Total fertility rate
The total fertility rate, sometimes called the fertility rate, absolute/potential natality, period total fertility rate, or total period fertility rate of a population is the average number of children that would be born to a woman over her lifetime if: She was to experience the exact current age-specific fertility rates through her lifetime, She was to survive from birth to the end of her reproductive life. It is obtained by summing the single-year age-specific rates at a given time; the TFR is a synthetic rate, not based on the fertility of any real group of women since this would involve waiting until they had completed childbearing. Nor is it based on counting up the total number of children born over their lifetime. Instead, the TFR is based on the age-specific fertility rates of women in their "child-bearing years", which in conventional international statistical usage is ages 15–44 or 15–49; the TFR is, therefore, a measure of the fertility of an imaginary woman who passes through her reproductive life subject to all the age-specific fertility rates for ages 15–49 that were recorded for a given population in a given year.
The TFR represents the average number of children a woman would have, were she to fast-forward through all her childbearing years in a single year, under all the age-specific fertility rates for that year. In other words, this rate is the number of children a woman would have if she was subject to prevailing fertility rates at all ages from a single given year, survives throughout all her childbearing years. An alternative fertility measure is the net reproduction rate, which measures the number of daughters a woman would have in her lifetime if she were subject to prevailing age-specific fertility and mortality rates in the given year; when the NRR is one each generation of women is reproducing itself. The NRR is less used than the TFR, the United Nations stopped reporting NRR data for member nations after 1998, but the NRR is relevant where the number of male babies born is high due to gender imbalance and sex selection. This is a significant factor in world population, due to the high level of gender imbalance in the populous nations of China and India.
The gross reproduction rate, is the same as the NRR, except that—like the TFR—it ignores life expectancy. The TFR is a better index of fertility than the crude birth rate because it is independent of the age structure of the population, but it is a poorer estimate of actual completed family size than the total cohort fertility rate, obtained by summing the age-specific fertility rates that applied to each cohort as they aged through time. In particular, the TFR does not predict how many children young women now will have, as their fertility rates in years to come may change from those of older women now. However, the TFR is a reasonable summary of current fertility levels; the TPFR is affected by a tempo effect—if age of childbearing increases while the age of childbearing is increasing, TPFR will be lower, the age of childbearing stops increasing, the TPFR will increase though the life cycle fertility has been unchanged. In other words, the TPFR is a misleading measure of life cycle fertility when childbearing age is changing, due to this statistical artifact.
This is a significant factor such as the Czech Republic and Spain in the 1990s. Some measures seek to adjust for this timing effect to gain a better measure of life-cycle fertility. Replacement fertility is the total fertility rate at which women give birth to enough babies to sustain population levels. If there were no mortality in the female population from birth to the end of the childbearing years, the replacement level of TFR would be close to 2.1. The replacement fertility rate is indeed only above 2.0 births per woman for most industrialized countries, but ranges from 2.5 to 3.3 in developing countries because of higher mortality rates child mortality. The global average for the replacement total fertility rate was 2.33 children per woman in 2003. The term "lowest-low fertility" is defined as TFR at or below 1.3. This is characteristic of some Eastern Southern European and East Asian countries. In 2001, more than half of the population of Europe lived in countries with lowest-low TFR, but TFRs have since increased there.
A population that maintained a TFR of 3.8 over an extended period without a correspondingly high death or emigration rate would increase whereas a population that maintained a TFR of 2.0 over a long time would decrease, unless it had a large enough immigration. However, it may take several generations for a change in the total fertility rate to be reflected in birth rate, because the age distribution must reach equilibrium. For example, a population that has dropped below replacement-level fertility will continue to grow, because the recent high fertility produced large numbers of young couples who would now be in their childbearing years; this phenomenon carries forward for several generations and is called population momentum, population inertia or population-lag effect. This time-lag effect is of great importance to the growth rates of human populations. TFR and long term population growth rate, g, are related. For a population structure in a steady state and with zero migration, g equal
Seasonal migration in Niger
Seasonal migration, locally called the Exode, plays an important part of the economic and cultural life of the West African nation of Niger. While it is a common practice in many nations, Niger sees as much as a third of its rural population travel for seasonal labour, during the Sahelian nation's long dry season. Common patterns of seasonal travel have been built up over hundreds of years, destinations and work vary by community and ethnic group. About 78% of the 14 million people in Niger are engaged in crop or livestock agriculture, many in small rural villages operating at subsistence levels; as a solution to both the variability of harvests in the dry Sahel and a way to earn currency, Nigerien communities seek alternate and seasonal sources of income. Each year, during the dry season following harvest, men from many communities in rural Niger travel for temporary work; that process, called the Exode takes place between January and April in Niger, but it is a process common to many other nations of West Africa.
Different ethnic and regional communities have traveled to different areas. The patterns are in part inherited from precolonial trade networks. Areas in the north of the country, where stock raising is more common, see around 20% of the total population migrate for season work, but in the south, dominated by small farming communities, as much as a third of the population travels for seasonal work. While some women to take part, most who take part in the Nigerien Exode are men between 15 and 40 years old. Certain communities have traditions of women traveling for seasonal work both domestically and abroad, but it is purely a male preserve in others. Most men travel outside Niger, but cities like Maradi and Niamey will see a large seasonal influx seeking labor; the major destinations remain Nigeria, which shares large Hausa ethnic communities with Niger, the former French colonies of Côte d'Ivoire, Togo and Burkina Faso. In southern destinations, agricultural work is available long after the season has passed in Niger, cities offer a variety of casual labor.
The famines of the 1960s–1980s Sahel drought helped to cement such seasonal migration patterns. Men from a community will travel together to the same towns on each year, many to the same areas that their fathers had traveled. For many in rural communities that pursue subsistence farming, that provides most of their yearly cash income and is thus a crucial element of the rural economy, but it is not counted in the formal economy of Niger. Cash earned is spent abroad for necessities such as clothing, carried back at the end of the season, or sent via friends and clan or ethnic networks. A 2008 study found that not only most migrant workers never use of banks or money transfer systems but the Exode period is a time that men will take out informal loans against their expected seasonal earnings. Men on Exode may bring back sexually transmitted diseases from their season abroad; that has been flagged as a potential vector for HIV/AIDS to enter Niger, which has one of the lowest infection rates in the world.
Measles outbreaks still occur in Niger, in part because of the low vaccination rate and in part due from the transhumance seasonal migration of semi-nomadic herding populations. Sporadic outbreaks in Nigerien communities were found to have occurred beginning at the end of the rainy season, when many rural populations begin seasonal migration pattern, with traveling children missing their vital second immunization booster against the disease. Zarma-Songhai men travel to Ghana and Burkina Faso, retracing a pattern of migration recorded from at least the 17th century, when Zarma soldiers were recruited to fight for the small kingdoms in what is now northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso; the trade networks that resulted from the migration survived throughout the colonial period, they allowed Djerma a way of escaping to British-controlled Gold Coast Colony during times of onerous French forced labour under the Indigénat as well as in times of drought in the 1910s, 1930s and 1940s. The example of the Zarrma-Songhai of Niger's migration to the former Gold Coast Colony is memorably portrayed by French filmmaker Jean Rouch in his film "Jaguar".
For the film and accompanying academic study, Rouch joins an urban educated Songhai, a Sorko fisherman, a Fula herdsman who travel from the Niger river town of Ayorou to Accra and Kumasi. The Songhai finds work with other Songhai in an Accra lumber market, the Sorko fishes the coast among Ewe fishermen to finance a small business in Accra, the Fula finds a job selling perfumes with a family member in Kumasi market. Hausa communities in Niger send men south to Nigeria during the Exode, not only to majority-Hausa areas in the north of the nation but to large cities such as Lagos that contain networks of Hausa immigrants. Hausa immigrant communities, as far afield as Ghana provide a focus for Nigerien seasonal migration. During the late pre-colonial and the early colonial period, Hausa communities saw frequent labor migrations to escape rule by states linked to the Sokoto Caliphate to the south and the French to the north and west. Fula communities, scattered across all of West Africa, provide a frame for Nigerien Wodaabe-Fula seasonal labor networks as far afield as Abidjan in Côte d'Ivoire and Lagos in Nigeria.
Wodaabe women are more to travel for seasonal work migration than other gr
The Fula people or Fulani or Fulɓe, numbering between 38 and 40 million people in total, are one of the largest ethnic groups in the Sahel and West Africa dispersed across the region. Inhabiting many countries, they live in West Africa and northern parts of Central Africa but in, South Sudan and regions near the Red Sea coast. A significant proportion of the Fula – a third, or an estimated 12 to 13 million – are pastoralists, making them the ethnic group with the largest nomadic pastoral community in the world; the majority of the Fula ethnic group consisted of semi-sedentary people as well as sedentary settled farmers, artisans and nobility. As an ethnic group, they are bound together by their history and their culture. More than 90% of the Fula are Muslims; the Fulas are leaders in many West African countries. These include the president of Muhammadu Buhari, they are leaders in International Institutions such as the Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, Amina J. Mohammed. There are many names used in other languages to refer to the Fulɓe.
Fulani in English is borrowed from the Hausa term. Fula, from Manding languages, is used in English, sometimes spelled Fulah or Fullah. Fula and Fulani are used in English, including within Africa; the French borrowed the Wolof term Pël, variously spelled: Peul and Peuhl. More the Fulfulde / Pulaar term Fulɓe, a plural noun has been Anglicised as Fulbe, gaining popularity in use. In Portuguese, the terms Fula or Futafula are used; the terms Fallata Fallatah or Fellata are of Kanuri origins, are the ethnonyms by which Fulani people are identified by in parts of Chad and in Sudan. The Fula people are distributed, across the Sahel from the Atlantic coast to the Red Sea in West Africa; the countries where they are present include Mauritania, Senegal, the Gambia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau, Ivory Coast, Chad, South Sudan the Central African Republic, as far east as the Red Sea in Sudan and Egypt. With the exception of Guinea, where the Fula make up the largest ethnic group, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, Fulas are either a significant or a minority ethnic group in nearly all other countries they live in.
Alongside, many speak other languages of the countries they inhabit, making many Fulani bilingual or trilingual in nature. Such languages include French, Bambara and Arabic. Major concentrations of Fulani people exist in the Fouta Djallon highlands of central Guinea and south into the northernmost reaches of Sierra Leone; this is the area known as the Fombina meaning "The South" in Adamawa Fulfulde, because it represented the most southern and eastern reaches of Fulɓe hegemonic dominance in West Africa. In this area, Fulfulde is the local lingua franca, language of cross cultural communication. Further east of this area, Fulani communities become predominantly nomadic, exist at less organized social systems; these are the areas of the Chari-Baguirmi Region and its river systems, in Chad and the Central African Republic, the Ouaddaï highlands of Eastern Chad, the areas around Kordofan and the Blue Nile, Kassala regions of Sudan, as well as the Red Sea coastal city of Port Sudan. The Fulani on their way to or back from the pilgrimage to Mecca, Saudi Arabia, settled in many parts of eastern Sudan, today representing a distinct community of over 2 million people referred to as the Fellata.
While their early settlements in West Africa were in the vicinity of the tri-border point of present-day Mali and Mauritania, they are now, after centuries of gradual migrations and conquests, spread throughout a wide band of West and Central Africa. The Fulani People occupy a vast geographical expanse located in a longitudinal East-West band south of the Sahara, just north of the coastal rain forest and swamps. There are an estimated 20-25 million Fulani people. There are three different types of Fulani based on settlement patterns, viz: the Nomadic/Pastoral or Mbororo, The Semi-Nomadic and the Settled or "Town Fulani"; the pastoral Fulani move around with their cattle throughout the year. They do not stay around, for long stretches; the semi-nomadic Fulani can either be Fulɓe families who happen to settle down temporarily at particular times of the year, or Fulɓe families who do not "browse" around past their immediate surroundings, though they possess livestock, they do not wander away from a fixed or settled homestead not too far away, they are "In-betweeners".
Settled Fulani live in villages and cities permanently and have given u
Tillabéri is an administrative Region in Niger. Tillabéri Region was created in 1992, when Niamey Region was split, with the area outside Niamey renamed as the capital district; the region of Tillabéri is bounded to the north by the Republic of Mali, to the east by the regions of Tahoua and Dosso, to the south by Benin and to the west by Burkina Faso. The Niamey Capital District built around the Niger River; the region has a large network of watershed, centered on the Niger river with several seasonal and permanent watercourses. The W National Park of Niger is located in the extreme south of the region and extends to Burkina Faso and Benin; the northwestern part of the region have a savannah type fauna. Tillabéri is divided into 6 departments: Filingue Department Kollo Department Ouallam Department Say Department Téra Department Tillaberi DepartmentTillabéri has the following foreign borders, including Niger's only border with Burkina Faso: Gao Region, Mali - north Oudalan Province, Burkina Faso - west, north of Séno Séno Province, Burkina Faso - west, south of Oudalan and north of Yagha Yagha Province, Burkina Faso - southwest, south of Séno and north of Komondjari Komondjari Province, Burkina Faso - southwest, south of Yagha and northwest of Tapoa Tapoa Province, Burkina Faso - south, southeast of Komondjari Alibori Department, Benin - southeastDomestically, it borders the following departments: Dosso Region - east Tahoua Region - northeastTillabéri surrounds the capital district of Niamey.
The economy of the region of Tillabéri is based primary on agriculture and fishery production. However, Tillabéri is rich in mineral resources and becoming attractive for future mining investments. In 2004, the first gold mine in Téra began operation. In addition, the region of Tillabéri has great touristic potential with W Park, the Niger river and many more attractions. Based on data from the National Statistics Institute of Niger, The region of Tillaberi is 1st producer of rice, 5th for sorghum, 5th for millet, 3rd for corn, 5th for black-eyed peas and 5th in peanut in 2011 among regions, it is an important livestock producer and the 1st producer of cattle with recorded 2087 thousand cattle heads in 2011. Although the Niger river is crossing through this region, it is only the 3rd producer of fishery products with 637 thousand tonnes in 2011; the region of Tillabéri is home to the Samira Hill Gold Mine in Tera. In addition to gold, the region is rich in iron ore with estimated reserves of 650 million tonnes in Say.
In 2004, long well-known gold deposits in Téra resulted in the first gold mine in Niger, the Samira Hill Gold Mine. The mine was owned by the government of Niger and a Canadian/Moroccan consortia; the region of Tillabéri has many tourist sites. One of these sites is the W National Park of Niger, classified as a World Heritage by UNESCO; the park, co-managed by Benin and Burkina Faso, offers a wide variety of fona and flora on side located in Niger. There are 15 touristic sites in the region according to Government publications: 5 in Flingué, 4 in Kollo, 2 in Ouallam, 1 in Say, 2 in Téra and 1 in Tillabéri; the region has a modest hospitality infrastructure with 137 rooms. Departments of Niger Regions of Niger Communes of Niger
The Hausa are the largest ethnic group in Africa and the second largest language after Arabic in the Afroasiatic family of languages. The Hausa are a diverse but culturally homogeneous people based in the Sahelian and the sparse savanna areas of southern Niger and northern Nigeria numbering over 70 million people with significant indegenized populations in Cameroon, Central African Republic, Republic of the Congo, Ivory Coast, Togo, Sudan, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and the Gambia Predominantly Hausa-speaking communities are scattered throughout West Africa and on the traditional Hajj route north and east traversing the Sahara, with an large population in and around the town of Agadez. Other Hausa have moved to large coastal cities in the region such as Lagos, Port Harcourt, Abidjan and Cotonou as well as to parts of North Africa such as Libya over the course of the last 5,000 years; the Hausa, traditionally live in small villages as well as in precolonial towns and cities where they grow crops, raise livestock including cattle as well as engage in trade, both local and long distance across Africa.
They speak an Afro-Asiatic language of the Chadic group. The Hausa aristocracy had developed an equestrian based culture. Still a status symbol of the traditional nobility in Hausa society, the horse still features in the Eid day celebrations, known as Ranar Sallah. Daura city is the cultural centre of the Hausa people; the town predates all the other major Hausa towns in culture. The Hausa have in the last 500 years criss crossed the vast African landscape in all its four corners for varieties of reasons ranging from military service, long distance trade, performance of hajj, fleeing from oppressive kings and feudalism as well as spreading Islam; the table below shows Hausa ethnic population distribution by country of indegenization: Daura, in northern Nigeria, is the oldest city of Hausaland. The Hausa of Gobir in northern Nigeria, speak the oldest surviving classical vernacular of the language. Katsina was the centre of Hausa Islamic scholarship but was replaced by Sokoto stemming from the 17th century Usman Dan Fodio Islamic reform.
The Hausa are culturally and closest to other Sahelian ethnic groups the Fula. All of these various ethnic groups among and around the Hausa live in the vast and open lands of the Sahel and Sudanian regions, as a result of the geography and the criss crossing network of traditional African trade routes, have had their cultures influenced by their Hausa neighbours, as noted by T. L. Hodgkin “The great advantage of Kano is that commerce and manufactures go hand in hand, that every family has a share in it. There is something grand about this industry, which spreads to the north as far as Murzuk and Tripoli, to the West, not only to Timbuctu, but in some degree as far as the shores of the Atlantic, the inhabitants of Arguin dressing in the cloth woven and dyed in Kano. In clear testimony to T. L Hodgkin's claim, the people of Agadez and Saharan areas of central Niger, the Tuareg and the Hausa groups are indistinguishable from each other in their traditional clothing, but the two groups differ in language and preferred beasts of burden.
Other Hausa have mixed with ethnic groups southwards such as the Yoruba of old Oyo and Igbirra in the northern fringes of the forest belt and in similar fashion to their Sahelian neighbors have influenced the cultures of these groups. Islamic Shari’a law is loosely the law of the land in Hausa areas, well understood by any Islamic scholar or teacher, known in Hausa as a m'allam, mallan or malam; this pluralist attitude toward ethnic-identity and cultural affiliation has enabled the Hausa to inhabit one of the largest geographic regions of non-Bantu ethnic groups in Africa. The Nok culture appeared in Northern Nigeria around 1000 BC and vanished under unknown circumstances around 300 AD in the region of West Africa, it is believed to be the product of an ancestral nation that branched to create the Hausa, the people of Gwandara language, Kanuri, Nupe peoples, The Kwatarkwashi Culture of Tsafe or Chafe in present day Zamfara State located to the North west of Nok is thought to be the same as or an earlier ancestor of the Nok.
Nok's social system is thought to have been advanced. The Nok culture is considered to be the earliest sub-Saharan producer of life-sized Terracotta; the refinement of this culture is attested to by the image of a Nok dignitary at the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. The dignitary is portrayed wearing a "crooked baton" The dignitary is portrayed sitting with flared nostrils, an open mouth suggesting performance. Other images show figures on horseback. Iron use, in smelting and forging for tools, appears in Nok culture in Africa at least by 550 BC and earlier. Christoph
Gurma is an ethnic group living in Burkina Faso, around Fada N'Gourma, in northern areas of Togo and Benin, as well as southwestern Niger. They number 1,750,000, they might include the Bassaries who live in northern Togo and the Northern Volta of Kingdom of Dagbon, Ghana. Gurma is the name of a language spoken by the Gurma people, part of the Gur language family. See Gurmanchema language and Oti-Volta languages for related languages spoken by the Gurma. In 1985, Dr. Richard Alan Swanson wrote a book about these people, Gourmantché Ethnoanthropology: A Theory of Human Being; the book presents Gourmantché perception of'human being' from the perspective of the people themselves, using their own language texts to illustrate concepts. Concepts of God, the body, life and all known terms for human body parts are discussed. In 2006, in Burkina Faso, Salif Titamba Lankoande published a book on the History and Ethnography of the Gourmantché. In 2012, the Portuguese Dr. João Pedro Galhano Alves, published in Paris a book on the Gourmantché people and culture, on the Ethnobiology of the coexistence among humans and biodiversity in the region of the W of Niger, in Niger.
Since 2005, he published other books and several articles about this subject and about Gourmantché people. This publications are the result of research fieldwork made by the author in the W of Niger, between 2002 and 2010. In 2010 and 2011, the Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales, from the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas presented a public exhibition based on the research works of this Anthropologist and Ethnobiologist, showing his main data and concepts, a selection of his photographic archive and his collection of ethnographic and ethnobiological objects collected in several research fields. João Pedro Galhano Alves, "Humans and biodiversity in the W of Niger; the Gourmantché culture”, “Bajo el Árbol de la Palabra: Resistencias y Transformaciones entre lo Local y lo Global”, Libro del Congreso, 8º Congreso Ibérico de Estudios Africanos, Grupo de Estudios Africanos, Facultad de Derecho, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 14-16 Junio 2012, Madrid, 2012, pp. 269–270. João Pedro Galhano Alves, "Gourmantché philosophy.
Speaking with the “spiritual beings” of nature’. A study in Niger W region”, “Bajo el Árbol de la Palabra: Resistencias y Transformaciones entre lo Local y lo Global”, Libro del Congreso, 8º Congreso Ibérico de Estudios Africanos, Grupo de Estudios Africanos, Facultad de Derecho, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 14-16 Junio 2012, Madrid, 2012, pp. 270–271. João Pedro Galhano Alves, "Anthropologie et écosystèmes au Niger. Humains, lions et esprits de la forêt dans la culture gourmantché ", Editions l’Harmattan, Paris, 2012, 448 p. João Pedro Galhano Alves, "Antropología y ecosistemas. Vivir en biodiversidad total con leones, tigres o lobos. India – Niger - Portugal", Gobierno de España, Ministerio de Ciencia y Innovación de España, Ministerio de Medio Ambiente, Rural y Marino de España, Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales de España, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas de España, Fondo Europeo Agrícola de Desarrollo Rural, Unión Europea, Madrid, 2011, 168 p. João Pedro Galhano Alves, Soumaïla Mordia Wali, "Coexistence among humans and biodiversity in the W of Niger”, “People makes places.
Ways of feeling the world”, The 10th congress of the International Society of Ethnology and Folklore, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Panel 315, “Conflicts and perceptions of environment in Natural Protected Areas”, 17–21 April 2011, Lisboa, 2011, p. 248. João Pedro Galhano Alves, "Viver com leões. A coexistência entre humanos e biodiversidade no W do Níger. Os Gourmantché”, Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia, Sociedade Portuguesa de Antropologia e de Etnologia, Vol. 49, Porto, 2009, pp. 57–77. João Pedro Galhano Alves, "The artificial simulacrum world; the geopolitical elimination of communitary land use and its effects on our present global condition”, Eloquent Books, New York, 2009, 71 p. João Pedro Galhano Alves, "From land to a simulacrum world. A coexistência entre humanos e biodiversidade no W do Níger. Os Gourmantché”, Livro do IV Congresso da Associação Portuguesa de Antropologia, Classificar o Mundo, 9-11 Setembro 2009, Associação Portuguesa de Antropologia, Lisboa, 2009, p. 251.
João Pedro Galhano Alves, "Viver com leões. A coexistência entre humanos e biodiversidade no W do Níger. Os Gourmantché”, Programa do IV Congresso da Associação Portuguesa de Antropologia, Classificar o Mundo, 9-11 Setembro 2009, Associação Portuguesa de Antropologia, Lisboa, 2009, p. 45. João Pedro Galhano Alves, “Li
The Toubou, or Tubu, are an ethnic group inhabiting northern Chad, southern Libya, northeastern Niger and northwestern Sudan. They live either as farmers near oases, their society is clan-based, with each clan having certain oases and wells. The Toubou are divided into two related groups: the Teda and the Dazagra, they are believed to share a common origin and speak two related languages called Tedaga and Dazaga, both Nilo-Saharan languages. The Toubou people speak the Tebu languages, which are from the Saharan branch of the Nilo-Saharan language family; the Teda of the Toubou live in the far north of Chad, around the borders of Libya and Niger and the Tibesti Mountains. The Dazagra people are found in northern part of eastern Niger and northwestern Sudan. Of the two groups, the Dazagra, found to the south of the Teda, are more numerous with a population of 1,500,000, while the Teda number only 750,000; the Toubou people are referred to as the Tabu, Tebou, Tibbu, Todga, Tubu, Tuda and Umbararo people.
The Dazaga are sometimes referred to as Gouran, an Arabian exonym. Many of Chad's leaders have been Toubou, including President Goukouni Oueddei; the Toubou people have lived in northern Chad, northeastern Niger, southern Libya. They have sometimes been called the "black nomads of the Sahara", they are distributed across a large area in the central Sahara, as well as the north-central Sahel. They are found north of the Tibesti mountains, which in Old Tebu means "Rocky Mountains." Their name is derived from this. The Teda are found in the Sahara regions around the borders of southeast Libya, northeast Niger and northern Chad, they consider themselves a warrior people. The Dazagra are spread over much of north-central Chad; the Dazagra consist of numerous clans. Some major clans of the Dazagara, or Gouran, include the Anakaza, Donza, Kamaya, Kokorda, Wanja and Choraga; the Dazagra cover the northern regions of Bourkou, the Ennedi Plateau, the Tibesti Mountains and Bahr el Gazel in the south. There is a diaspora community of several thousand Dazaga living in Omdurman, Sudan and a couple of thousand working in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
The ancient history of the Toubou people is unclear. They may be related to the'Ethiopians' mentioned by Herodotus in 430 BCE, as a people being hunted by Garamantes, but this is speculative, as Jean Chapelle argues. In Islamic literature, their earliest mention as the Tubu people is that along with the Zaghawa people in an 8th-century text by Arabic scholar Ibn Qutaybah; the 9th century al-Kuwarizmi's mentions the Daza people. Toubou life centres on raising and herding their livestock, or on farming the scattered oases where they cultivate dates and grain and legumes, their herds include dromedaries, cattle and sheep. The livestock is a major part of their wealth, they trade the animals; the livestock is used as a part of dowry payment during marriage, either as one where the groom’s family agrees to pay to the bride’s family in exchange for the bride, or, states Catherine Baroin, it is given by the bride's kin to supply the young couple with economic resources in order to start a family. In a few places, the Toubou mine salt and natron, a salt like substance, essential in nearly all components of Toubou life from medicinal purposes, as a mixture in chewing tobacco, tanning, soap production and for livestock.
Literacy rates among the Toubou are quite low. Many Toubou people still follow a nomadic pastoralist lifestyle; those who prefer a settled life live in palm-thatched, rectangular or cylindrical mud houses. The Toubou are patrilineal, with an elder male heading the lineage; the second order of Toubou kinship is to the clan. According to Jean Chapelle, a professor of History specializing in Chadian ethnic groups, the clan system developed out of necessity. Nomadic life means being scattered throughout a region. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Although the maternal clan does not occupy the central place of the parental clan, it provides ties; the third factor is protective relationships at the primary residence. Despite shared linguistic heritage, few institutions among the Toubou generate a broader sense of identity than the clan. Regional divisions do exist, however. During the colonial period, Chadian administrations have conferred legality and legitimacy on these regional groupings by dividing the Toubou and Daza regions into corresponding territorial units called cantons and appointing chiefs to administer them.
Toubou legal customs are based on Islamic law, that allows restitution and revenge. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the murderer. Toubou honour requires that someone from the victim's family try to kill a relative. Reconciliation follows the payment of the Goroga, or blood money. Among the Tomagra clan of the Teda people in the Tibesti region, there is a derde, recognized as the clan judge, arbitrates conflict and levies sanctions; the Toubou people, states Jean Chapelle, have been stratified with an embedded caste system. The three strata have consisted of the freemen with a right to own prope