Arabic is a Central Semitic language that first emerged in Iron Age northwestern Arabia and is now the lingua franca of the Arab world. It is named after the Arabs, a term used to describe peoples living in the area bounded by Mesopotamia in the east and the Anti-Lebanon mountains in the west, in northwestern Arabia, in the Sinai Peninsula. Arabic is classified as a macrolanguage comprising 30 modern varieties, including its standard form, Modern Standard Arabic, derived from Classical Arabic; as the modern written language, Modern Standard Arabic is taught in schools and universities, is used to varying degrees in workplaces and the media. The two formal varieties are grouped together as Literary Arabic, the official language of 26 states, the liturgical language of the religion of Islam, since the Quran and Hadith were written in Arabic. Modern Standard Arabic follows the grammatical standards of Classical Arabic, uses much of the same vocabulary. However, it has discarded some grammatical constructions and vocabulary that no longer have any counterpart in the spoken varieties, has adopted certain new constructions and vocabulary from the spoken varieties.
Much of the new vocabulary is used to denote concepts that have arisen in the post-classical era in modern times. Due to its grounding in Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic is removed over a millennium from everyday speech, construed as a multitude of dialects of this language; these dialects and Modern Standard Arabic are described by some scholars as not mutually comprehensible. The former are acquired in families, while the latter is taught in formal education settings. However, there have been studies reporting some degree of comprehension of stories told in the standard variety among preschool-aged children; the relation between Modern Standard Arabic and these dialects is sometimes compared to that of Latin and vernaculars in medieval and early modern Europe. This view though does not take into account the widespread use of Modern Standard Arabic as a medium of audiovisual communication in today's mass media—a function Latin has never performed. During the Middle Ages, Literary Arabic was a major vehicle of culture in Europe in science and philosophy.
As a result, many European languages have borrowed many words from it. Arabic influence in vocabulary, is seen in European languages Spanish and to a lesser extent Portuguese, Catalan, owing to both the proximity of Christian European and Muslim Arab civilizations and 800 years of Arabic culture and language in the Iberian Peninsula, referred to in Arabic as al-Andalus. Sicilian has about 500 Arabic words as result of Sicily being progressively conquered by Arabs from North Africa, from the mid-9th to mid-10th centuries. Many of these words relate to related activities; the Balkan languages, including Greek and Bulgarian, have acquired a significant number of Arabic words through contact with Ottoman Turkish. Arabic has influenced many languages around the globe throughout its history; some of the most influenced languages are Persian, Spanish, Kashmiri, Bosnian, Bengali, Malay, Indonesian, Punjabi, Assamese, Sindhi and Hausa, some languages in parts of Africa. Conversely, Arabic has borrowed words from other languages, including Greek and Persian in medieval times, contemporary European languages such as English and French in modern times.
Classical Arabic is the liturgical language of 1.8 billion Muslims, Modern Standard Arabic is one of six official languages of the United Nations. All varieties of Arabic combined are spoken by as many as 422 million speakers in the Arab world, making it the fifth most spoken language in the world. Arabic is written with the Arabic alphabet, an abjad script and is written from right to left, although the spoken varieties are sometimes written in ASCII Latin from left to right with no standardized orthography. Arabic is a Central Semitic language related to the Northwest Semitic languages, the Ancient South Arabian languages, various other Semitic languages of Arabia such as Dadanitic; the Semitic languages changed a great deal between Proto-Semitic and the establishment of the Central Semitic languages in grammar. Innovations of the Central Semitic languages—all maintained in Arabic—include: The conversion of the suffix-conjugated stative formation into a past tense; the conversion of the prefix-conjugated preterite-tense formation into a present tense.
The elimination of other prefix-conjugated mood/aspect forms in favor of new moods formed by endings attached to the prefix-conjugation forms. The development of an internal passive. There are several features which Classical Arabic, the modern Arabic varieties, as well as the Safaitic and Hismaic inscriptions share which are unattested in any other Central Semitic language variety, including the Dadanitic and Taymanitic languages of the northern Hejaz; these features are evidence of common descent from Proto-Arabic. The following features can be reconstructed with confidence for Proto-Arabic: negative particles m *mā.
Russian orthography is formally considered to encompass spelling and punctuation. Russian spelling, quite phonemic in practice, is a mix of the morphological and phonetic principles, with a few etymological or historic forms, occasional grammatical differentiation; the punctuation based on Byzantine Greek, was in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries reformulated on the French and German models. The IPA transcription attempts to reflect vowel reduction; the sounds that are presented are those of the standard language. Russian is written with a modern variant of the Cyrillic script. Russian spelling avoids arbitrary digraphs. Except for the use of hard and soft signs, which have no phonetic value in isolation but can follow a consonant letter, one phoneme is never represented with more than one letter. Under the morphological principle, the morphemes are attached without modification. For example, the long adjective шарикоподшипниковый, sharikopodshipnikoviy may be decomposed as follows: Note again that each component in the final production retains its basic form, despite the vowel reduction.
The phonetic assimilation of consonant clusters does not violate the morphological principle of the spelling. For example, the decomposition of счастье, is as follows: Note the assimilation with ⟨сч⟩- so that it represents the same sound as ⟨щ⟩-; the spelling <щастие> was common among the literati in the eighteenth century, but is frowned upon today. The phonetic principle implies that: all morphemes are written as they are pronounced in isolation, without vowel reduction, Church Slavonic style, or, more taking inflexion into account; this may be reflected orthographically. For example, for the prefix/preposition без'without':certain roots and prefixes do have their vowel modified in individual cases to reflect historical changes in pronunciation as a result of being unstressed, or conversely, stressed. In practice, this applies to -⟨o⟩- /o/ changing to -⟨a⟩- or, alternations between the allophonic vowels and:borrowed words are spelled as transliterations ignoring actual pronunciation until they become more nativized.
This is why double consonants are retained from original spelling when their pronunciation is not geminated. In addition, unpalatalized consonants are followed by ⟨е⟩ rather than ⟨э⟩. Pronunciation may deviate from normal phonological rules. For example, unstressed /o/ is pronounced or, but радио is pronounced, with an unstressed final; the fact that Russian has retained much of its ancient phonology has made the historical or etymological principle less relevant. Because the spelling has been adjusted to reflect the changes in the pronunciation of the yers and to eliminate letters with identical pronunciation, the only systematic examples occur in some foreign words and in some of the inflectional endings, both nominal and verbal, which are not always written as they are pronounced. For example: The grammatical principle has become stronger in contemporary Russian, it specifies conventional orthographic forms to mark grammatic distinctions. Some of these rules are ancient, could be considered etymological.
Some characteristic examples follow. For nouns ending in a sibilant -⟨ж⟩ /ʐ/, -⟨ш⟩ /ʂ/, -⟨щ⟩ /ɕː/, -⟨ч⟩ /t͡ɕ/, a soft sign ⟨ь⟩ is appended in the nominative singular if the gender is feminine, is not appended if masculine: Neither of the aforementioned consonants has phonemically distinct palatalized and unpalatalized variants. Hence, the use of ⟨ь⟩ in these examples is not to indicate a different pronunciation, but to help distinguish different grammatical genders. A common noun ending in a consonant without -⟨ь⟩ is masculine while a noun ending in -⟨ь⟩ is feminine. Though based on common ancient etymology, by which a hard sign ъ was appended to masculine nouns before 1918, both symbols having once been pronounced as ultra-short or reduced yers, the modern rule is grammatical, because its application has been made more nearly universal; the past passive participle has a doubled -⟨нн⟩- /nn/, the same word used as an adjective has a single -⟨н⟩- /n/: This rule is guided by pronunciation, but the geminated pronunciation is not universal.
This rule is therefore con
The term phonation has different meanings depending on the subfield of phonetics. Among some phoneticians, phonation is the process by which the vocal folds produce certain sounds through quasi-periodic vibration; this is the definition used among those who study laryngeal anatomy and physiology and speech production in general. Phoneticians in other subfields, such as linguistic phonetics, call this process voicing, use the term phonation to refer to any oscillatory state of any part of the larynx that modifies the airstream, of which voicing is just one example. Voiceless and supra-glottal phonations are included under this definition; the phonatory process, or voicing, occurs when air is expelled from the lungs through the glottis, creating a pressure drop across the larynx. When this drop becomes sufficiently large, the vocal folds start to oscillate; the minimum pressure drop required to achieve phonation is called the phonation threshold pressure, for humans with normal vocal folds, it is 2–3 cm H2O.
The motion of the vocal folds during oscillation is lateral, though there is some superior component as well. However, there is no motion along the length of the vocal folds; the oscillation of the vocal folds serves to modulate the pressure and flow of the air through the larynx, this modulated airflow is the main component of the sound of most voiced phones. The sound that the larynx produces is a harmonic series. In other words, it consists of a fundamental tone accompanied by harmonic overtones, which are multiples of the fundamental frequency. According to the source–filter theory, the resulting sound excites the resonance chamber, the vocal tract to produce the individual speech sounds; the vocal folds will not oscillate if they are not sufficiently close to one another, are not under sufficient tension or under too much tension, or if the pressure drop across the larynx is not sufficiently large. In linguistics, a phone is called voiceless. In speech, voiceless phones are associated with vocal folds that are elongated tensed, placed laterally when compared to vocal folds during phonation.
Fundamental frequency, the main acoustic cue for the percept pitch, can be varied through a variety of means. Large scale changes are accomplished by increasing the tension in the vocal folds through contraction of the cricothyroid muscle. Smaller changes in tension can be effected by contraction of the thyroarytenoid muscle or changes in the relative position of the thyroid and cricoid cartilages, as may occur when the larynx is lowered or raised, either volitionally or through movement of the tongue to which the larynx is attached via the hyoid bone. In addition to tension changes, fundamental frequency is affected by the pressure drop across the larynx, affected by the pressure in the lungs, will vary with the distance between the vocal folds. Variation in fundamental frequency is used linguistically to produce tone. There are two main theories as to how vibration of the vocal folds is initiated: the myoelastic theory and the aerodynamic theory; these two theories are not in contention with one another and it is quite possible that both theories are true and operating to initiate and maintain vibration.
A third theory, the neurochronaxic theory, was in considerable vogue in the 1950s, but has since been discredited. The myoelastic theory states that when the vocal cords are brought together and breath pressure is applied to them, the cords remain closed until the pressure beneath them, the subglottic pressure, is sufficient to push them apart, allowing air to escape and reducing the pressure enough for the muscle tension recoil to pull the folds back together again; the pressure builds up once again until the cords are pushed apart, the whole cycle keeps repeating itself. The rate at which the cords open and close, the number of cycles per second, determines the pitch of the phonation; the aerodynamic theory is based on the Bernoulli energy law in fluids. The theory states that when a stream of breath is flowing through the glottis while the arytenoid cartilages are held together, a push-pull effect is created on the vocal fold tissues that maintains self-sustained oscillation; the push occurs during glottal opening, when the glottis is convergent, the pull occurs during glottal closing, when the glottis is divergent.
Such an effect causes a transfer of energy from the airflow to the vocal fold tissues which overcomes losses by dissipation and sustain the oscillation. The amount of lung pressure needed to begin phonation is defined by Titze as the oscillation threshold pressure. During glottal closure, the air flow is cut off until breath pressure pushes the folds apart and the flow starts up again, causing the cycles to repeat; the textbook entitled Myoelastic Aerodynamic Theory of Phonation by Ingo Titze credits Janwillem van den Berg as the originator of the theory and provides detailed mathematical development of the theory. This theory states that the frequency of the vocal fold vibration is determined by the chronaxie of the recurrent nerve, not by breath pressure or muscular tension. Advocates of this theory thought that every single vibration of the vocal folds was due to an impulse from the recurrent laryngeal nerves and that the acoustic center in the brain regulated the speed of vocal fold vibration.
Speech and voice scientists have long since left this theory as the muscles have been shown to not be able to contract fast enough to accomplish the vibration. In addition, persons with paralyzed vocal folds can produce phonation, whic
International Phonetic Alphabet
The International Phonetic Alphabet is an alphabetic system of phonetic notation based on the Latin alphabet. It was devised by the International Phonetic Association in the late 19th century as a standardized representation of the sounds of spoken language; the IPA is used by lexicographers, foreign language students and teachers, speech-language pathologists, actors, constructed language creators and translators. The IPA is designed to represent only those qualities of speech that are part of oral language: phones, phonemes and the separation of words and syllables. To represent additional qualities of speech, such as tooth gnashing and sounds made with a cleft lip and cleft palate, an extended set of symbols, the extensions to the International Phonetic Alphabet, may be used. IPA symbols are composed of one or more elements of two basic types and diacritics. For example, the sound of the English letter ⟨t⟩ may be transcribed in IPA with a single letter, or with a letter plus diacritics, depending on how precise one wishes to be.
Slashes are used to signal broad or phonemic transcription. Letters or diacritics are added, removed or modified by the International Phonetic Association; as of the most recent change in 2005, there are 107 letters, 52 diacritics and four prosodic marks in the IPA. These are shown in the current IPA chart, posted below in this article and at the website of the IPA. In 1886, a group of French and British language teachers, led by the French linguist Paul Passy, formed what would come to be known from 1897 onwards as the International Phonetic Association, their original alphabet was based on a spelling reform for English known as the Romic alphabet, but in order to make it usable for other languages, the values of the symbols were allowed to vary from language to language. For example, the sound was represented with the letter ⟨c⟩ in English, but with the digraph ⟨ch⟩ in French. However, in 1888, the alphabet was revised so as to be uniform across languages, thus providing the base for all future revisions.
The idea of making the IPA was first suggested by Otto Jespersen in a letter to Paul Passy. It was developed by Alexander John Ellis, Henry Sweet, Daniel Jones, Passy. Since its creation, the IPA has undergone a number of revisions. After revisions and expansions from the 1890s to the 1940s, the IPA remained unchanged until the Kiel Convention in 1989. A minor revision took place in 1993 with the addition of four letters for mid central vowels and the removal of letters for voiceless implosives; the alphabet was last revised in May 2005 with the addition of a letter for a labiodental flap. Apart from the addition and removal of symbols, changes to the IPA have consisted of renaming symbols and categories and in modifying typefaces. Extensions to the International Phonetic Alphabet for speech pathology were created in 1990 and adopted by the International Clinical Phonetics and Linguistics Association in 1994; the general principle of the IPA is to provide one letter for each distinctive sound, although this practice is not followed if the sound itself is complex.
This means that: It does not use combinations of letters to represent single sounds, the way English does with ⟨sh⟩, ⟨th⟩ and ⟨ng⟩, or single letters to represent multiple sounds the way ⟨x⟩ represents /ks/ or /ɡz/ in English. There are no letters that have context-dependent sound values, as do "hard" and "soft" ⟨c⟩ or ⟨g⟩ in several European languages; the IPA does not have separate letters for two sounds if no known language makes a distinction between them, a property known as "selectiveness". Among the symbols of the IPA, 107 letters represent consonants and vowels, 31 diacritics are used to modify these, 19 additional signs indicate suprasegmental qualities such as length, tone and intonation; these are organized into a chart. The letters chosen for the IPA are meant to harmonize with the Latin alphabet. For this reason, most letters modifications thereof; some letters are neither: for example, the letter denoting the glottal stop, ⟨ʔ⟩, has the form of a dotless question mark, derives from an apostrophe.
A few letters, such as that of the voiced pharyngeal fricative, ⟨ʕ⟩, were inspired by other writing systems. Despite its preference for harmonizing with the Latin script, the International Phonetic Association has admitted other letters. For example, before 1989, the IPA letters for click consonants were ⟨ʘ⟩, ⟨ʇ⟩, ⟨ʗ⟩, ⟨ʖ⟩, all of which were derived either from existing IPA letters, or from Latin and Greek letters. However, except for ⟨ʘ⟩, none of these letters were used among Khoisanists or Bantuists, as a result they were replaced by the more widespread symbols ⟨ʘ⟩, ⟨ǀ⟩, ⟨ǃ⟩, ⟨ǂ⟩, ⟨ǁ⟩ at the IPA Kiel Convention in 1989. Although the IPA diacritics are featural, there is little systemicity in the letter forms. A retroflex articulation is indicated with a right-swinging tail, as in ⟨ɖ ʂ ɳ⟩, implosion by a top hook, ⟨ɓ ɗ ɠ⟩, but other pseudo-featural elements are due to haphazard derivation and coincidence. For example, all nasal consonants but uvular ⟨ɴ⟩ are based on the form ⟨n⟩: ⟨m ɱ n ɳ ɲ ŋ⟩.
However, the similarity between ⟨m⟩ and ⟨n⟩ is a historical accident. Some of the new letters were ordinary Latin letters tu
Afrikaans is a West Germanic language spoken in South Africa, Namibia and, to a lesser extent and Zimbabwe. It evolved from the Dutch vernacular of South Holland spoken by the Dutch settlers of what is now South Africa, where it began to develop distinguishing characteristics in the course of the 18th century. Hence, it is a daughter language of Dutch, was referred to as "Cape Dutch" or "kitchen Dutch". However, it is variously described as a creole or as a creolised language; the term is derived from Dutch Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". Although Afrikaans has adopted words from other languages, including German and the Khoisan languages, an estimated 90 to 95% of the vocabulary of Afrikaans is of Dutch origin. Therefore, differences with Dutch lie in the more analytic-type morphology and grammar of Afrikaans, a spelling that expresses Afrikaans pronunciation rather than standard Dutch. There is a large degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages—especially in written form.
With about 7 million native speakers in South Africa, or 13.5% of the population, it is the third-most-spoken language in the country. It has the widest geographical and racial distribution of all the 11 official languages of South Africa, is spoken and understood as a second or third language, it is the majority language of the western half of South Africa—the provinces of the Northern Cape and Western Cape—and the first language of 75.8% of Coloured South Africans, 60.8% of White South Africans. In addition, many native speakers of Bantu languages and English speak Afrikaans as a second language, it is taught with about 10.3 million second-language students. One reason for the expansion of Afrikaans is its development in the public realm: it is used in newspapers, radio programs, TV, several translations of the Bible have been published since the first one was completed in 1933. In neighbouring Namibia, Afrikaans is spoken as a second language and used as a lingua franca, while as a native language it is spoken in 10.4% of households concentrated in the capital Windhoek, Walvis Bay and the southern regions of Hardap and ǁKaras.
It, along with German, was among the official languages of Namibia until the country became independent in 1990, 25% of the population of Windhoek spoke Afrikaans at home. Both Afrikaans and German are recognised regional languages in Namibia, although only English has official status within the government. Estimates of the total number of Afrikaans speakers range between 23 million; the term is derived from the Dutch term Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". An estimated 90 to 95% of the Afrikaans lexicon is of Dutch origin, there are few lexical differences between the two languages. Afrikaans has a more regular morphology and spelling. There is a degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages in written form. Afrikaans acquired some lexical and syntactical borrowings from other languages such as Malay, Khoisan languages and Bantu languages, Afrikaans has been influenced by South African English. Dutch speakers are confronted with fewer non-cognates when listening to Afrikaans than the other way round.
Mutual intelligibility thus tends to be asymmetrical, as it is easier for Dutch speakers to understand Afrikaans than for Afrikaans speakers to understand Dutch. In general, mutual intelligibility between Dutch and Afrikaans is better than between Dutch and Frisian or between Danish and Swedish; the South African poet writer Breyten Breytenbach, attempting to visualize the language distance for anglophones once remarked that the differences between Dutch and Afrikaans are comparable to those between the Received Pronunciation and Southern American English. The Afrikaans language arose in the Dutch Cape Colony, through a gradual divergence from European Dutch dialects, during the course of the 18th century; as early as the mid-18th century and as as the mid-20th century, Afrikaans was known in standard Dutch as a "kitchen language", lacking the prestige accorded, for example by the educational system in Africa, to languages spoken outside Africa. Other early epithets setting apart Kaaps Hollands as putatively beneath official Dutch standards included geradbraakt and onbeschaafd Hollands, as well as verkeerd Nederlands.
Den Besten theorizes that modern Standard Afrikaans derives from two sources: Cape Dutch, a direct transplantation of European Dutch to southern Africa, and'Hottentot Dutch', a pidgin that descended from'Foreigner Talk' and from the Dutch pidgin spoken by slaves, via a hypothetical Dutch creole. Thus in his view Afrikaans is neither a creole nor a direct descendant of Dutch, but a fusion of two transmission pathways. A relative majority of the first settlers whose descendants today are the Afrikaners were from the United Provinces, though up to one-sixth of the community was of French Huguenot origin, a seventh from Germany. African and Asian workers and slaves contributed to the development of Afrikaans; the slave population was made up of people from East Africa, West Africa, India and the Dutch East Indies. A number were indigenous Khoisan people, who were valued as i
The Romanian alphabet is a variant of the Latin alphabet used by the Romanian language. It is a modification of the classical Latin alphabet and consists of 31 letters, five of which have been modified from their Latin originals for the phonetic requirements of the language: The letters Q, W, Y were formally introduced in the Romanian alphabet in 1982, although they had been used earlier, they occur only in foreign words and their Romanian derivatives, such as quasar and yacht. The letter K, although older, is rarely used and appears only in proper names and international neologisms such as kilogram, karate; these four letters are still perceived as foreign, which explains their usage for stylistic purposes in words such as nomenklatură. In cases where the word is a direct borrowing having diacritical marks not present in the above alphabet, official spelling tends to favor their use. Romanian spelling is phonemic without silent letters; the table below gives the correspondence between letters and sounds.
Some of the letters have several possible readings if allophones are not taken into account. When vowels /i/, /u/, /e/, /o/ are changed into their corresponding semivowels, this is not marked in writing. Letters K, Q, W, Y appear only in foreign borrowings. * See Comma-below versus cedilla. Romanian orthography does not use accents or diacritics – these are secondary symbols added to letters to alter their pronunciation or to distinguish between words. There are, five special letters in the Romanian alphabet which are formed by modifying other Latin letters. Ă ă — a with breve – for the sound /ə/ Â â — a with circumflex – for the sound /ɨ/ Î î — i with circumflex – for the sound /ɨ/ Ș ș — s with comma – for the sound /ʃ/ Ț ț — t with comma – for the sound /t͡s/The letter â is used in the middle of words. Writing letters ș and ț with a cedilla instead of a comma is considered incorrect by the Romanian Academy. Romanian writings, including books created to teach children to write, treat the comma and cedilla as a variation in font.
See Unicode and HTML below. The letters î and â are phonetically and functionally identical; the reason for using both of them is historical, denoting the language's Latin origin. For a few decades until a spelling reform in 1904, as many as four or five letters had been used for the same phoneme, according to an etymological rule. All were used to represent the vowel /ɨ/, toward which the original Latin vowels written with circumflexes had converged; the 1904 reform saw only two letters remaining, â and î, the choice of which followed rules that changed several times during the 20th century. During the first half of the century the rule was to use î in word-initial and word-final positions, â everywhere else. There were exceptions, imposing the use of î in internal positions when words were combined or derived with prefixes or suffixes. For example the adjective urît "ugly" was written with î because it derives from the verb a urî "to hate". In 1953, during the Communist era, the Romanian Academy eliminated the letter â, replacing it with î everywhere, including the name of the country, to be spelled Romînia.
The first stipulation coincided with the official designation of the country as a People's Republic, which meant that its full title was Republica Populară Romînă. A minor spelling reform in 1964 brought back the letter â, but only in the spelling of român "Romanian" and all its derivatives, including the name of the country; as such, the Socialist Republic proclaimed in 1965 is associated with the spelling Republica Socialistă România. Soon after the fall of the Ceaușescu government, the Romanian Academy decided to reintroduce â from 1993 onward, by canceling the effects of the 1953 spelling reform and reverting to the 1904 rules; the move was publicly justified as the rectification either of a Communist assault on tradition, or of a Soviet influence on the Romanian culture, as a return to a traditional spelling that bears the mark of the language's Latin origin. The political context at the time, was that the Romanian Academy was regarded as a Communist and corrupt institution — Nicolae Ceaușescu and his wife Elena had been its honored members, membership had been controlled by the Communist Party.
As such, the 1993 spelling reform was seen as an attempt of the Academy to break with its Communist past. The Academy invited the national community of linguists as well as foreign linguists specialized in Romanian to discuss the problem. According to the 1993 reform, the choice between î and â is thus again based on a rule, neither etymological nor phonological, but positional and morphological; the sound is always spelled as â, except at the beginning and t
Manner of articulation
In articulatory phonetics, the manner of articulation is the configuration and interaction of the articulators when making a speech sound. One parameter of manner is stricture, that is, how the speech organs approach one another. Others include those involved in the r-like sounds, the sibilancy of fricatives; the concept of manner is used in the discussion of consonants, although the movement of the articulators will greatly alter the resonant properties of the vocal tract, thereby changing the formant structure of speech sounds, crucial for the identification of vowels. For consonants, the place of articulation and the degree of phonation of voicing are considered separately from manner, as being independent parameters. Homorganic consonants, which have the same place of articulation, may have different manners of articulation. Nasality and laterality are included in manner, but some phoneticians, such as Peter Ladefoged, consider them to be independent. Manners of articulation with substantial obstruction of the airflow are called obstruents.
These are prototypically voiceless, but voiced obstruents are common as well. Manners without such obstruction are called sonorants. Voiceless sonorants are uncommon, but are found in Welsh and Classical Greek, in Standard Tibetan, the "wh" in those dialects of English that distinguish "which" from "witch". Sonorants may be called resonants, some linguists prefer that term, restricting the word'sonorant' to non-vocoid resonants. Another common distinction is between continuants. From greatest to least stricture, speech sounds may be classified along a cline as stop consonants, fricative consonants and vowels. Affricates behave as if they were intermediate between stops and fricatives, but phonetically they are sequences of a stop and fricative. Over time, sounds in a language may move along this cline toward less stricture in a process called lenition, or towards more stricture in a process called fortition. Sibilants are distinguished from other fricatives by the shape of the tongue and how the airflow is directed over the teeth.
Fricatives at coronal places of articulation may be sibilant or non-sibilant, sibilants being the more common. Flaps are similar to brief stops. However, their articulation and behavior are distinct enough to be considered a separate manner, rather than just length; the main articulatory difference between flaps and stops is that, due to the greater length of stops compared to flaps, a build-up of air pressure occurs behind a stop which does not occur behind a flap. This means that when the stop is released, there is a burst of air as the pressure is relieved, while for flaps there is no such burst. Trills involve the vibration of one of the speech organs. Since trilling is a separate parameter from stricture, the two may be combined. Increasing the stricture of a typical trill results in a trilled fricative. Trilled affricates are known. Nasal airflow may be added as an independent parameter to any speech sound, it is most found in nasal occlusives and nasal vowels, but nasalized fricatives and approximants are found.
When a sound is not nasal, it is called oral. Laterality is the release of airflow at the side of the tongue; this can be combined with other manners, resulting in lateral approximants, lateral flaps, lateral fricatives and affricates. Stop, an oral occlusive, where there is occlusion of the oral vocal tract, no nasal air flow, so the air flow stops completely. Examples include English /p t k/ and /b d ɡ/. If the consonant is voiced, the voicing is the only sound made during occlusion. What we hear as a /p/ or /k/ is the effect that the onset of the occlusion has on the preceding vowel, as well as the release burst and its effect on the following vowel; the shape and position of the tongue determine the resonant cavity that gives different stops their characteristic sounds. All languages have stops. Nasal, a nasal occlusive, where there is occlusion of the oral tract, but air passes through the nose; the shape and position of the tongue determine the resonant cavity that gives different nasals their characteristic sounds.
Examples include English /m, n/. Nearly all languages have nasals, the only exceptions being in the area of Puget Sound and a single language on Bougainville Island. Fricative, sometimes called spirant, where there is continuous frication at the place of articulation. Examples include etc.. Most languages have fricatives, though many have only an /s/. However, the Indigenous Australian languages are completely devoid of fricatives of any kind. Sibilants are a type of fricative where the airflow is guided by a groove in the tongue toward the teeth, creating a high-pitched and distinctive sound; these are by far the most common fricatives. Fricatives at coronal places of articulation are though not always, sibilants. English sibilants include /s/ and /z/. Lateral fricatives are a rare type of fricative, where the frication occurs on one or both sides of the edge of th