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Demographics of Malta

This article is about the demographic features of the population of Malta, including population density, religious affiliations and other aspects of the population. Malta is the most densely populated country in the EU and one of the most densely populated countries in the world, with about 1,265 inhabitants per square kilometre; this compares with about 32 per square kilometre for the United States. A census was held in November 2005. Inhabited since prehistoric times, Malta was first colonized by Sicilians. Subsequently, Romans, Arabs in 870 CE who may have depopulated the islands but in 1224 were themselves expelled from Malta, Sicilians, Spanish and the British have influenced Maltese life and culture to varying degrees. Roman Catholicism is established by law as the religion of Malta with 98%. Malta has two official languages--Maltese, English. Both languages are compulsory subjects in Maltese secondary schools. A large portion of the population is fluent in Italian, which was, until 1936, the national language of Malta.

The literacy rate has reached 93%, compared to 63% in 1946. Schooling is compulsory until age 16. Since 2000, the shift in the age composition towards an older population continued to materialise. In fact, the average age of the Maltese population increased from 38.5 in 2005 to 40.5 in 2011. This resulted from the increase in the number of persons aged 55 and over, together with a decrease in the number of persons under 25 years of age; the average in Gozo and Comino was higher. Persons aged 65 and over more represent 16.3% of the total population in 2011, compared to 13.7% in 2005. In contrast, persons aged 14 and under make up 14.8% of the population in 2011, compared to 17.2% in 2005. Foreign nationals in Malta As of 2016 and 2017, the numbers of selected groups of resident foreign nationals in Malta were as follows: This list does not include foreign nationals who acquired Maltese nationality and foreign nationals without resident status. Malta has long been a country of emigration, with big Maltese communities in English-speaking countries abroad.

Mass emigration picked up in the 19th century, reaching its peak in the decades after World War II. In the nineteenth century, most migration from Malta was to North Africa and the Middle East, although rates of return migration to Malta were high. Nonetheless, Maltese communities formed in these regions. By 1900, for example, British consular estimates suggest. There is little trace left of the Maltese communities in North Africa, most of them having been displaced, after the rise of independence movements, to places like Marseille, the United Kingdom or Australia. After World War II, Malta's Emigration Department would assist emigrants with the cost of their travel. Between 1948 and 1967, 30 per cent of the population emigrated. Between 1946 and the late 1970s, over 140,000 people left Malta on the assisted passage scheme, with 57.6 per cent migrating to Australia, 22 per cent to the UK, 13 per cent to Canada and 7 per cent to the United States. 46,998 Maltese-born residents were recorded by the 2001 Australian Census, 30,178 by the 2001 UK Census, 9,525 by the 2001 Canadian Census and 9,080 by the 2000 United States Census.

Emigration dropped after the mid-1970s and has since ceased to be a social phenomenon of significance. However, since Malta joined the EU in 2004 expatriate communities emerged in a number of European countries in Belgium and Luxembourg. At the same time, Malta is becoming more and more attractive for communities of immigrants, both from Western and Northern Europe and from Eastern Europe. Most of the foreign community in Malta, predominantly active or retired British nationals and their dependents, is centred on Sliema and surrounding modern suburbs. Other smaller foreign groups include Italians and Lebanese, many of whom have assimilated into the Maltese nation over the decades. Since the late 20th century, Malta has become a transit country for migration routes from Africa towards Europe; as a member of the European Union and of the Schengen agreement, Malta is bound by the Dublin Regulation to process all claims for asylum by those asylum seekers that enter EU territory for the first time in Malta.

Irregular migrants who land in Malta are subject to a compulsory detention policy, being held in several camps organised by the Armed Forces of Malta, including those near Ħal Far and Ħal Safi. The compulsory detention policy has been denounced by several NGOs, in July 2010, the European Court of Human Rights found that Malta's detention of migrants was arbitrary, lacking in adequate procedures to challenge detention, in breach of its obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights. Few migrants arrived in Malta in 2015, despite the fact that the rest Europe is experiencing a migrant crisis. Most migrants who were rescued between Libya and Malta were taken to Italy, some refused to be brought to Malta; the following demographic statistics are from the CIA World Factbook. Largest cities: Birkirkara Mosta Qormi

Uppsala University Coin Cabinet

The Uppsala University Coin Cabinet is one of Sweden's most important public coin and medal collections. It is housed in the main building of Uppsala University; the history of the collection goes back to the 17th century. In total, it comprises close to 40,000 objects. Archives items include coin dating back to the sixth century BC to modern digital currencies; the collections of older Swedish coins and medals are important, together with the collections of coins from the Viking age, early modern European coins and Islamic coins. The coin cabinet is principally focused on supporting education at Uppsala University. Therefore, only a representative fraction of the collections can be viewed in exhibitions; the main exhibition of coins and medals from the Middle Ages. The first numismatic thesis at Uppsala University was published in 1679. Since various dissertations have been written in numismatics and monetary history. History of money History of coins Elsa Lindberger Anglo-Saxon and British Coins ISBN 9780197263396 Peter Berghaus, Hendrik Mäkeler Deutsche Münzen der Wikingerzeit sowie des hohen und späten Mittelalters ISBN 9155466036 Uppsala University Coin Cabinet website Uppsala University Coin Cabinet Online Catalogue

Secondary modern school

A secondary modern school is a type of secondary school that existed throughout England and Northern Ireland from 1944 until the 1970s under the Tripartite System. Schools of this type continue in Northern Ireland, where they are referred to as secondary schools, in areas of England, such as Buckinghamshire and Wirral. Secondary modern schools were designed for the majority of pupils between 11 and 15. From 1965 onwards, secondary moderns were replaced in most of the UK by the comprehensive school system; the tripartite system of streaming children of presumed different intellectual ability into different schools has its origin in the interwar period. Three levels of secondary school emerged in England and Wales: academic grammar schools for pupils deemed to go on to study at university. Educational practice in the 1940s developed this system so that children were tested and streamed into the renamed grammar and secondary modern schools at the age of eleven. In practice, few technical schools were created, most technical and central schools, such as Frank Montgomery School in Kent, became secondary modern schools.

As a result, the tripartite system was in effect a bipartite system in which children who passed the eleven-plus examination were sent to grammar schools and those who failed the test went to secondary modern schools. At a secondary modern school, pupils would receive training in a wide range of simple, practical skills; the purpose of this education was to focus on training in basic subjects, such as arithmetic, mechanical skills such as woodworking, domestic skills, such as cookery. In an age before the advent of the National Curriculum, the specific subjects taught were chosen by the individual schools, but the curriculum at the Frank Montgomery School in Kent was stated as including "practical education, such as cookery, gardening, woodwork and practical geography"; the first secondary moderns were created by converting about three thousand senior elementary schools, as well as central schools, which had offered a continuation of primary education to the age of 14, into separate institutions.

Many more were built between the end of World War II and 1965, in an effort to provide universal secondary education. Until the raising of statutory school leaving age in 1972, pupils could leave school at 15, at the end of the fourth form; this left a demotivated rump of 14–15-year-olds who did not want to be there, had no intention of taking a school-leaving exam at 16. The 11-plus was employed to stream children into grammar schools, technical schools and secondary modern schools. Claims that the 11-plus was biased in favour of middle-class children remain controversial. However, strong evidence exists that the outcome of streaming was that, grammar schools were attended by middle-class children while secondary modern schools were attended by working-class children; the most academically able of students in secondary modern schools found that their potential progression to university and advanced post-secondary studies was constrained by limitations within their schools, the wider educational system and access to higher external examinations.

The'baby boomer' generation was affected during the period 1957 to 1970 because grammar-school places had not been sufficiently increased to accommodate the large bulge in student numbers which entered secondary schools during this period. As a result, cut-off standards on the Eleven Plus Examination for entry into grammar schools rose and many students who would, in earlier years, have been streamed into grammar schools were instead sent to secondary modern schools. Although parity of esteem between this and the other sections of the Tripartite System had been planned, in practice the secondary modern came to be seen as the school for failures; those who had "failed" their eleven plus were sent there to learn rudimentary skills before advancing to factory or menial jobs. Secondary moderns prepared students for the CSE examination, rather than the more prestigious O Level, although training for the latter was established in years, fewer than one in ten students took advantage of it. Secondary moderns did not offer schooling for the A Level, in 1963, for instance, only 318 former secondary-modern pupils sat A levels.

None went on to university. Grammar schools were funded at a higher per-student level than secondary modern schools. Secondary moderns were deprived of both resources and good teachers; the Newsom Report of 1963 reported on education for these children, found that in some schools in slum areas of London 15-year-old pupils were sitting on furniture intended for primary schools. Staff turnover was continuity in teaching minimal. Not all secondary moderns were as bad, but they did suffer from neglect by authorities; the interaction of the outcome of 11-plus streaming and better funding of grammar schools produced the result that middle-class children experienced better resourced schools offering superior future educational and vocational options while working-class children experienced comparatively inferior schools offering more limited prospects for educational and vocational progress. This reinforced class divisions in subsequent vocational ac