pulitzer's New York World and William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal.
The battle peaked from 1895 to about 1898, historical usage refers to this period. Both papers were accused by critics of sensationalizing the news in order to drive up circulation, although the newspapers did serious reporting as well. An English magazine in 1898 noted, "All American journalism is not'yellow', though all strictly'up-to-date' yellow journalism is American!"The term was coined by Erwin Wardman, the editor of the New York Press. Wardman was the first to publish the term but there is evidence that expressions such as "yellow journalism" and "school of yellow kid journalism" were used by newsmen of that time. Wardman never defined the term exactly, it was a mutation from earlier slander where Wardman twisted "new journalism" into "nude journalism". Wardman had used the expression "yellow kid journalism" referring to the then-popular comic strip, published by both Pulitzer and Hearst during a circulation war. In 1898 the paper elaborated: "We called them Yellow because they are Yellow."
Joseph Pulitzer purchased the New York World in 1883 after making the St. Louis Post-Dispatch the dominant daily in that city. Pulitzer strove to make the New York World an entertaining read, filled his paper with pictures and contests that drew in new readers. Crime stories filled many of the pages, with headlines like "Was He a Suicide?" and "Screaming for Mercy." In addition, Pulitzer only charged readers two cents per issue but gave readers eight and sometimes 12 pages of information. While there were many sensational stories in the New York World, they were by no means the only pieces, or the dominant ones. Pulitzer believed that newspapers were public institutions with a duty to improve society, he put the World in the service of social reform. Just two years after Pulitzer took it over, the World became the highest circulation newspaper in New York, aided in part by its strong ties to the Democratic Party. Older publishers, envious of Pulitzer's success, began criticizing the World, harping on its crime stories and stunts while ignoring its more serious reporting — trends which influenced the popular perception of yellow journalism.
Charles Dana, editor of the New York Sun, attacked The World and said Pulitzer was "deficient in judgment and in staying power."Pulitzer's approach made an impression on William Randolph Hearst, a mining heir who acquired the San Francisco Examiner from his father in 1887. Hearst read the World while studying at Harvard University and resolved to make the Examiner as bright as Pulitzer's paper. Under his leadership, the Examiner devoted 24 percent of its space to crime, presenting the stories as morality plays, sprinkled adultery and "nudity" on the front page. A month after Hearst took over the paper, the Examiner ran this headline about a hotel fire: HUNGRY, FRANTIC FLAMES, they Leap Madly Upon the Splendid Pleasure Palace by the Bay of Monterey, Encircling Del Monte in Their Ravenous Embrace From Pinnacle to Foundation. Leaping Higher, Higher, With Desperate Desire. Running Madly Riotous Through Cornice and Facade. Rushing in Upon the Trembling Guests with Savage Fury. Appalled and Panic-Stricken the Breathless Fugitives Gaze Upon the Scene of Terror.
The Magnificent Hotel and Its Rich Adornments Now a Smoldering heap of Ashes. The Examiner Sends a Special Train to Monterey to Gather Full Details of the Terrible Disaster. Arrival of the Unfortunate Victims on the Morning's Train — A History of Hotel del Monte — The Plans for Rebuilding the Celebrated Hostelry — Part
Berliner, or "midi", is a newspaper format with pages measuring about 315 by 470 millimetres. The Berliner format is taller and marginally wider than the tabloid/compact format; the Berliner format is an alternative to the broadsheet format. The name refers to the city of Berlin, was contrasted with "North German" and "French" sizes in the early 20th century; the Berliner format is used by many European newspapers, including dailies such as Le Monde in France, Oslobođenje in Bosnia, Le Temps in Switzerland, La Repubblica and La Stampa in Italy, De Morgen, Le Soir and Het Laatste Nieuws in Belgium, Mladá fronta Dnes and Lidové noviny in the Czech Republic, others such as Expresso in Portugal and Jurnalul Național or Evenimentul Zilei in Romania. The French business newspaper Les Échos changed to this format in September 2003, the largest daily papers in Croatia and Montenegro, are in this format. A recent European newspaper to join this trend is Het Financieele Dagblad, the daily Dutch newspaper, focused on business and financial matters on 26 March 2013.
Student publication The University Observer became Ireland's first Berliner-sized paper in September 2009. The Independent in London could not afford to buy new presses. Although the daily Berliner Zeitung is called Berliner, it is not printed in Berliner format. In fact, only two German national dailies use Berliner format: Die Tageszeitung; the majority of the national quality dailies use the larger broadsheet format known as "nordisch", measuring 570 mm × 400 mm. The daily Journal & Courier in Lafayette, Indiana was the first newspaper in North America to be produced in this format, making its debut on 31 July 2006; the Bucks County Herald in Lahaska, followed in 2009, The Chronicle in Laurel, Mississippi, in April 2012, commencing publication at that time. Major papers such as the Chicago Tribune and The Cincinnati Enquirer have tested the format. Since a number of broadsheet newspapers throughout the United States and Canada have adopted a page format similar to Berliner, though some may use a taller page.
In some instances, only the width has changed from the typical broadsheet page, the height has remained the same or close to it. For example, The New York Times used a 22-inch tall by 13.5-inch wide page, but in 2007 downsized to 22 by 12 in. It still refers to itself as a broadsheet though its size is closer to Berliner; the Indian business daily Mint, a collaboration with the Indian media house Hindustan Times Media Limited and The Wall Street Journal, was among the first newspapers to use the Berliner format, starting from 1 February 2007. In Nepal, the Nepali Times became the first and the only newspaper using this format. In Pakistan, the English daily Pakistan Today is published in the Berliner format; the Israeli newspaper Haaretz has been published in this format since 18 February 2007. Though rarely used in Metro Manila, the Berliner is the most popular format in the Philippines. In the Ilocandia, some of the well-known names are the Zigzag Weekly, the Northern Dispatch—commonly called as Nordis—and the Northern Philippine Times.
In the Visayas, the Panay News uses this format. Though not published for commercial purposes, the official publication of the Caritas Manila uses a narrower Berliner format. In March 2009, South Korea's JoongAng Ilbo adopted the Berliner format, becoming the first Korean newspaper to do so. In the same month, Turkey's Gazete Habertürk and Zaman adopted a variation of this format as 350 by 500 mm and become two of the first Turkish newspaper to do so; the format is called Ciner format in Turkey. On 1 June 2012, the UAE's leading English language newspaper, Gulf News, adopted the Berliner format, the first in the Middle East; some South American papers have dubbed the "compact" size as "Berliner". The former size is closer to tabloid; the Buenos Aires Herald, a daily Argentine newspaper founded in 1876, uses the Berliner format, used by La Nueva, a newspaper of the Buenos Aires province. Córdoba newspaper La Voz switched to Berliner from broadsheet in 2016; the Los Tiempos newspaper from Cochabamba releases its editions in Berliner with full color in all pages starting October 2017.
The newspaper was published in broadsheet. Jornal do Brasil, a daily Brazilian newspaper founded in 1891, was published in Berliner from 16 April 2006 until 31 August 2010, when the newspaper ceased to publish its physical issue and transferred all activities to the internet. Only the newsstand edition was in that format, but its success made the format switch extend to the subscriber's edition, which until remained in broadsheet format. In 2008, Salvador-based Correio* switched to Berliner from broadsheet. After being sold by Organizações Globo to J. Hawilla's Grupo Traffic, Diário de S. Paulo, a broadsheet, switched to Berliner, bringing it in line with its sister publications under Rede Bom Dia. In 2003, national newspaper La Tercera switched from tabloid to Berliner. Local papers around Chile have adopte
Nedeljnik is a weekly news magazine published in Belgrade, Serbia. Since October 2012 Nedeljnik has been published by an independent group of journalists, who are the magazine's founders; the publishers of Nedeljnik consider its primary audience to be educated people. There is a particular large interest for the interviews with the world leaders and influencers, which have been, for years, ignored in Serbia. Nedeljnik published interviews with Lech Walesa, Noam Chomsky, Steve Forbes, Michael Bloomberg, Carla del Ponte, Romano Prodi, etc. Nedeljnik interviewed the most prominent Serbian politicians and intellectuals, published reports such as the in-depth interview with Boris Tadić in Visoki Dečani or the first national interview of the newly appointed President of Serbia, Tomislav Nikolić. One of the most popular columns in the magazine is "Otvoreno", which invites intellectuals and politicians to write their views and commentaries. Nedeljnik published a lot of interviews with influential persons from Serbia and the region, as well as the world-wide famous people, such as: Noam Chomsky, Julian Assange, Toni Morrison, Francis Fukuyama, Khaled Hosseini, Morrissey.
One of the prominent interviews was one with famous former NBA all-star Vlade Divac in which declared he was leaving Serbia with a great deal of disappointment. In december of 2016, famous designer Mirko Ilić designed cover of magazine Nedeljnik that accompanied the interview with him. Nedeljnik published interviews with great deal of world-wide-famous basketball players and coaches: Željko Obradović, Dušan Ivković, Božidar Maljković, Igor Kokoškov, Predrag Danilović, Saša Đorđević, Žarko Paspalj In 2017, Nedeljnik's reporter Dragan Krsnik uncovered the illegal practices of employing Serbian workers in the factories in Slovakia, with false employment contracts and no social security or health insurance New York Times International Report, Serbian edition Nedeljnik is the publisher of the first monthly publication of The New York Times, New York Times International Report. Once a month it comes as a gift to readers of Nedeljnik. On 24 pages Nedeljnik presents the best current articles from The New York Times, including special pages dedicated to business, arts, lifestyle.
Serbian language is only the third world's language with edition of The New York Times International, after Spanish and Portuguese. From January 2018, the digital edition of The New York Times International Report is available on Nedeljnik's website. Original magazine Nedeljnik created a magazine designed for young people and students, published with Novak Djokovic Foundation; the Original magazine was a concept to bring back the young readers and to try to persuade them to read a quality mainstream magazine. A luxury glossy 96-page magazine distributed to the students of Serbian universities, the rest distributed with some copies of Nedeljnik. Le Monde diplomatique, Serbian edition Every third week in the month, readers of Nedeljnik get the Serbian edition of le Monde diplomatique for free; the most prestigious media in the French-speaking world is written by philosophers and sociologists. On the occasion of launching this edition Noam Chomsky said: "I wish to congratulate Nedeljnik on starting the Serbian edition of Le Monde Diplomatique.
It is, one of the few pillars of free thinking in today's world. Unique, reliable, LMD is wonderful news for those who hope to understand the world or change it for the better." Veljko Lalic is one of the most awarded Serbian journalist. He was the youngest winner of the biggest journalist award "Dimitrije Davidovic" for editors from The Journalists Association of Serbia, in 2015, he received "Laza Kostic" for feuilleton in 2004 as the youngest, gold medal "Misa Anastasijevic" in 2010 for the best manager from the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, "The man of the year" award for the best columnist in 2010, elected by all his colleagues and prominent persons, "Dragisa Kasikovic" for his expending of freedom in 2015 and many other awards and recognitions. In 2018 Lalic received "Aleksandar Tijanic Award", a prominent award for bravery in journalistic expression. Lalic gave away the financial part of the award as a contribution to a journalist from small town near Belgrade, attacked for his writing.
The journalist Milan Jovanović form Vrčin, had his house burned down in an assault. Jovanović has reported on the „suddenly acquired property" of the head of the local Grocka municipality, as well as alleging corruption in the construction of sewage systems, after which local authorities cut down his water supply. President of Grocka municipality and official of ruling is arrested, suspected for ordering an arson attack on house of Milan Jovanović. Web site Nedeljnik.rs was named as one of the top 5 best news web sites in the country for 2017 in a ranking conducted by magazine PCPRESS.2017. Dragan Krsnik won the award for investigative reportage2017, her majesty, The Queen of England decorated Branko Rosić, managing editor of Nedeljnik, with Medal of The British Empire, for his lifetime contribution in creating cultural ties between the two countries.2017. Nenad Čaluković, political editor of Nedeljnik won award for the interview of the year2016. Marko Prelević, managing editor of Nedeljnik won award for columnist of the year2015.
Veljko Lalić, editor in chief of Nedeljnik won award for best editor in the country from a national association of journalists In February 2017, Nedeljnik published a story written by Dragan Krsnik, the undercover reporter who spent several months working at a Samsung factory in Galanta, without a proper workin
Borba was a Serbian newspaper the official gazette of the Yugoslav Communist Party. Its name is the Serbian word for'struggle' or'combat'; the first issue of Borba was first published in Zagreb on 19 February 1922 as the official gazette of the Yugoslav Communist Party, a banned political organization since December 1920 that operated clandestinely in the Kingdom of Serbs and Slovenes and Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Functioning as the banned Yugoslav Communist Party's propaganda piece, the paper played in important part in disseminating information among the party members and sympathizers. On 13 January 1929, a week following the proclamation of King Alexander's 6 January Dictatorship, Borba got banned. During World War II Borba was published in the Republic of Užice. After the World War II liberation by the Partisans, its publication moved to Belgrade. From 1948 to 1987, the newspaper was published in Zagreb. For a long time, Borba alternated pages in Serbian Cyrillic alphabet and Gaj's Latin alphabet in the same edition.
In 2002, more than a year following the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević, Borba along with its distribution network were purchased by Serbian businessman Stanko "Cane" Subotić who bought the government shares in the paper. However, under Subotić, the daily Borba survived, printing no more than several hundred copies a day while according to business records, the company's monthly revenues never exceeded €30,000. Redesigned Borba got announced in December 2008 with Ivan Radovanović presented as the paper's new owner after buying it from fugitive Serbian businessman Stanko "Cane" Subotić. Before the first issue of the redesigned paper appeared, Serbian deputy prime minister Mlađan Dinkić accused Subotić of still being Borba's true owner with Radovanović only serving as the front man. Though announced for December, the first redesigned issue ended up appearing on newsstands on 15 January 2009 under editor-in-chief Miloš Jevtović who came over from the state-owned Tanjug news agency, it was published by "Izdavačko preduzeće Novine Borba" using the Latin alphabet.
Content-wise, the paper's new format was conceived as something new on the Serbian print media market with no news wire items and press releases with only analysis of the current events as well as ongoing political and social trends. Initial editor-in-chief Jevtović was soon replaced with Olivera Zekić. However, the paper sold poorly. Newspapers of the world, XXII: "Borba", in: The Times, 22 April 1965, page 11 Merrill, John C. and Harold A. Fisher; the world's great dailies: profiles of fifty newspapers pp 89-95 Official website