Education economics or the economics of education is the study of economic issues relating to education, including the demand for education, the financing and provision of education, the comparative efficiency of various educational programs and policies. From early works on the relationship between schooling and labor market outcomes for individuals, the field of the economics of education has grown to cover all areas with linkages to education. Economics distinguishes in addition to physical capital another form of capital, no less critical as a means of production – human capital. With investments in human capital, such as education, three major economic effects can be expected: increased expenses as the accumulation of human capital requires investments just as physical capital does, increased productivity as people gain characteristics that enable them to produce more output and hence return on investment in the form of higher incomes. Investments in human capital entail an investment cost.
In European countries most education expenditure takes the form of government consumption, although some costs are borne by individuals. These investments can be rather costly. EU governments spent between 3% and 8% of GDP on education in 2005, the average being 5%. However, measuring the spending this way alone underestimates the costs because a more subtle form of costs is overlooked: the opportunity cost of forgone wages as students cannot work while they study, it has been estimated that the total costs, including opportunity costs, of education are as much as double the direct costs. Including opportunity costs investments in education can be estimated to have been around 10% of GDP in the EU countries in 2005. In comparison investments in physical capital were 20% of GDP, thus the two are of similar magnitude. Human capital in the form of education shares many characteristics with physical capital. Both require an investment to create and, once created, both have economic value. Physical capital earns a return because people are willing to pay to use a piece of physical capital in work as it allows them to produce more output.
To measure the productive value of physical capital, we can measure how much of a return it commands in the market. In the case of human capital calculating returns is more complicated – after all, we cannot separate education from the person to see how much it rents for. To get around this problem, the returns to human capital are inferred from differences in wages among people with different levels of education. Hall and Jones have calculated from international data that on average that the returns on education are 13.4% per year for first four years of schooling, 10.1% per year for the next four years and 6.8% for each year beyond eight years. Thus someone with 12 years of schooling can be expected to earn, on average, 1.1344 × 1.1014 × 1.0684 = 3.161 times as much as someone with no schooling at all. Economy-wide, the effect of human capital on incomes has been estimated to be rather significant: 65% of wages paid in developed countries is payments to human capital and only 35% to raw labor.
The higher productivity of well-educated workers is one of the factors that explain higher GDPs and, higher incomes in developed countries. A strong correlation between GDP and education is visible among the countries of the world, as is shown by the upper left figure, it is less clear, how much of a high GDP is explained by education. After all, it is possible that rich countries can afford more education. To distinguish the part of GDP explained with education from other causes, Weil has calculated how much one would expect each country’s GDP to be higher based on the data on average schooling; this was based on the above-mentioned calculations of Jones on the returns on education. GDPs predicted by Weil’s calculations can be plotted against actual GDPs, as is done in the figure on the left, demonstrating that the variation in education explains some, but not all, of the variation in GDP; the matter of externalities should be considered. When speaking of externalities one thinks of the negative effects of economic activities that are not included in market prices, such as pollution.
These are negative externalities. However, there are positive externalities – that is, positive effects of which someone can benefit without having to pay for it. Education bears with it major positive externalities: giving one person more education raises not only his or her output but the output of those around him or her. Educated workers can bring new technologies and information to the consideration of others, they can act as an example. The positive externalities of education include the effects of personal networks and the roles educated workers play in them. Positive externalities from human capital are one explanation for why governments are involved in education. If people were left on their own, they would not take into account the full social benefit of education – in other words the rise in the output and wages of others – so the amount they would choose to obtain would be lower than the social optimum. A 2013 study assesses demand- and supply-side factors that affect educational access and attainment in development countries, it shows that addressing demand-side factors, such as geographic gaps between rural and urban areas, higher levels of population growth and child labour, can have greater impact on increasing levels of education in developing countries than supply-side factors, such as constructing additional school facilities, hiring more teachers etc.
The dominant model of th
Service economy can refer to one or both of two recent economic developments: The increased importance of the service sector in industrialized economies. The current list of Fortune 500 companies contains more service companies and fewer manufacturers than in previous decades; the relative importance of service in a product offering. The service economy in developing countries is concentrated in financial services, retail, human services, information technology and education. Products today have a higher service component than in previous decades. In the management literature this is referred to as the servitization of products or a product-service system; every product today has a service component to it. The old dichotomy between product and service has been replaced by a service-product continuum. Many products are being transformed into services. For example, IBM treats its business as a service business. Although it still manufactures computers, it sees the physical goods as a small part of the "business solutions" industry.
They have found that the price elasticity of demand for "business solutions" is much less than for hardware. There has been a corresponding shift to a subscription pricing model. Rather than receiving a single payment for a piece of manufactured equipment, many manufacturers are now receiving a steady stream of revenue for ongoing contracts. Full cost accounting and most accounting reform and monetary reform measures are thought to be impossible to achieve without a good model of the service economy. Since the 1950s, the global economy has undergone a structural transformation. For this change, the American economist Victor R. Fuchs called it “the service economy” in 1968, he believes that the United States has taken the lead in entering the service economy and society in the Western countries. The declaration heralded the arrival of a service economy that began in the United States on a global scale. With the rapid development of information revolution and technology, the service economy has shown new development trends.
This is seen in green economics and more specific theories within it such as Natural Capitalism, as having these benefits: Much easier integration with accounting for nature's services Much easier integration with state services under globalization, e.g. meat inspection is a service, assumed within a product price, but which can vary quite drastically with jurisdiction, with some serious effects. Association of goods movements in commodity markets with negative commodity public bads so that no commodity can be traded without assuming responsibility for damage done by its extraction, shipping and sale - its comprehensive outcome Easier integration with urban ecology and industrial ecology modelling Making it easier to relate to the Experience Economy of actual quality of life decisions made by human beings based on assumptions about service, integrating economics better with marketing theory about brand value e.g. products are purchased for their assumed reliability in some known process.
This assumes that the user's experience with the brand is far more important than its technical characteristicsProduct stewardship or product take-back are words for a specific requirement or measure in which the service of waste disposal is included in the distribution chain of an industrial product and is paid for at time of purchase. That is, paying for the safe and proper disposal when you pay for the product, relying on those who sold it to you to dispose of it; those who advocate it are concerned with the phases of product lifecycle and the comprehensive outcome of the whole production process. It is considered a pre-requisite to a strict service economy interpretation of "commodity" and "product" relationships, it is applied to paint and other goods that become toxic waste if not disposed of properly. It is most familiar as the container deposit charged for a deposit bottle. One pays a fee to buy the bottle, separately from the fee to buy. If one returns the bottle, the fee is returned, the supplier must return the bottle for re-use or recycling.
If not, one has paid the fee, this can pay for landfill or litter control measures that dispose of diapers or a broken bottle. Since the same fee can be collected by anyone finding and returning the bottle, it is common for people to collect these and return them as a means of gaining a small income; this is quite common for instance among homeless people in U. S. cities. Legal requirements vary: the bottle itself may be considered the property of the purchaser of the contents, or, the purchaser may have some obligation to return the bottle to some depot so it can be recycled or re-used. In some countries, such as Germany, law requires attention to the comprehensive outcome of the whole extraction, distribution and waste of a product, holds those profiting from these responsible for any outcome along the way; this is the trend in the UK and EU generally. In the United States, there have been many class action suits that are product stewardship liability - holding companies responsible for things the product does which it was never advertised to do.
Rather than let liability for these problems be taken up by the public sector or be haphazardly assigned one issue at a time to companies via lawsuits, many accounting reform efforts focus on achieving full cost accounting. This is the financial reflection of the comprehensive outcome - noting the gains and losses to all parties involved, not just those investing or purchasing; such moves have made moral purchasing
Development economics is a branch of economics which deals with economic aspects of the development process in low income countries. Its focus is not only on methods of promoting economic development, economic growth and structural change but on improving the potential for the mass of the population, for example, through health and workplace conditions, whether through public or private channels. Development economics involves the creation of theories and methods that aid in the determination of policies and practices and can be implemented at either the domestic or international level; this may involve restructuring market incentives or using mathematical methods such as intertemporal optimization for project analysis, or it may involve a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods. Unlike in many other fields of economics, approaches in development economics may incorporate social and political factors to devise particular plans. Unlike many other fields of economics, there is no consensus on what students should know.
Different approaches may consider the factors that contribute to economic convergence or non-convergence across households and countries. The earliest Western theory of development economics was mercantilism, which developed in the 17th century, paralleling the rise of the nation state. Earlier theories had given little attention to development. For example, the dominant school of thought during medieval feudalism, emphasized reconciliation with Christian theology and ethics, rather than development; the 16th- and 17th-century School of Salamanca, credited as the earliest modern school of economics did not address development specifically. Major European nations in the 17th and 18th century all adopted mercantilist ideals to varying degrees, the influence only ebbing with the 18th-century development of physiocrats in France and classical economics in Britain. Mercantilism held that a nation's prosperity depended on its supply of capital, represented by bullion held by the state, it emphasised the maintenance of a high positive trade balance as a means of accumulating this bullion.
To achieve a positive trade balance, protectionist measures such as tariffs and subsidies to home industries were advocated. Mercantilist development theory advocated colonialism. Theorists most associated with mercantilism include Philipp von Hörnigk, who in his Austria Over All, If She Only Will of 1684 gave the only comprehensive statement of mercantilist theory, emphasizing production and an export-led economy. In France, mercantilist policy is most associated with 17th-century finance minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert, whose policies proved influential in American development. Mercantilist ideas continue in the theories of economic neomercantilism. Following mercantilism was the related theory of economic nationalism, promulgated in the 19th century related to the development and industrialization of the United States and Germany, notably in the policies of the American System in America and the Zollverein in Germany. A significant difference from mercantilism was the de-emphasis on colonies, in favor of a focus on domestic production.
The names most associated with 19th-century economic nationalism are the American Alexander Hamilton, the German-American Friedrich List, the American Henry Clay. Hamilton's 1791 Report on Manufactures, his magnum opus, is the founding text of the American System, drew from the mercantilist economies of Britain under Elizabeth I and France under Colbert. List's 1841 Das Nationale System der Politischen Ökonomie, which emphasized stages of growth, proved influential in the US and Germany, nationalist policies were pursued by politician Henry Clay, by Abraham Lincoln, under the influence of economist Henry Charles Carey. Forms of economic nationalism and neomercantilism have been key in Japan's development in the 19th and 20th centuries, the more recent development of the Four Asian Tigers, most China. Following Brexit and the United States presidential election, 2016, some experts have argued a new kind of "self-seeking capitalism" popularly known as Trumponomics could have a considerable impact on cross-border investment flows and long-term capital allocation The origins of modern development economics are traced to the need for, problems with the industrialization of eastern Europe in the aftermath of World War II.
The key authors are Paul Rosenstein-Rodan, Kurt Mandelbaum, Ragnar Nurkse, Sir Hans Wolfgang Singer. Only after the war did economists turn their concerns towards Asia and Latin America. At the heart of these studies, by authors such as Simon Kuznets and W. Arthur Lewis was an analysis of not only economic growth but structural transformation. An early theory of development economics, the linear-stages-of-growth model was first formulated in the 1950s by W. W. Rostow in The Stages of Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, following work of Marx and List; this theory modifies Marx's stages theory of development and focuses on the accelerated accumulation of capital, through the utilization of both domestic and international savings as a means of spurring investment, as the primary means of promoting economic growth and, development. The linear-stages-of-growth model posits that there are a series of five consecutive stages of development which all countries must go through during the process of development.
These stages are "the traditional society, the pre-conditions for take-off, the take-off, the drive to maturity, the age of high mass-consumption" Simple versi
History of economic thought
The history of economic thought deals with different thinkers and theories in the subject that became political economy and economics, from the ancient world to the present day in the 21st Century. This field encompasses many disparate schools of economic thought. Ancient Greek writers such as the philosopher Aristotle examined ideas about the art of wealth acquisition, questioned whether property is best left in private or public hands. In the Middle Ages, scholasticists such as Thomas Aquinas argued that it was a moral obligation of businesses to sell goods at a just priceIn the Western world, economics was not a separate discipline, but part of philosophy until the 18th–19th century Industrial Revolution and the 19th century Great Divergence, which accelerated economic growth. Hesiod active 750 to 650 BC, a Boeotian who wrote the earliest known work concerning the basic origins of economic thought, contemporary with Homer. Fan Li, an adviser to King Goujian of Yue, wrote on economic issues and developed a set of "golden" business rules.
Chanakya wrote a treatise on statecraft, economic policy and military strategy. Ancient Athens, an advanced city-state civilisation and progressive society, developed an embryonic model of democracy. Xenophon's Oeconomicus is a dialogue principally about household agriculture. Plato's dialogue The Republic describing an ideal city-state run by philosopher-kings contained references to specialization of labor and to production. According to Joseph Schumpeter, Plato was the first known advocate of a credit theory of money that is, money as a unit of account for debt. Aristotle's Politics analyzed different forms of the state as a critique of Plato's model of a philosopher-kings. Of particular interest for economists, Plato provided a blueprint of a society based on common ownership of resources. Aristotle viewed this model as an oligarchical anathema. Though Aristotle did advocate holding many things in common, he argued that not everything could be because of the "wickedness of human nature"."It is better that property should be private", wrote Aristotle, "but the use of it common.
In Politics Book I, Aristotle discusses the general nature of households and market exchanges. For him there is a certain "art of acquisition" or "wealth-getting", but because it is the same many people are obsessed with its accumulation, "wealth-getting" for one's household is "necessary and honorable", while exchange on the retail trade for simple accumulation is "justly censured, for it is dishonorable". Writing of the people, Aristotle stated that they as a whole thought acquisition of wealth as being either the same as, or a principle of oikonomia, with oikos meaning "house" and with nomos meaning "law". Aristotle himself disapproved of usury and cast scorn on making money through a monopoly. Aristotle discarded Plato's credit theory of money for metallism, the theory that money derives its value from the purchasing power of the commodity upon which it is based, is only an "instrument", its sole purpose being a medium of exchange, which means on its own "it is worthless... not useful as a means to any of the necessities of life".
Thomas Aquinas was economic writer. He taught in both Cologne and Paris, was part of a group of Catholic scholars known as the Schoolmen, who moved their enquiries beyond theology to philosophical and scientific debates. In the treatise Summa Theologica Aquinas dealt with the concept of a just price, which he considered necessary for the reproduction of the social order. Similar in many ways to the modern concept of long run equilibrium, a just price was just sufficient to cover the costs of production, including the maintenance of a worker and his family. Aquinas argued it was immoral for sellers to raise their prices because buyers had a pressing need for a product. Aquinas discusses a number of topics in the format of questions and replies, substantial tracts dealing with Aristotle's theory. Questions 77 and 78 concern economic issues what a just price might be, the fairness of a seller dispensing faulty goods. Aquinas argued against any form of cheating and recommended always paying compensation in lieu of good service.
Whilst human laws might not impose sanctions for unfair dealing, divine law did, in his opinion. One of Aquinas' main critics was Duns Scotus from Duns Scotland, who taught in Oxford and Paris. In his work Sententiae, he thought it possible to be more precise than Aquinas in calculating a just price, emphasizing the costs of labor and expenses, although he recognized that the latter might be inflated by exaggeration because buyer and seller have different ideas of a just price. If people did not benefit from a transaction, in Scotus' view, they would not trade. Scotus said merchants perform a necessary and useful social role by transporting goods and making them available to the public. Jean Buridan was a French priest. Buridanus looked at money from two angles: its metal value and its purchasing power, which he acknowledged can vary, he argued that aggregated, not individual and supply determine market prices. Hence, for him a just price was what the society collectively and not just one individual is willing to pay.
Until Joseph J. Spengler's 1964 work "Economic Thought of Islam: Ibn Khaldun", Adam
Economics is the social science that studies the production and consumption of goods and services. Economics focuses on the behaviour and interactions of economic agents. Microeconomics analyzes basic elements in the economy, including individual agents and markets, their interactions, the outcomes of interactions. Individual agents may include, for example, firms and sellers. Macroeconomics analyzes the entire economy and issues affecting it, including unemployment of resources, economic growth, the public policies that address these issues. See glossary of economics. Other broad distinctions within economics include those between positive economics, describing "what is", normative economics, advocating "what ought to be". Economic analysis can be applied throughout society, in business, health care, government. Economic analysis is sometimes applied to such diverse subjects as crime, the family, politics, social institutions, war and the environment; the discipline was renamed in the late 19th century due to Alfred Marshall, from "political economy" to "economics" as a shorter term for "economic science".
At that time, it became more open to rigorous thinking and made increased use of mathematics, which helped support efforts to have it accepted as a science and as a separate discipline outside of political science and other social sciences. There are a variety of modern definitions of economics. Scottish philosopher Adam Smith defined what was called political economy as "an inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations", in particular as: a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people... to supply the state or commonwealth with a revenue for the publick services. Jean-Baptiste Say, distinguishing the subject from its public-policy uses, defines it as the science of production and consumption of wealth. On the satirical side, Thomas Carlyle coined "the dismal science" as an epithet for classical economics, in this context linked to the pessimistic analysis of Malthus. John Stuart Mill defines the subject in a social context as: The science which traces the laws of such of the phenomena of society as arise from the combined operations of mankind for the production of wealth, in so far as those phenomena are not modified by the pursuit of any other object.
Alfred Marshall provides a still cited definition in his textbook Principles of Economics that extends analysis beyond wealth and from the societal to the microeconomic level: Economics is a study of man in the ordinary business of life. It enquires how he uses it. Thus, it is on the one side, the study of wealth and on the other and more important side, a part of the study of man. Lionel Robbins developed implications of what has been termed "erhaps the most accepted current definition of the subject": Economics is a science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses. Robbins describes the definition as not classificatory in "pick out certain kinds of behaviour" but rather analytical in "focus attention on a particular aspect of behaviour, the form imposed by the influence of scarcity." He affirmed that previous economists have centred their studies on the analysis of wealth: how wealth is created and consumed. But he said that economics can be used to study other things, such as war, that are outside its usual focus.
This is because war has as the goal winning it, generates both cost and benefits. If the war is not winnable or if the expected costs outweigh the benefits, the deciding actors may never go to war but rather explore other alternatives. We cannot define economics as the science that studies wealth, crime and any other field economic analysis can be applied to; some subsequent comments criticized the definition as overly broad in failing to limit its subject matter to analysis of markets. From the 1960s, such comments abated as the economic theory of maximizing behaviour and rational-choice modelling expanded the domain of the subject to areas treated in other fields. There are other criticisms as well, such as in scarcity not accounting for the macroeconomics of high unemployment. Gary Becker, a contributor to the expansion of economics into new areas, describes the approach he favours as "combin assumptions of maximizing behaviour, stable preferences, market equilibrium, used relentlessly and unflinchingly."
One commentary characterizes the remark as making economics an approach rather than a subject matter but with great specificity as to the "choice process and the type of social interaction that analysis involves." The same source reviews a range of definitions included in principles of economics textbooks and concludes that the lack of agreement need not affect the subject-matter that the texts treat. A
Econometrics is the application of statistical methods to economic data in order to give empirical content to economic relationships. More it is "the quantitative analysis of actual economic phenomena based on the concurrent development of theory and observation, related by appropriate methods of inference". An introductory economics textbook describes econometrics as allowing economists "to sift through mountains of data to extract simple relationships"; the first known use of the term "econometrics" was by Polish economist Paweł Ciompa in 1910. Jan Tinbergen is considered by many to be one of the founding fathers of econometrics. Ragnar Frisch is credited with coining the term in the sense. A basic tool for econometrics is the multiple linear regression model. Econometric theory uses statistical theory and mathematical statistics to evaluate and develop econometric methods. Econometricians try to find estimators that have desirable statistical properties including unbiasedness and consistency.
Applied econometrics uses theoretical econometrics and real-world data for assessing economic theories, developing econometric models, analysing economic history, forecasting. A basic tool for econometrics is the multiple linear regression model. In modern econometrics, other statistical tools are used, but linear regression is still the most used starting point for an analysis. Estimating a linear regression on two variables can be visualised as fitting a line through data points representing paired values of the independent and dependent variables. For example, consider Okun's law, which relates GDP growth to the unemployment rate; this relationship is represented in a linear regression where the change in unemployment rate is a function of an intercept, a given value of GDP growth multiplied by a slope coefficient β 1 and an error term, ε: Δ Unemployment = β 0 + β 1 Growth + ε. The unknown parameters β β 1 can be estimated. Here β 1 is estimated to be −1.77 and β 0 is estimated to be 0.83.
This means that if GDP growth increased by one percentage point, the unemployment rate would be predicted to drop by 1.77 points. The model could be tested for statistical significance as to whether an increase in growth is associated with a decrease in the unemployment, as hypothesized. If the estimate of β 1 were not different from 0, the test would fail to find evidence that changes in the growth rate and unemployment rate were related; the variance in a prediction of the dependent variable as a function of the independent variable is given in polynomial least squares. Econometric theory uses statistical theory and mathematical statistics to evaluate and develop econometric methods. Econometricians try to find estimators that have desirable statistical properties including unbiasedness and consistency. An estimator is unbiased. Ordinary least squares is used for estimation since it provides the BLUE or "best linear unbiased estimator" given the Gauss-Markov assumptions; when these assumptions are violated or other statistical properties are desired, other estimation techniques such as maximum likelihood estimation, generalized method of moments, or generalized least squares are used.
Estimators that incorporate prior beliefs are advocated by those who favour Bayesian statistics over traditional, classical or "frequentist" approaches. Applied econometrics uses theoretical econometrics and real-world data for assessing economic theories, developing econometric models, analysing economic history, forecasting. Econometrics may use standard statistical models to study economic questions, but most they are with observational data, rather than in controlled experiments. In this, the design of observational studies in econometrics is similar to the design of studies in other observational disciplines, such as astronomy, epidemiology and political science. Analysis of data from an observational study is guided by the study protocol, although exploratory data analysis may be useful for generating new hypotheses. Economics analyses systems of equations and inequalities, such as supply and demand hypothesized to be in equilibrium; the field of econometrics has developed methods for identification and estimation of simultaneous-equation models.
These methods are analogous to methods used in other areas of science, such as the field of system identification in systems analysis and control theory. Such methods may allow researchers to estimate models and investigate their empirical consequences, without directly manipulating the system. One of the fundamental statistical methods used by econometricians is regression analysis. Regression methods are important i
Institutional economics focuses on understanding the role of the evolutionary process and the role of institutions in shaping economic behaviour. Its original focus lay in Thorstein Veblen's instinct-oriented dichotomy between technology on the one side and the "ceremonial" sphere of society on the other, its name and core elements trace back to a 1919 American Economic Review article by Walton H. Hamilton. Institutional economics emphasizes a broader study of institutions and views markets as a result of the complex interaction of these various institutions; the earlier tradition continues today as a leading heterodox approach to economics."Traditional" institutionalism rejects the reduction of institutions to tastes and nature. Tastes, along with expectations of the future and motivations, not only determine the nature of institutions but are limited and shaped by them. If people live and work in institutions on a regular basis, it shapes their world views. Fundamentally, this traditional institutionalism emphasizes the legal foundations of an economy and the evolutionary and volitional processes by which institutions are erected and changed Institutional economics focuses on learning, bounded rationality, evolution.
It was a central part of American economics in the first part of the 20th century, including such famous but diverse economists as Thorstein Veblen, Wesley Mitchell, John R. Commons; some institutionalists see Karl Marx as belonging to the institutionalist tradition, because he described capitalism as a historically-bounded social system. A significant variant is the new institutional economics from the 20th century, which integrates developments of neoclassical economics into the analysis. Law and economics has been a major theme since the publication of the Legal Foundations of Capitalism by John R. Commons in 1924. Since there has been heated debate on the role of law on economic growth. Behavioral economics is another hallmark of institutional economics based on what is known about psychology and cognitive science, rather than simple assumptions of economic behavior; some of the authors associated with this school include Robert H. Frank, Warren Samuels, Marc Tool, Geoffrey Hodgson, Daniel Bromley, Jonathan Nitzan, Shimshon Bichler, Elinor Ostrom, Anne Mayhew, John Kenneth Galbraith and Gunnar Myrdal, but the sociologist C. Wright Mills was influenced by the institutionalist approach in his major studies.
Thorstein Veblen wrote his first and most influential book while he was at the University of Chicago, on The Theory of the Leisure Class. In it he analyzed the motivation in capitalism for people to conspicuously consume their riches as a way of demonstrating success. Conspicuous leisure was another focus of Veblen's critique; the concept of conspicuous consumption was in direct contradiction to the neoclassical view that capitalism was efficient. In The Theory of Business Enterprise Veblen distinguished the motivations of industrial production for people to use things from business motivations that used, or misused, industrial infrastructure for profit, arguing that the former is hindered because businesses pursue the latter. Output and technological advance are restricted by business practices and the creation of monopolies. Businesses protect their existing capital investments and employ excessive credit, leading to depressions and increasing military expenditure and war through business control of political power.
These two books, focusing on criticism first of consumerism, second of profiteering, did not advocate change. Through the 1920s and after the Wall Street Crash of 1929 Thorstein Veblen's warnings of the tendency for wasteful consumption and the necessity of creating sound financial institutions seemed to ring true. Thorstein Veblen wrote in 1898 an article entitled "Why is Economics Not an Evolutionary Science" and he became the precursor of current evolutionary economics. John R. Commons came from mid-Western America. Underlying his ideas, consolidated in Institutional Economics was the concept that the economy is a web of relationships between people with diverging interests. There are large corporations, labour disputes and fluctuating business cycles, they do however have an interest in resolving these disputes. Commons thought. Commons himself devoted much of his time to advisory and mediation work on government boards and industrial commissions. Wesley Clair Mitchell was an American economist known for his empirical work on business cycles and for guiding the National Bureau of Economic Research in its first decades.
Mitchell’s teachers included economists Thorstein Veblen and J. L. Laughlin and philosopher John Dewey. Clarence Ayres was the principal thinker of what some have called the Texas school of institutional economics. Ayres developed on the ideas of Thorstein Veblen with a dichotomy of "technology" and "institutions" to separate the inventive from the inherited aspects of economic structures, he claimed. It can be argued that Ayres was not an "instit