Third International Theory
The Third International Theory known as the Third Universal Theory, was the style of government proposed by Col. Muammar Gaddafi in the early 1970s, on which his government, the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, was based, it was inspired by Islamic socialism, Arab nationalism, African nationalism and by the principles of direct democracy. It has similarities with the system of Yugoslav municipal self-management in Titoist Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav Third Way during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s as developed by Edvard Kardelj, it was proposed by Gaddafi as an alternative to capitalism and communism for Third World countries, based on the stated belief that both of these ideologies had been proven invalid. The Higher Council for National Guidance was created to disseminate and implement this theory, it found partial realization in Libya. By 2011 the fall and death of Gaddafi had seen his system dis-established and replaced by the National Transitional Council. Key provisions of the Third International Theory are outlined in The Green Book.
It is a system of views which criticizes Soviet Marxism in detail. In the 1960s and 70s, in the countries of the Arab-Muslim East, various theories of "national brands of socialism", named "Islamic socialism", became widespread; this socialism was based on the principles of nationalism and equality, its ideas inspired a number of revolutions, popular uprisings and coups in the Arab world. In Libya, on 1 September 1969 a group of Libyan army officers belonging to the Movement of Free Officers and Socialists overthrew the monarchy and proclaimed the Libyan Arab Republic; the supreme power was temporarily relegated to the Revolutionary Command Council, headed by 27-year-old Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. The anti-imperialist orientation of the Libyan revolution manifested itself in the first months of the new regime. On 7 October 1969 at the 24th Session of UN General Assembly, the Permanent Representative of Libya announced its intention to eliminate all foreign bases on Libyan land. Following this, the Libyan leadership informed the ambassadors of the United States and Britain that it was terminating the respective agreements.
At the same time an offensive began against the position of foreign capital in the economy. The first results and the nearest tasks of the Libyan revolution were fixed in a public statement on 11 December 1969, a Provisional Constitutional Declaration. Islam was declared the official state religion, it was proclaimed that one of the main goals of the revolution was the building of a form of socialism based on "religion and patriotism". Gaddafi and his companions intended to achieve this through "social justice, high levels of production, the elimination of all forms of exploitation and the equitable distribution of national wealth"; the Revolutionary Command Council was to function as the centre of the political organization of society, with the right to appoint cabinet ministers, to declare war and enter into contracts, to issue decrees with the force of law, to handle key aspects of internal affairs and foreign policy. Chairman of the IBS, Gaddafi was appointed head of the Libyan Arab Republic.
In 1973, Gaddafi organized the Arab Socialist Union, which became the sole legal political organization in the country. In 1977 the General People's Congress, representing numerous national committees, adopted a decree on the establishment of a "regime of people's power" in Libya, the country was renamed the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya; the Revolutionary Command Council was renamed and transformed into the General Secretariat of the Congress. In practice, the Arab Socialist Union merged with the apparatus of the General People's Congress; the people elected into the General Secretariat of the General People's Congress were Gaddafi and four of his closest associates — Major Abdessalam Jalloud, generals Abu-Bakr Younis Jabr, Mustafa al-Harrubi and Huveyldi al-Hmeydi. Two years the five leaders resigned from public office, yielding them to professional managers. From until his death, Gaddafi held the title of the Leader of the Libyan Revolution and the group of the five leaders is named "the Revolutionary Leadership".
Furthermore, a hierarchy of Revolutionary Committees was established with the purpose of implementing the policies of the Revolutionary Leadership within the system of the People's Congresses. The official ideological doctrine is the Third International Theory, described in Gaddafi's "Green Book". Copies of the "Green Book" were always on sale in Libyan bookstores in many languages prior to the revolution; the book is a collection of quotes of the Libyan leader, divided into three parts and covering the following vital aspects of existence: Solving the problem of Democracy. The first part of the "Green Book" is "Solving the problem of democracy: The Authority of the People"; this political aspect of the Third International Theory, published in January 1976, rejects traditional forms of democracy such as parliament, political parties and outlines the basic principles of direct popular democracy based on the people's congresses and people's committees. The book argues. According to the "Green Book", the winner in the struggle for power is always an instrument of government - an individual, class.
The Caribbean is a region of The Americas that consists of the Caribbean Sea, its islands and the surrounding coasts. The region is southeast of the Gulf of Mexico and the North American mainland, east of Central America, north of South America. Situated on the Caribbean Plate, the region comprises more than 700 islands, islets and cays; these islands form island arcs that delineate the eastern and northern edges of the Caribbean Sea. The Caribbean islands, consisting of the Greater Antilles on the north and the Lesser Antilles on the south and east, are part of the somewhat larger West Indies grouping, which includes the Lucayan Archipelago; the Lucayans and, less Bermuda, are sometimes considered Caribbean despite the fact that none of these islands border the Caribbean Sea. In a wider sense, the mainland countries and territories of Belize, the Caribbean region of Colombia, the Yucatán Peninsula, Margarita Island, the Guyanas, are included due to their political and cultural ties with the region.
Geopolitically, the Caribbean islands are regarded as a subregion of North America and are organized into 30 territories including sovereign states, overseas departments, dependencies. From December 15, 1954, to October 10, 2010, there was a country known as the Netherlands Antilles composed of five states, all of which were Dutch dependencies. From January 3, 1958, to May 31, 1962, there was a short-lived political union called the West Indies Federation composed of ten English-speaking Caribbean territories, all of which were British dependencies; the West Indies cricket team continues to represent many of those nations. The region takes its name from that of the Caribs, an ethnic group present in the Lesser Antilles and parts of adjacent South America at the time of the Spanish conquest of the Americas; the two most prevalent pronunciations of "Caribbean" outside the Caribbean are, with the primary stress on the third syllable, with the stress on the second. Most authorities of the last century preferred the stress on the third syllable.
This is the older of the two pronunciations, but the stressed-second-syllable variant has been established for over 75 years. It has been suggested that speakers of British English prefer while North American speakers more use, but major American dictionaries and other sources list the stress on the third syllable as more common in American English too. According to the American version of Oxford Online Dictionaries, the stress on the second syllable is becoming more common in UK English and is considered "by some" to be more up to date and more "correct"; the Oxford Online Dictionaries claim that the stress on the second syllable is the most common pronunciation in the Caribbean itself, but according to the Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage, the most common pronunciation in Caribbean English stresses the first syllable instead. The word "Caribbean" has multiple uses, its principal ones are political. The Caribbean can be expanded to include territories with strong cultural and historical connections to slavery, European colonisation and the plantation system.
The United Nations geoscheme for the Americas presents the Caribbean as a distinct region within the Americas. Physiographically, the Caribbean region is a chain of islands surrounding the Caribbean Sea. To the north, the region is bordered by the Gulf of Mexico, the Straits of Florida and the Northern Atlantic Ocean, which lies to the east and northeast. To the south lies the coastline of the continent of South America. Politically, the "Caribbean" may be centred on socio-economic groupings found in the region. For example, the bloc known as the Caribbean Community contains the Co-operative Republic of Guyana, the Republic of Suriname in South America and Belize in Central America as full members. Bermuda and the Turks and Caicos Islands, which are in the Atlantic Ocean, are associate members of the Caribbean Community; the Commonwealth of the Bahamas is in the Atlantic and is a full member of the Caribbean Community. Alternatively, the organisation called the Association of Caribbean States consists of every nation in the surrounding regions that lie on the Caribbean, plus El Salvador, which lies on the Pacific Ocean.
According to the ACS, the total population of its member states is 227 million people. The geography and climate in the Caribbean region varies: Some islands in the region have flat terrain of non-volcanic origin; these islands include Aruba, Curaçao, Bonaire, the Cayman Islands, Saint Croix, the Bahamas, Antigua. Others possess rugged towering mountain-ranges like the islands of Saint Martin, Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Dominica, Saba, Sint Eustatius, Saint Kitts, Saint Lucia, Saint Thomas, Saint John, Grenada, Saint Vincent, Guadeloupe and Trinidad and Tobago. Definitions of the terms Greater Antilles and Lesser Antilles vary; the Virgin Islands as part of the Puerto Rican bank are sometimes included with the Greater Antilles. The term Lesser Antilles is used to define an island arc that includes Grenada but excludes Trinidad and Tobago and the Leeward Antilles; the waters of the Caribbean Sea host large, migratory schools of fish and coral reef
Afro-Asians or African-Asians, are persons of mixed African and Asian ancestry. Afro-Asian populations have been marginalized as a result of human migration and social conflict; the term Black Asian may be used to describe Negritos. During the 1970s, an increased demand for copper and cobalt attracted Japanese investments in the mineral-rich southeastern region of Katanga Province. Over a 10-year period, more than 1,000 Japanese miners relocated to the region, confined to a male-only camp. Arriving without family or spouses, the men sought social interaction outside the confounds of their camps. In search of intimacy with the opposite sex, sometimes resulting in cohabitation, the men engaged in interracial dating and relationships, a practice embraced by the local society; as a result, a number of Japanese miners fathered children with Native Congolese women. However, most of the mixed race infants resulting from these unions died, soon after birth. Multiple testimonies of local people suggest that the infants were poisoned by a Japanese lead physician and nurse working at the local mining hospital.
Subsequently, the circumstances would have brought the miners shame as most of them had families back in their native Japan. The practice forced many native Katangan mothers to hide their children by not reporting to the hospital to give birth. Today, fifty Afro-Japanese have formed an association of Katanga Infanticide survivors; the organization has hired legal counsel seeking a formal investigation into the killings. The group submitted an official inquiry to no avail. Issues specific to this group include having no documentation of their births since not having been born in the local hospital spared their lives; the total number of survivors is unknown. The mid-19th century saw about 500 Chinese laborers and indentured servants, along with a handful from India stealthily imported to the island of Fernando Po through the once Portuguese occupied Macau. While most of these servants returned to their homelands at the end of their servitude, a few remained and marrying into the local population.
One example is immigrant East Indian laborer Francisco Kashu Alimama who remained in Moka after the death of his last living relative. He married the daughter of one of the last Bubi kings, producing several Indo-Equatoguinean children. In 1999, Nicholas Kristof of The New York Times reported a surprising encounter on the island of Pate, where he found a village of stone huts, he talked to an elderly man living in the village who said that he was a descendant of Chinese explorers who were shipwrecked there centuries before. The Chinese had traded with the locals and had loaded giraffes onto their ship to take back to China. However, the Chinese ran aground on a nearby reef. Kristof found evidence; such evidence included the Asian features of the people in the village, plus Asian-looking porcelain artifacts. These descendants of Zheng He's fleet occupy both Lamu Islands. New interest in Kenya's natural resources has attracted over $1 billion of investment from Chinese firms; this has propelled new development in Kenya's infrastructure with Chinese firms bringing in their own male workers to build roads.
The temporary residents arrive without their spouses and families. Thus, a rise of incidents involving local college-aged females has resulted in an increased rate of Afro-Chinese infant births to single Kenyan mothers. In Kenya there's worrying trend of the following influx of Chinese male workers in Kenya with a growing number of abandoned babies of Chinese men who fathered children with local women; the population of Madagascar is a mixture of various degrees of Austronesian and Bantu settlers from Southeast Asia and Southeast Africa, respectively. Years of intermarriages created the Malagasy people, they speak Malagasy, an Austronesian language with some Bantu influences. In the study of "The Dual Origin of the Malagasy in Island Southeast Asia and East Africa: Evidence from Maternal and Paternal Lineages" shows the Bantu maternal origin to be 38% and Paternal 51% while the Southeast Asian paternal to be 34% and maternal 62%. In the study of Malagasy, autosomal DNA shows the highlanders ethnic group like Merina are an mixture of Southeast Asian and Bantu origin, while the coastal ethnic group have much higher Bantu mixture in their autosomal DNA suggesting they are mixture of new Bantu migrants and the established highlander ethnic group.
Maximum-likelihood estimates favour a scenario in which Madagascar was settled 1,200 years ago by a small group of women of 30. The Malagasy people existed through intermarriages between the small founding population. Intermarriage between Native Malagasy women and Chinese men were not uncommon. Several thousand Cantonese men cohabited with Malagasy women. 98% of the Chinese traced their origin from Guangdong the Cantonese district of Shunde. For example, the census alone in 1954 census found 1,111 "irregular" Chinese-Malagasy unions and 125 legitimate, i.e. married, partnerships. Most offspring were registered by their mothers under a Malagasy name. 68% of the population is of Indo-Pakistani origin. About 25% of the population is Creole and there are small numbers of people of Franco-Mauritian and Chinese descent. Since the 1970s, Nigeria has been a slow, but steady, increase in the immigrant Filipino population
George Padmore, born Malcolm Ivan Meredith Nurse in Trinidad, was a leading Pan-Africanist and author. He left Trinidad in 1924 to study medicine in the United States, where he joined the Communist Party. From there he moved to the Soviet Union, where he was active in the party, working on African independence movements, he worked for the party in Germany but left after the rise of Nazism in the 1930s. In 1935, the USSR made a decisive shift in foreign policy: Britain and France, colonial powers with active occupations in Africa, were classified as'democratic-imperialisms' -- a lower priority than the category of'fascist-imperialist' powers, in which Japan and Germany fell; this shift fell into direct contradiction with Padmore's prioritization of African liberation, as Germany and Japan had no colonies in Africa. Padmore broke with the Kremlin, but continued to support socialism. Padmore lived for a time before settling in London. Toward the end of his life he moved to Accra, where he helped shape the politics of Kwame Nkrumah and the Convention People's Party.
Malcolm Ivan Meredith Nurse, better known by his pseudonym George Padmore, was born on 28 June 1903 in Arouca District, Trinidad part of the British West Indies. His paternal great-grandfather was an Asante warrior, taken prisoner and sold into slavery at Barbados, where his grandfather was born, his father, James Hubert Alfonso Nurse, was a local schoolmaster who had married Anna Susanna Symister of Antigua, a naturalist. Nurse attended Tranquillity School in Port of Spain, before going to St Mary's College for two years, he transferred to the Pamphylian High School, graduating from there in 1918. After that he worked for several years as a reporter with the Trinidad Publishing Company. In 1924, he travelled to the United States to take up medical studies at Fisk University, a black college in Tennessee, he had married earlier that year and his wife Julia Semper would join him in America. She left behind their daughter Blyden, born in 1925. According to Nurse's instruction, she was named in honour of the African nationalist Edward Blyden of Liberia.
Nurse subsequently soon transferred to Howard University. During his college years, Nurse became involved with the Workers Party; when engaged in party business, he adopted the name George Padmore. Padmore joined the Communist Party in 1927 and was active in its mass organization targeted to black Americans, the American Negro Labor Congress. In March 1929 he was a fraternal delegate to the 6th National Convention of the CPUSA, held in New York City. Padmore, an energetic worker and prolific writer, was tapped by Communist Party trade union leader William Z. Foster as a rising star, he was taken to Moscow to deliver a report on the formation of the Trade Union Unity League to the Communist International in 1929. Following his presentation, Padmore was asked to stay on in Moscow to head the Negro Bureau of the Red International of Labour Unions, he was elected to the Soviet of the capital city. It was a workers' council; as head of the Profintern's Negro Bureau, Padmore helped to produce pamphlet literature and contributed articles to Moscow's English-language newspaper, the Moscow Daily News.
He was used periodically as a courier of funds from Moscow to various foreign Communist Parties. In July 1930, Padmore was instrumental in organizing an international conference in Hamburg, Germany, it launched a Comintern-backed international organization of black labour organizations called the International Trade Union Committee for Black Workers. Padmore lived in Vienna, during this time, where he edited the monthly publication of the new group, The Negro Worker. In 1931, Padmore moved to Hamburg and accelerated his writing output, continuing to produce the ITUCNW magazine and writing more than 20 pamphlets in a single year; this German interlude came to an abrupt close by the middle of 1933, however, as the offices of the Negro Worker were ransacked by ultra-nationalist gangs following the Nazi seizure of power. Padmore was deported to England by the German government, while the Comintern placed the ITUCNW and its Negro Worker on hiatus in August 1933. Disillusioned by what he perceived as the Comintern's flagging support for the cause of the independence of colonial peoples in favor of the Soviet Union's pursuit of diplomatic alliances with the colonial powers, Padmore abruptly severed his connection with the ITUCNW late in the summer of 1933.
The Comintern's disciplinary body, the International Control Commission, asked him to explain his unauthorized action. When he refused to do so, the ICC expelled him from the Communist movement on 23 February 1934. A phase of Padmore's political journey was at an end; as a result of his membership in the Communist Party and working for it in the Soviet Union and Germany, Padmore was barred from re-entry into the United States. He was a non-citizen and the government did not want to admit known communists. Although alienated from Stalinism, Padmore remained a socialist, he sought new ways to work for African independence from imperial rule. Relocating to France, where Garan Kouyaté was an ally from his Comintern days, Padmore began to write a book: How Britain Rules Africa. With the help of former American heiress Nancy Cunard, he found a London agent and a publisher, it published the book in 1936, the year the p
Cheikh Anta Diop
Cheikh Anta Diop was a Senegalese historian, anthropologist and politician who studied the human race's origins and pre-colonial African culture. Though Diop is sometimes referred to as an Afrocentrist, he predates the concept and thus was not himself an Afrocentric scholar. However, Diopian thought, as it is called, is paradigmatic to Afrocentricity, his work was controversial and throughout his career, Diop argued that there was a shared cultural continuity across African peoples, more important than the varied development of different ethnic groups shown by differences among languages and cultures over time. Diop's work has posed important questions about the cultural bias inherent in scientific research. Cheikh Anta Diop University, in Dakar, Senegal, is named after him; some Diop works have been criticized as pseudohistorical. Born in Thieytou, Diourbel Region, French Senegal, Diop was born to an aristocratic Muslim Lebu family in Senegal where he was educated in a traditional Islamic school.
Diop's family was part of the Mouride brotherhood, the only independent Muslim fraternity in Africa according to Diop. He obtained the colonial equivalent of the metropolitan French baccalauréat in Senegal before moving to Paris to study for a degree. In 1946, at the age of 23, Diop went to Paris to study, he enrolled to study higher mathematics, but enrolled to study philosophy in the Faculty of Arts of the Sorbonne. He gained his first degree in philosophy in 1948 enrolled in the Faculty of Sciences, receiving two diplomas in chemistry in 1950. In 1949, Diop registered a proposed title for a Doctor of Letters thesis, "The Cultural Future of African thought," under the direction of Professor Gaston Bachelard. In 1951 he registered a second thesis title "Who were the pre-dynastic Egyptians" under Professor Marcel Griaule, he completed his thesis on pre-dynastic Egypt in 1954 but could not find a jury of examiners for it: he published many of his ideas as the book Nations nègres et culture. In 1956 he re-registered a new proposed thesis for Doctor of Letters with the title "The areas of matriarchy and patriarchy in ancient times."
From 1956, he taught physics and chemistry in two Paris lycees as an assistant master, before moving to the College de France. In 1957 he registered his new thesis title "Comparative study of political and social systems of Europe and Africa, from Antiquity to the formation of modern states." The new topics did not relate to ancient Egypt but were concerned with the forms of organisation of African and European societies and how they evolved. He obtained his doctorate in 1960. In 1953, he first met Frédéric Joliot-Curie, Marie Curie's son-in-law, in 1957 Diop began specializing in nuclear physics at the Laboratory of Nuclear Chemistry of the College de France which Frederic Joliot-Curie ran until his death in 1958, the Institut Pierre et Marie Curie in Paris, he translated parts of Einstein's Theory of Relativity into his native Wolof. According to Diop's own account, his education in Paris included History, Physics, Anthropology and Sociology. In Paris, Diop studied under André Aymard, professor of History and Dean of the Faculty of Letters at the University of Paris and he said that he had "gained an understanding of the Greco-Latin world as a student of Gaston Bachelard, Frédéric Joliot-Curie, André Leroi-Gourhan, others".
Diop said that he "acquired proficiency in such diverse disciplines as rationalism, modern scientific techniques, prehistoric archeology and so on." Diop claimed to be "the only Black African of his generation to have received training as an Egyptologist" and "more importantly" he "applied this encyclopedic knowledge to his researches on African history."In 1948 Diop edited with Madeleine Rousseau, a professor of art history, a special edition of the journal Musée vivant, published by the Association populaire des amis des musées. APAM had been set up in 1936 by people on the political left wing to bring culture to wider audiences; the special edition of the journal was on the occasion of the centenary of the abolition of slavery in the French colonies and aimed to present an overview of issues in contemporary African culture and society. Diop contributed an article to the journal: "Quand pourra-t-on parler d'une renaissance africaine", he examined various fields of artistic creation, with a discussion of African languages, which, he said, would be the sources of regeneration in African culture.
He proposed that African culture should be rebuilt on the basis of ancient Egypt, in the same way that European culture was built upon the legacies of ancient Greece and Rome. In his 1954 thesis, Diop argued, he specified that he used the terms "negro", "black", "white" and "race" as "immediate givens" in the Bergsonian sense, went on to suggest operational definitions of these terms. He said that the Egyptian language and culture had been spread to West Africa; when he published many of his ideas as the book Nations nègres et culture, it made him one of the most controversial historians of his time. Diop had since his early days in Paris been politically active in the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain, an African nationalist organisation led by Félix Houphouët-Boigny, he was general secretary of the RDA students in Paris from 1950 to 1953. Under his leadership the first post-war pan-African student congress was organized in 1951, it included not only francophone Africans, but English-speaking ones as well.
The RDA students continued to be highl
W. E. B. Du Bois
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was an American sociologist, civil rights activist, Pan-Africanist, author and editor. Born in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, Du Bois grew up in a tolerant and integrated community, after completing graduate work at the University of Berlin and Harvard, where he was the first African American to earn a doctorate, he became a professor of history and economics at Atlanta University. Du Bois was one of the founders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1909. Before that, Du Bois had risen to national prominence as the leader of the Niagara Movement, a group of African-American activists who wanted equal rights for blacks. Du Bois and his supporters opposed the Atlanta compromise, an agreement crafted by Booker T. Washington which provided that Southern blacks would work and submit to white political rule, while Southern whites guaranteed that blacks would receive basic educational and economic opportunities. Instead, Du Bois insisted on full civil rights and increased political representation, which he believed would be brought about by the African-American intellectual elite.
He referred to this group as the Talented Tenth and believed that African Americans needed the chances for advanced education to develop its leadership. Racism was the main target of Du Bois's polemics, he protested against lynching, Jim Crow laws, discrimination in education and employment, his cause included people of color everywhere Africans and Asians in colonies. He was a proponent of Pan-Africanism and helped organize several Pan-African Congresses to fight for the independence of African colonies from European powers. Du Bois made several trips to Europe and Asia. After World War I, he surveyed the experiences of American black soldiers in France and documented widespread prejudice in the United States military. Du Bois was a prolific author, his collection of essays, The Souls of Black Folk, is a seminal work in African-American literature. Borrowing a phrase from Frederick Douglass, he popularized the use of the term color line to represent the injustice of the separate but equal doctrine prevalent in American social and political life.
He opens The Souls of Black Folk with the central thesis of much of his life's work: "The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color-line." He wrote one of the first scientific treatises in the field of American sociology, he published three autobiographies, each of which contains essays on sociology and history. In his role as editor of the NAACP's journal The Crisis, he published many influential pieces. Du Bois believed that capitalism was a primary cause of racism, he was sympathetic to socialist causes throughout his life, he advocated nuclear disarmament. The United States' Civil Rights Act, embodying many of the reforms for which Du Bois had campaigned his entire life, was enacted a year after his death. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was born on February 23, 1868, in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, to Alfred and Mary Silvina Du Bois. Mary Silvina Burghardt's family was part of the small free black population of Great Barrington and had long owned land in the state.
She was descended from Dutch and English ancestors. William Du Bois's maternal great-great-grandfather was Tom Burghardt, a slave, held by the Dutch colonist Conraed Burghardt. Tom served in the Continental Army during the American Revolutionary War, which may have been how he gained his freedom during the late 18th century, his son Jack Burghardt was the father of Othello Burghardt, who in turn was the father of Mary Silvina Burghardt. William Du Bois claimed Elizabeth Freeman as his relative, but Freeman was 20 years older than Burghardt, no record of such a marriage has been found. It may have been Freeman's daughter, Betsy Humphrey, who married Burghardt after her first husband, Jonah Humphrey, left the area "around 1811", after Burghardt's first wife died. If so, Freeman would have been William Du Bois's step-great-great-grandmother. Anecdotal evidence supports Humphrey's marrying Burghardt. William Du Bois's paternal great-grandfather was James Du Bois of Poughkeepsie, New York, an ethnic French-American of Huguenot origin who fathered several children with slave women.
One of James' mixed-race sons was Alexander, born on Long Cay in the Bahamas in 1803. Alexander Du Bois traveled and worked in Haiti, where he fathered a son, with a mistress. Alexander returned to Connecticut. Sometime before 1860, Alfred Du Bois immigrated to the United States, he married Mary Silvina Burghardt on February 1867, in Housatonic. Alfred left Mary in 1870. Mary Du Bois moved with her son back to her parents' house in Great Barrington, they lived there until he was five, she worked to support her family. She died in 1885. Great Barrington had a majority European American community, who treated Du Bois well, he played with white schoolmates. As an adult, he wrote about racism which he felt as a fatherless child and t
Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of sub-Saharan African descent. Based on a common fate going back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada, it is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of sub-Saharan African descent. The ideology asserts that the fate of all sub-Saharan African countries are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that “Sub-Saharan African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora; the Organization of African Unity was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations. The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand.
Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance". Pan-Africanism exists as a grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Sékou Touré, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, others in the diaspora. Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally; the realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political structures...in the Americas". Advocates of Pan-Africanism—i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"—often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent.
Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora; as a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, spiritual, artistic and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism and neo-colonialism. Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 18th century a political movement developed across the Americas and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism. In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery.
The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century; the African Association renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900. With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State. Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa; the Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent". This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions". Nkrumah’s pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality.
Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, adopted a political discourse of regional unity In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, Ghana. The Conference invited delegates of major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ghana, Libya, Morocco and Sudan; the Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria. Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression.