The Communist International, known as the Third International, was an international organization that advocated world communism. The Comintern resolved at its Second Congress to "struggle by all available means, including armed force, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and the creation of an international Soviet republic as a transition stage to the complete abolition of the state"; the Comintern had been preceded by the 1916 dissolution of the Second International. The Comintern held seven World Congresses in Moscow between 1919 and 1935. During that period, it conducted thirteen Enlarged Plenums of its governing Executive Committee, which had much the same function as the somewhat larger and more grandiose Congresses; the Comintern was dissolved by Joseph Stalin in 1943 to avoid antagonizing its allies the United States and the United Kingdom. While the differences had been evident for decades, World War I proved the issue that divided the revolutionary and reformist wings of the workers' movement.
The Triple Alliance comprised two empires while the Triple Entente gathered France and Britain into an alliance with Russia. Socialists had been anti-war and internationalist, fighting against what they perceived as militarist exploitation of the proletariat for bourgeois states. A majority of socialists voted in favor of resolutions for the Second International to call upon the international working class to resist war if it were declared. Despite this, after the beginning of World War I many European socialist parties announced support for their respective nations; some exceptions were the socialist parties of the British Labour Party. To Vladimir Lenin's surprise the Social Democratic Party of Germany voted in favor of war; the assassination of the influential anti-war French Socialist Jean Jaurès on 31 July 1914 cemented the socialist parties support for their government of national unity. Socialist parties in neutral countries supported neutrality rather than total opposition to the war.
On the other hand, during the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference, Lenin organized an opposition to the "imperialist war" as the Zimmerwald Left, publishing the pamphlet Socialism and War where he called socialists collaborating with their national governments social chauvinists, i.e. socialists in word, but nationalists in deed. The Zimmerwald Left produced no practical advice for; the Second International divided into a revolutionary left-wing, a moderate center-wing, a more reformist right-wing. Lenin condemned much of the center as "social pacifists" for several reasons, including their vote for war credits despite publicly opposing the war. Lenin's term "social pacifist" aimed in particular at Ramsay MacDonald, leader of the Independent Labour Party in Britain, who opposed the war on grounds of pacifism but did not fight against it. Discredited by its apathy towards world events, the Second International dissolved in 1916. In 1917, Lenin published the April Theses which supported revolutionary defeatism, where the Bolsheviks hoped that Russia would lose the war so that they could cause a socialist insurrection.
The victory of the Russian Communist Party in the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917 was felt throughout the world and an alternative path to power to parliamentary politics was demonstrated. With much of Europe on the verge of economic and political collapse in the aftermath of the carnage of World War I, revolutionary sentiments were widespread; the Russian Bolsheviks headed by Lenin believed that unless socialist revolution swept Europe, they would be crushed by the military might of world capitalism just as the Paris Commune had been crushed by force of arms in 1871. The Bolsheviks believed that this required a new international to foment revolution in Europe and around the world; the Comintern was founded at a Congress held in Moscow on 2–6 March 1919 against the backdrop of the Russian Civil War. There were 52 delegates present from 34 parties, they decided to form an Executive Committee with representatives of the most important sections and that other parties joining the International would have their own representatives.
The Congress decided that the Executive Committee would elect a five-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the International. However, such a bureau was not formed and Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Christian Rakovsky delegated the task of managing the International to Grigory Zinoviev as the Chairman of the Executive. Zinoviev was assisted by Angelica Balabanoff, acting as the secretary of the International, Victor L. Kibaltchitch and Vladmir Ossipovich Mazin. Lenin and Alexandra Kollontai presented material; the main topic of discussion was the difference between bourgeois democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The following parties and movements were invited to the Founding Congress: Russian Communist Party Spartacus League Communist Party of German Austria Hungarian Communist Workers' Party Communist Party of Finland Polish Communist Workers’ Party Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Latvia Communist Party of Lithuania Communist Party of Byelorussia Communist Party of Ukraine The revolutionary elements of the Czech social democracy Social Democratic and Labour Party of Bulgaria Socialist Party of Romania Left-wing of the Serbian Social Democratic Party Social Democratic Left Party of Sweden The Norwegian Labour Party For Denmark, the Klassekampen group Communist Party of the Netherlands Revolutionary elements of the Belgian Labour Party Groups and orga
In politics, centrism—the centre or the center —is a political outlook or specific position that involves acceptance or support of a balance of a degree of social equality and a degree of social hierarchy, while opposing political changes which would result in a significant shift of society to either the left or the right. Centre-left and centre-right politics both involve a general association with centrism combined with leaning somewhat to their respective sides of the spectrum. Various political ideologies, such as Christian democracy, can be classified as centrist. There have been centrists in both sides of politics, who serve alongside the various factions within the Liberal and Labor parties. In addition, there are a number of smaller groups that have formed in response to the bipartisan system who uphold centrist ideals. South Australian Senator Nick Xenophon had launched his own centrist political party called the Nick Xenophon Team in 2014, renamed Centre Alliance in 2018; the traditional centrist party of Flanders was the People's Union which embraced social liberalism and aimed to represent Dutch-speaking Belgians who felt culturally suppressed by Francophones.
The New Flemish Alliance is the largest and since 2009 the only extant successor of that party. It is, however composed of the right wing of the former People's Union, has adopted a more liberal conservative ideology in recent years. Among French speaking Belgians the Humanist Democratic Centre is a centre-right or centre party as it is less conservative than its Flemish counterpart, Christian Democratic & Flemish. Another party in the centre of the political spectrum is the liberal Reformist Movement. Brazilian politics have lots of centrist political parties and one of the greatest examples is the Brazilian Democratic Movement, the largest political party in Brazil; the Brazilian Social Democracy Party is another example of centrist party in Brazilian politics, though it was supported by right-wing political parties from 2002, 2006, 2010 and 2014 elections. Throughout modern history Canadian governments at the federal level have governed from a moderate, centrist political position. Canada has been dominated by the Liberal Party of Canada who have traditionally positioned themselves as being more moderate and centrist than the center-right Conservative Party of Canada and the more left-wing New Democratic Party, putting them somewhere between the center and center-left.
In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party of Canada adhered to the "radical center". Far-right and far-left politics have never been a prominent force in Canadian society. Croatian People's Party - Liberal Democrats and People's Party - Reformists may be considered as centrist parties. Agrarian Croatian Peasant Party during last years became moderate and centrist, having been centre-right in the past; the Czech Republic has a number of prominent centrist parties, including the syncretic populist movement ANO 2011, the civil libertarian Czech Pirate Party, the long-standing Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party and the localist party Mayors and Independents. France has a tradition of parties that call themselves "centriste", though the actual parties vary over time: when a new political issue emerges and a new political party breaks into the mainstream, the old centre-left party may be de facto pushed rightwards, but unable to consider itself a party of the right, it will embrace being the new centre: this process occurred with the Orléanism, Moderate Républicanism, Radical Republicanism and Radical-Socialism.
The most notable centrist party is La République en marche!, founded by Emmanuel Macron. Another party is the Democratic Movement of François Bayrou, founded in 2007. However, the centrist parties oppose the left-wing parties such as Socialists and Left Front, it support the centre-right Gaullist parties and have joined several coalitions governed by Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. Zentrismus is a term only known to experts, as it is confused with Zentralismus, so the usual term in German for the political centre/centrism is politische Mitte; the German party with the most purely centrist nature among German parties to have had current or historical parliamentary representations was most the social-liberal German Democratic Party of the Weimar Republic. There existed during the Weimar Republic a Zentrum, a party of German Catholics founded in 1870, it was called Centre Party not for being a proper centrist party, but because it united left-wing and right-wing Catholics, because it was the first German party to be a Volkspartei and because his elected representatives sat between the liberals and the conservatives.
However, it was distinctly right-wing conservative in that it was not neutral on religious issues, being markedly against more liberal and modernist positions. The main successor of Zentrum after the return of democracy to West Germany in 1945, the Christian Democratic Union, has throughout its history alternated between describing itself as right-wing or centrist and sitting on the right-wing; the representatives of the Social Democ
Communist Party of the Soviet Union
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the founding and ruling political party of the Soviet Union. The CPSU was the sole governing party of the Soviet Union until 1990, when the Congress of People's Deputies modified Article 6 of the most recent 1977 Soviet constitution, which had granted the CPSU a monopoly over the political system; the party was founded in 1912 by the Bolsheviks, a majority faction detached from the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, led by Vladimir Lenin, who seized power in the October Revolution of 1917. After 74 years, it was dissolved on 29 August 1991 on Soviet territory, soon after a failed coup d'état by hard-line CPSU leaders against Soviet president and party general secretary Mikhail Gorbachev and was outlawed three months on 6 November 1991 in Russian territory; the CPSU was a Communist party, organized on the basis of democratic centralism. This principle, conceived by Lenin, entails democratic and open discussion of policy issues within the party followed by the requirement of total unity in upholding the agreed policies.
The highest body within the CPSU was the Party Congress. When the Congress was not in session, the Central Committee was the highest body; because the Central Committee met twice a year, most day-to-day duties and responsibilities were vested in the Politburo, the Secretariat and the Orgburo. The party leader was the head of government and held the office of either General Secretary, Premier or head of state, or some of the three offices concurrently—but never all three at the same time; the party leader was the de facto chairman of the CPSU Politburo and chief executive of the Soviet Union. The tension between the party and the state for the shifting focus of power was never formally resolved, but in reality the party dominated and a paramount leader always existed. After the founding of the Soviet Union in 1922, Lenin had introduced a mixed economy referred to as the New Economic Policy, which allowed for capitalist practices to resume under the Communist Party dictation in order to develop the necessary conditions for socialism to become a practical pursuit in the economically undeveloped country.
In 1929, as Joseph Stalin became the leader of the party, Marxism–Leninism, a fusion of the original ideas of German philosopher and economic theorist Karl Marx, Lenin, became formalized as the party's guiding ideology and would remain so throughout the rest of its existence. The party pursued state socialism, under which all industries were nationalized and a planned economy was implemented. After recovering from the Second World War, reforms were implemented which decentralized economic planning and liberalized Soviet society in general under Nikita Khrushchev. By 1980, various factors, including the continuing Cold War, ongoing nuclear arms race with the United States and other Western European powers and unaddressed inefficiencies in the economy, led to stagnant economic growth under Alexei Kosygin, further with Leonid Brezhnev and a growing disillusionment. After a younger vigorous Mikhail Gorbachev, assumed leadership in 1985, rapid steps were taken to transform the tottering Soviet economic system in the direction of a market economy once again.
Gorbachev and his allies envisioned the introduction of an economy similar to Lenin's earlier New Economic Policy through a program of "perestroika", or restructuring, but their reforms along with the institution of free multiparty elections led to a decline in the party's power, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the banning of the party by last RSFSR President Boris Yeltsin and subsequent first President of an evolving democratic and free market economy of the successor Russian Federation. A number of causes contributed to CPSU's loss of control and the dissolution of the Soviet Union during the early 1990s; some historians have written that Gorbachev's policy of "glasnost" was the root cause, noting that it weakened the party's control over society. Gorbachev maintained. Others have blamed the economic stagnation and subsequent loss of faith by the general populace in communist ideology. In the final years of the CPSU's existence, the Communist Parties of the federal subjects of Russia were united into the Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.
After the CPSU's demise, the Communist Parties of the Union Republics became independent and underwent various separate paths of reform. In Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation emerged and has been regarded as the inheritor of the CPSU's old Bolshevik legacy into the present day. 1912–18:Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party 1918–25:Russian Communist Party 1925–52:All-Union Communist Party 1952–91:Communist Party of the Soviet Union The origin of the CPSU was in the Bolshevik majority faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, left the party in January 1912 to form a new one at the Prague Party Conference, called the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party – or RSDLP. Prior to the February Revolution, the first phase of the Russian Revolutions of 1917, the party worked underground as organized anti-Tsarist groups. By the time of the revolution, many of the party's central leaders, including Lenin, were in exile. With Emperor Nicholas II, deposed in February 1917, a republic was established and administered by a provisional gove
Anti-imperialism in political science and international relations is a term used in a variety of contexts by nationalist movements who want to secede from a larger polity or as a specific theory opposed to capitalism in Marxist–Leninist discourse, derived from Vladimir Lenin's work Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. A less common usage is by supporters of a non-interventionist foreign policy. People who categorize themselves as anti-imperialists state that they are opposed to colonialism, colonial empires, hegemony and the territorial expansion of a country beyond its established borders; the phrase gained a wide currency after the Second World War and at the onset of the Cold War as political movements in colonies of European powers promoted national sovereignty. Some anti-imperialist groups who opposed the United States supported the power of the Soviet Union, such as in Guevarism, while in Maoism this was criticized as social imperialism. In the late 1870s, the term "imperialism" was introduced to the English language by opponents of the aggressively imperial policies of British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli.
It was shortly appropriated by supporters of "imperialism" such as Joseph Chamberlain. For some, imperialism designated a policy of philanthropy. John A. Hobson and Vladimir Lenin added a more theoretical macroeconomic connotation to the term. Many theoreticians on the left have followed either or both in emphasizing the structural or systemic character of "imperialism"; such writers have expanded the time period associated with the term so that it now designates neither a policy, nor a short space of decades in the late 19th century, but a global system extending over a period of centuries going back to Christopher Columbus and in some facts to the Crusades. As the application of the term has expanded, its meaning has shifted along five distinct but parallel axes: the moral, the economic, the systemic, the cultural and the temporal; those changes reflect—among other shifts in sensibility—a growing unease with the fact of power Western power. The relationships among capitalism and imperialism have been discussed and analysed by theoreticians, political scientists such as John A. Hobson and Thorstein Veblen, Joseph Schumpeter and Norman Angell.
Those intellectuals produced much of their works about imperialism before the World War I, yet their combined work informed the study of the impact of imperialism upon Europe and contributed to the political and ideologic reflections on the rise of the military–industrial complex in the United States from the 1950s onwards. John A. Hobson influenced the anti-imperialism of both Marxists and liberals, worldwide through his 1902 book on Imperialism, he argued that the "taproot of imperialism" is not in Capitalism. As a form of economic organization, imperialism is unnecessary and immoral, the result of the mis-distribution of wealth in a capitalist society; that created an irresistible desire to extend the national markets into foreign lands, in search of profits greater than those available in the Mother Country. In the capitalist economy, rich capitalists received a disproportionately higher income than did the working class. If the owners invested their incomes to their factories, the increased productive capacity would exceed the growth in demand for the products and services of said factories.
Lenin adopted Hobson's ideas to argue that capitalism was doomed and would be replaced by socialism, the sooner the better. Hobson was influential in liberal circles the British Liberal Party. Historians Peter Duignan and Lewis H. Gann argue that Hobson had an enormous influence in the early 20th century that caused widespread distrust of imperialism: Hobson's ideas were not original, his ideas influenced German nationalist opponents of the British Empire as well as French Anglophobes and Marxists. In days to come they were to contribute to American distrust of Western Europe and of the British Empire. Hobson helped make the British averse to the exercise of colonial rule. On the positive side, Hobson argued that domestic social reforms could cure the international disease of imperialism by removing its economic foundation. Hobson theorized that state intervention through taxation could boost broader consumption, create wealth and encourage a peaceful multilateral world order. Conversely, should the state not intervene, rentiers would generate negative wealth that fostered imperialism and protectionism.
As a self-conscious political movement, anti-imperialism originated in Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in opposition to the growing European colonial empires and the United States control of the Philippines after 1898. However, it reached its highest level of popular support in the colonies themselves, where it formed the basis for a wide variety of national liberation movements during the mid-20th century and later; these movements, their anti-imperialist ideas, were instrumental in the decolonization process of the 1950s and 1960s, which saw most European colonies in Asia and Africa achieving
Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev, born Hirsch Apfelbaum, known under the name Ovsei-Gershon Aronovich Radomyslsky, was a Bolshevik revolutionary and a Soviet Communist politician. Zinoviev was one of the seven members of the first Politburo, founded in 1917 in order to manage the Bolshevik Revolution: Lenin, Kamenev, Stalin and Bubnov. Zinoviev is best remembered as the longtime head of the Communist International and the architect of several failed attempts to transform Germany into a communist country during the early 1920s, he was in competition against Joseph Stalin who eliminated him from the Soviet political leadership in 1926. Zinoviev was a chief defendant in a 1936 show trial, the Trial of the Sixteen, that marked the start of the so-called Great Terror in the USSR and resulted in his execution the day after his conviction in August 1936. Zinoviev was the alleged author of the Zinoviev letter to British communists, urging revolution, published just before the 1924 general election to provoke a right-wing reaction.
The letter is dismissed as a forgery. Gregory Zinoviev was born in Yelizavetgrad, Russian Empire, to Jewish dairy farmers, who educated him at home. Between 1923 and 1935 the city was known as Zinovyevsk. Gregory Zinoviev was known in early life under the names of Apfelbaum or Radomyslsky and adopted several designations, such as Shatski, Grigoriev and Zinoviev, by the two last of which he is most called, he studied philosophy and history. He became interested in politics, joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1901, he was a member of its Bolshevik faction from the time of its creation in 1903. Between 1903 and the fall of the Russian Empire in February 1917, he was a leading Bolshevik and one of Vladimir Lenin's closest associates, working both within Russia and abroad as circumstances permitted, he was elected to the RSDLP's Central Committee in 1907 and sided with Lenin in 1908 when the Bolshevik faction split into Lenin's supporters and Alexander Bogdanov's followers. Zinoviev remained Lenin's constant aide-de-camp and representative in various socialist organizations until 1917.
Zinoviev spent the first three years of World War I in Switzerland. After the Russian monarchy was overthrown during the February Revolution, he returned to Russia in April 1917 in a sealed train with Lenin and other revolutionaries opposed to the war, he remained a part of the Bolshevik leadership throughout most of that year and spent time with Lenin after they were forced into hiding in the period following the July Days. However and Lenin soon had a falling out over Zinoviev's opposition to Lenin's call for an open insurrection against the Provisional Government. On October 10, 1917, he and Lev Kamenev were the only two Central Committee members to vote against an armed revolt, their publication of an open letter opposed to the use of force enraged Lenin, who demanded their expulsion from the party. On October 29, 1917 after the Bolshevik seizure of power during the October Revolution, the executive committee of the national railroad labor union, threatened a national strike unless the Bolsheviks shared power with other socialist parties and dropped Lenin and Leon Trotsky from the government.
Zinoviev and their allies in the Bolshevik Central Committee argued that the Bolsheviks had no choice but to start negotiations since a railroad strike would cripple their government's ability to fight the forces that were still loyal to the overthrown Provisional Government. Although Zinoviev and Kamenev had the support of a Central Committee majority and negotiations were started, a quick collapse of the anti-Bolshevik forces outside Petrograd allowed Lenin and Trotsky to convince the Central Committee to abandon the negotiating process. In response, Kamenev, Alexei Rykov, Vladimir Milyutin, Victor Nogin resigned from the Central Committee on November 4, 1917; the following day, Lenin wrote a proclamation calling Zinoviev and Kamenev "deserters". He never forgot their behavior making an ambiguous reference to their "October episode" in his Testament. Zinoviev soon returned to the fold and was once again elected to the Central Committee at the VII Party Congress on March 8, 1918, he was put in charge of regional government.
Sometime in 1918, while Ukraine was under German occupation, the rabbis of Odessa ceremonially anathematized Trotsky and other Jewish Bolshevik leaders in the synagogue. He became a non-voting member of the ruling Politburo when it was created after the VIII Congress on March 25, 1919, he became the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Comintern when it was created in March 1919. It was in this capacity he presided over the Congress of the Peoples of the East in Baku in September 1920 and gave his famous four-hour speech in German at the Halle congress of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany in October 1920. Zinoviev was responsible for Petrograd's defense during two periods of intense clashes with White forces in 1919. Trotsky, in overall charge of the Red Army during the Russian Civil War, thought little of Zinoviev's leadership, which aggravated their strained relationship. In early 1921, when the Communist Party was split into several factions and policy disagreements were threatening the unity of the Party, Zinoviev supported Lenin's faction.
As a result, Zinoviev was made a full member of the Politburo after the Xth Party Congress on March 16, 1921, while members of other factions, such as Nikolai
Amadeo Bordiga was an Italian Marxist, a contributor to communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italy, a leader of the Communist International and a leading figure of the International Communist Party. Bordiga was associated with the Communist Party of Italy, but he was expelled in 1930 after being accused of Trotskyism. On following World War II, he moved more explicitly towards a left communist position and was one of the more notable Western European representatives of this tendency. Bordiga was born at Resina in the province of Naples. An opponent of the Italian colonial war in Libya, he was active in the Italian Socialist Party, founding the Karl Marx Circle in 1912, he rejected a pedagogical approach to political work and developed a "theory of the Party", whereby the organization was meant to display non-immediate goals as a rally of minded people and not a necessary body of the working class. However, he was opposed to representative democracy, which he associated with bourgeois electoralism: Thus if there is a complete negation of the theory of democratic action it is to be found in socialism.
Therefore, he opposed the parliamentary faction of the PSI being autonomous from central control. In common with most socialists in Latin countries, Bordiga campaigned against Freemasonry, which he identified as a non-secular group. Following the October Revolution, Bordiga rallied to the communist movement and formed the communist abstentionist faction within the PSI, abstentionist in that it opposed participation in bourgeois elections, the group would form, with the addition of the former L'Ordine Nuovo grouping in Turin around Antonio Gramsci, the backbone of the Communist Party of Italy —founded at Livorno in January 1921; this came after a long internal struggle in the PSI as it had voted as early as 1919 to affiliate to the Comintern, but it had refused to purge its reformist wing. In the course of the conflict, Bordiga attended the 2nd Comintern Congress in 1920, where he added two points to the 19 conditions of membership proposed by Vladimir Lenin, he was criticised by Lenin in his work "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder.
For Bordiga, the party was the social brain of the working class whose task was not to seek majority support, but to concentrate on working for an armed insurrection in the course of which it would seize power and use it to abolish capitalism and impose a communist society by force. Bordiga identified the dictatorship of the proletariat and the dictatorship of the party and argued that establishing its own dictatorship should be the party's immediate and direct aim; this position was accepted by the majority of the members of the PCd’I, but it was to bring them into conflict with the Comintern when in 1921 the latter adopted a new tactic, i.e. that of the united front with reformist organisations to fight for reforms and to form a workers' government. Bordiga regarded this as a reversion to the failed tactics which the pre-war social democrats had adopted and which had led to them becoming reformist. Out of a regard for discipline and his comrades accepted the Comintern decision, but they were in an difficult position.
When Bordiga was arrested in February 1923 on a trumped-up charge by the new government of Benito Mussolini, he had to give up his post as member of the Central Committee of the PCd’I, but on his acquittal that year decided not to reclaim it, thus implicitly accepting that he was now an oppositionist. In 1924, the ICL lost control of the PCd’I to a pro-Moscow group whose leader Gramsci became the party's General Secretary in June. At the third Congress of the PCd’I held in exile in Lyons in January 1926, the manoeuvre of the pro-Moscow group was completed. Without the support of the Communist International to escape from fascist control, few members of the Italian Communist Left were able to arrive to the Congress, so the theses drawn up by Bordiga were rejected and those of the Stalinist minority group accepted, he attended his last meeting of the Executive Committee of the Comintern in 1926, the same year in which he confronted Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin face-to-face. In his final confrontation with Stalin in Moscow in 1926, Bordiga proposed that all the communist parties of the world should jointly rule the Soviet Union as a demonstration of the supra-national reality of the workers' movement.
However, this proposal was coolly received by his friends. Bordiga accused Stalin of betraying the revolution, calling the Soviet leader "the gravedigger of the revolution". In December 1926, Bordiga was again arrested by Mussolini and sent to prison in Ustica, an Italian island in the Tyrrhenian Sea, where he met with Gramsci and they renewed their friendship and worked alongside each other despite their political differences. Bordiga was concerned about Gramsci's ill health, but nothing came of a plan to help him escape the island. In 1928, Bordiga was moved to the Isle of Ponza, where he built several houses, returning after his detention in 1929 to finish them. Following his release, Bordiga did not resume his activities in the PCI and was in fact expelled in March 1930, accused of having "supported and endorsed the positions of the Trotskyist opposition" and been organisationally disruptive. With his expulsion, Bordiga left political activity until 1943 and he was to refuse to comment on political affairs when asked by trusted friends.
However, many of his former supporters in the PCd'I went into exile and founded a political tendency referred to as Italian Communist Left. In 1928, its members in exile in France and Belgium formed themselves into the
Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism
Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, by Vladimir Lenin, describes the function of financial capital in generating profits from imperialist colonialism as the final stage of capitalist development to ensure greater profits. The essay is a synthesis of Lenin's modifications and developments of economic theories that Karl Marx formulated in Das Kapital. In his Prefaces, Lenin states that the First World War was "an annexationist, plunderous war" among empires, whose historical and economic background must be studied "to understand and appraise modern war and modern politics". In order for capitalism to generate greater profits than the home market can yield, the merging of banks and industrial cartels produces finance capitalism—the exportation and investment of capital to countries with underdeveloped economies. In turn, such financial behaviour leads to the division of the world among monopolist business companies and the great powers. Moreover, in the course of colonizing undeveloped countries and government will engage in geopolitical conflict over the economic exploitation of large portions of the geographic world and its populaces.
Therefore, imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism, requiring monopolies and the exportation of finance capital to sustain colonialism, an integral function of said economic model. Furthermore, in the capitalist homeland, the super-profits yielded by the colonial exploitation of a people and their economy permit businessmen to bribe native politicians, labour leaders and the labour aristocracy to politically thwart worker revolt. Lenin's socio–political analysis of empire as the ultimate stage of capitalism derived from Imperialism: A Study by John A. Hobson, an English economist, Finance Capital by Rudolf Hilferding, an Austrian Marxist, whose synthesis Lenin applied to the new geopolitical circumstances of the First World War, wherein capitalist imperial competition had provoked global war among the German Empire, the British Empire, the French Empire, the Tsarist Russian Empire, their respective allies. Three years earlier, in 1914, rival Marxist Karl Kautsky proposed a theory of capitalist coalition, wherein the imperial powers would unite and subsume their nationalist and economic antagonisms to a system of ultra-imperialism, whereby they would jointly effect the colonialist exploitation of the underdeveloped world.
Lenin countered Kautsky by proposing that the balance of power among the imperial capitalist states continually changed, thereby disallowing the political unity of ultra-imperialism, that such instability motivated competition and conflict, rather than co-operation: Half a century ago, Germany was a miserable, insignificant country, if her capitalist strength is compared with that of the Britain of that time. Is it "conceivable that in ten or twenty years' time the relative strength will have remained unchanged?" It is out of the question. The post-War edition of Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism identified the territorially punitive Russo–German Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the Allied–German Treaty of Versailles as proofs that empire and hegemony—not nationalism—were the economic motivations for the First World War. In the preface to the French and German editions of the essay, Lenin proposed that revolt against the capitalist global system would be effected with the "thousand million people" of the colonies and semi-colonies, rather than with the urban workers of the industrialised societies of Western Europe.
He proposed that revolution would extend to the advanced capitalist countries from the underdeveloped countries, such as Tsarist Russia, where he and the Bolsheviks had seized political command of the October Revolution of 1917. In political praxis, Lenin expected to realise the theory of Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism via the Third International, which he intellectually and politically dominated in the July and August conferences of 1920; the core–periphery model of global capitalist exploitation, developed by Lenin in the early 20th century, exerted much intellectual influence upon world-systems theory. World-systems theory was developed by the social scientist Immanuel Wallerstein and emphasises world systems of international labour, that divide the world into core countries, semi-periphery countries, periphery countries; the core–periphery model influenced dependency theory, whose proponents Raúl Prebisch, Andre Gunder Frank and Fernando Henrique Cardoso propose that natural resources flow from a periphery of poor and underdeveloped countries to a core of wealthy and developed countries, enriching the latter at the expense of the former, because of how the poor countries are integrated to the global economy.
In 1916, Lenin wrote Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, in Zürich, during the January–June period. The essay was first published by Zhizn i Znaniye Publishers, Petrograd, in mid 1917. After the First World War, he added a new Preface for the French and German editions, first published in the Communist International No. 18. Editions Владимир Ленин, Империализм, как Высшая Стадия Капитализма, Петроград: Жизнь и Знание. Vladimir Lenin, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, London: Lawrence and Wishart. Vladimir Lenin, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, with Introduction by Prabhat Patnaik, New Delhi: LeftWord Books Vladimir Lenin, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, Penguin Classics. Vladimir Le