Oxford University Press
Oxford University Press is the largest university press in the world, the second oldest after Cambridge University Press. It is a department of the University of Oxford and is governed by a group of 15 academics appointed by the vice-chancellor known as the delegates of the press, they are headed by the secretary to the delegates, who serves as OUP's chief executive and as its major representative on other university bodies. Oxford University has used a similar system to oversee OUP since the 17th century; the Press is located on opposite Somerville College, in the suburb Jericho. The Oxford University Press Museum is located on Oxford. Visits are led by a member of the archive staff. Displays include a 19th-century printing press, the OUP buildings, the printing and history of the Oxford Almanack, Alice in Wonderland and the Oxford English Dictionary; the university became involved in the print trade around 1480, grew into a major printer of Bibles, prayer books, scholarly works. OUP took on the project that became the Oxford English Dictionary in the late 19th century, expanded to meet the ever-rising costs of the work.
As a result, the last hundred years has seen Oxford publish children's books, school text books, journals, the World's Classics series, a range of English language teaching texts. Moves into international markets led to OUP opening its own offices outside the United Kingdom, beginning with New York City in 1896. With the advent of computer technology and harsh trading conditions, the Press's printing house at Oxford was closed in 1989, its former paper mill at Wolvercote was demolished in 2004. By contracting out its printing and binding operations, the modern OUP publishes some 6,000 new titles around the world each year; the first printer associated with Oxford University was Theoderic Rood. A business associate of William Caxton, Rood seems to have brought his own wooden printing press to Oxford from Cologne as a speculative venture, to have worked in the city between around 1480 and 1483; the first book printed in Oxford, in 1478, an edition of Rufinus's Expositio in symbolum apostolorum, was printed by another, printer.
Famously, this was mis-dated in Roman numerals as "1468", thus pre-dating Caxton. Rood's printing included John Ankywyll's Compendium totius grammaticae, which set new standards for teaching of Latin grammar. After Rood, printing connected with the university remained sporadic for over half a century. Records or surviving work are few, Oxford did not put its printing on a firm footing until the 1580s. In response to constraints on printing outside London imposed by the Crown and the Stationers' Company, Oxford petitioned Elizabeth I of England for the formal right to operate a press at the university; the chancellor, Robert Dudley, 1st Earl of Leicester, pleaded Oxford's case. Some royal assent was obtained, since the printer Joseph Barnes began work, a decree of Star Chamber noted the legal existence of a press at "the universitie of Oxforde" in 1586. Oxford's chancellor, Archbishop William Laud, consolidated the legal status of the university's printing in the 1630s. Laud envisaged a unified press of world repute.
Oxford would establish it on university property, govern its operations, employ its staff, determine its printed work, benefit from its proceeds. To that end, he petitioned Charles I for rights that would enable Oxford to compete with the Stationers' Company and the King's Printer, obtained a succession of royal grants to aid it; these were brought together in Oxford's "Great Charter" in 1636, which gave the university the right to print "all manner of books". Laud obtained the "privilege" from the Crown of printing the King James or Authorized Version of Scripture at Oxford; this "privilege" created substantial returns in the next 250 years, although it was held in abeyance. The Stationers' Company was alarmed by the threat to its trade and lost little time in establishing a "Covenant of Forbearance" with Oxford. Under this, the Stationers paid an annual rent for the university not to exercise its full printing rights – money Oxford used to purchase new printing equipment for smaller purposes.
Laud made progress with internal organization of the Press. Besides establishing the system of Delegates, he created the wide-ranging supervisory post of "Architypographus": an academic who would have responsibility for every function of the business, from print shop management to proofreading; the post was more an ideal than a workable reality, but it survived in the loosely structured Press until the 18th century. In practice, Oxford's Warehouse-Keeper dealt with sales and the hiring and firing of print shop staff. Laud's plans, hit terrible obstacles, both personal and political. Falling foul of political intrigue, he was executed in 1645, by which time the English Civil War had broken out. Oxford became a Royalist stronghold during the conflict, many printers in the city concentrated on producing political pamphlets or sermons; some outstanding mathematical and Orientalist works emerged at this time—notably, texts edited by Edward Pococke, the Regius Professor of Hebrew—but no university press on Laud's model was possible before the Restoration of the Monarchy in 1660.
It was established by the vice-chancellor, John Fell, Dean of Christ Church, Bishop of Oxford, Secretary to the Delegates. Fell regarded Laud as a martyr, was determined to honour his vision of the Press. Using the provisions of the Great Charter, Fell persuaded Oxford to refuse any further payments from the Stationers and drew
South Sudan known as the Republic of South Sudan, is a landlocked country in East-Central Africa. The country gained its independence from the Republic of the Sudan in 2011, making it the newest country with widespread recognition, its capital and largest city is Juba. South Sudan is bordered by Sudan to the north, Ethiopia to the east, Kenya to the southeast, Uganda to the south, the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the southwest and the Central African Republic to the west, it includes the vast swamp region of the Sudd, formed by the White Nile and known locally as the Bahr al Jabal, meaning "Mountain Sea". Sudan was occupied by Egypt under the Muhammad Ali dynasty and was governed as an Anglo-Egyptian condominium until Sudanese independence in 1956. Following the First Sudanese Civil War, the Southern Sudan Autonomous Region was formed in 1972 and lasted until 1983. A second Sudanese civil war soon broke out; that year, southern autonomy was restored when an Autonomous Government of Southern Sudan was formed.
South Sudan became an independent state on 9 July 2011, following 98.83% support for independence in a January 2011 referendum. South Sudan has a population of 12 million of the Nilotic peoples. Christianity is the majority religion. In September 2017 the UN Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict said that half of South Sudan's inhabitants are under 18 years old, it is a member of the United Nations, the African Union, the East African Community and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. In July 2012, South Sudan signed the Geneva Conventions. South Sudan has suffered ethnic violence and has been in a civil war since 2013; as of 2018, South Sudan ranks third lowest in the latest UN World Happiness Report, has the highest score on the American Fund for Peace's Fragile States Index. The Nilotic people of South Sudan—the Acholi, Bari, Nuer, Shilluk and others—first entered South Sudan sometime before the 10th century coinciding with the fall of medieval nubia. During the period from the 15th to the 19th centuries, tribal migrations from the area of Bahr el Ghazal, brought the Anyuak, Dinka and Shilluk to their modern locations of both Bahr El Ghazal and Upper Nile Regions, while the Acholi and Bari settled in Equatoria.
The Azande, Mundu and Baka, who entered South Sudan in the 16th century, established the region's largest state of Equatoria Region. The Dinka are the largest, Nuer the second largest, the Azande the third-largest and the Bari are the fourth-largest ethnic group in the country, they are found in the Maridi and Tombura districts in the tropical rainforest belt of Western Equatoria, the Adio of Azande client in Yei, Central Equatoria and Western Bahr el Ghazal. In the 18th century, the Avungara sib rose to power over the rest of Azande society and this domination continued into the 20th century. Geographical barriers, including the swamplands along the White Nile and the British preference for sending Christian missionaries to the southern regions, including its Closed District Ordinance of 1922, helped to prevent the spread of Islam to the southerners, thus enabling them to retain their social and cultural heritage, as well as their political and religious institutions; the major reasons include the long history of British policy preference toward developing the Arab north and its ignoring the Black south.
After Sudan's first independent elections in 1958, the continued ignoring of the south by Khartoum led to uprisings and the longest civil war on the continent. As of 2012, peoples include Acholi, Azande, Balanda Bviri, Boya, Dinka, Kaligi, Lotuka, Murie, Nuer, Shilluk and Zande. Slavery had been an institution of Sudanese life throughout history; the slave trade in the south intensified in the 19th century, continued after the British had suppressed slavery in much of sub-Saharan Africa. Annual Sudanese slave raids into non-Muslim territories resulted in the capture of countless thousands of southern Sudanese, the destruction of the region's stability and economy; the Azande have had good relations with the neighbors, namely the Moru, Mundu, Pöjulu, Avukaya and the small groups in Bahr el Ghazal, due to the expansionist policy of their king Gbudwe, in the 18th century. In the 19th century, the Azande fought the French, the Belgians and the Mahdists to maintain their independence. Egypt, under the rule of Khedive Ismail Pasha, first attempted to control the region in the 1870s, establishing the province of Equatoria in the southern portion.
Egypt's first governor was Samuel Baker, commissioned in 1869, followed by Charles George Gordon in 1874 and by Emin Pasha in 1878. The Mahdist Revolt of the 1880s destabilized the nascent province, Equatoria ceased to exist as an Egyptian outpost in 1889. Important settlements in Equatoria included Lado, Gondokoro and Wadelai. European colonial maneuverings in the region came to a head in 1898, when the Fashoda Incident occurred at present-day Kodok. In 1947, British hopes to join South Sudan with Uganda, as well as leaving Western Equatoria as part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, were dashed by the Rajaf Conference to unify North and South Sudan. South Sudan has an estimated population of 8 million, given the lack of a census in several decades, this estimate may be distorted; the economy relies chiefly on subsistence farming. Around 2005, the economy began a transition from this rural dominance, urban areas within South Suda
The Nuer people are a Nilotic ethnic group inhabiting the Nile Valley. They are concentrated in South Sudan, with some found in southwestern Ethiopia, they speak the Nuer language. As one of the largest ethnic groups in southern Sudan, the Nuer people are pastoralist who herd cattle for a living; the cattle of the Nuer people serve as a lifestyle. However, they refer to themselves as "Nath"; the Nuer people have been under-counted as a result of the semi-nomadic lifestyle in which the community engages, as well as a lack of proper national census information about the community. In addition, the Nuer have a culture of counting only older members of the family. For example, the Nuer believes that counting the number of children one has could result in misfortune and the community prefer to report fewer number of children when in fact they have many children; the nature of relations among the various southern Sudanese tribes was affected in the 19th century by the intrusion of the British. Some ethnic groups made their accommodation with the colonizers and others did not, in effect pitting one southern ethnic group against another in the context of foreign rule.
For example, some sections of the Dinka supported colonial rule, resisted by the Nuer. The Dinka treated the resisting Nuer as hostile, hostility developed between the two groups as a result of their differing relationships to the British. There are different accounts of the origin of the conflict between the Nuer and the Dinka, South Sudan's two largest ethnic groups. Anthropologist Peter J. Newcomer suggests that neither the Nuer nor the Dinka are intrusive and that the Nuer are Dinka, he argues that hundreds of years of population growth created expansion, which led to raids and wars. In 2006, the Nuer were the tribe. Members of the Nuer White Army, a group of armed youths autonomous of tribal elders' authority, refused to lay down their weapons, which led SPLA soldiers to confiscate Nuer cattle, destroying their economy; the White Army was put down in mid-2006, though a successor organisation self-styling itself as a White Army formed in 2011 to fight the Murle tribe, as well as the Dinka and UNMISS.
Cattle have been of the highest symbolic and economic value among the Nuer. Sharon Hutchinson notes that "...among Nuer people the difference between people and cattle were continually underplayed." Cattle are important in their role as bride wealth, where they are given by a husband's lineage to his wife's lineage. It is this exchange of cattle which ensures that the children will be considered to belong to the husband's lineage and to his line of descent; the classical Nuer institution of ghost marriage, in which a man can "father" children after his death, is based on this ability of cattle exchanges to define relations of kinship and descent. In their turn, cattle given over to the wife's patrilineage enable the male children of that patrilineage to marry, thereby ensure the continuity of her patrilineage. A barren woman can take a wife of her own, whose children become members of her patrilineage, she is and culturally their father, allowing her to participate in reproduction in a metaphorical sense.
The life of the Nuer people depends on cattle which has shaped them into being a pastoralist group, but sometimes they are known to resort to horticulture as well. If they weren't threatened by the numerous diseases cattle could catch they would rely on pastoralism. Due to the seasons of harsh weather, the Nuer move around time after time to ensure that their primary source of living is safe, they tend to travel when heavy seasons of rainfall come to protect the cattle from getting hoof disease, or when there is a scarcity of resources for the cattle. British anthropologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard noted: “They depend on the herds for their existence... Cattle are the thread that runs through Nuer institutions, rites of passage, politics and allegiances.“ If they didn't have cattle most of their traditions or other characteristics shaped by cattle in their culture would be altered. Cattle is their primary resource, they are able to structure their entire culture around cattle and still have. Times before development the Nuer used every single piece of cattle to their advantage.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard describes the characteristics that are revolved around cattle: Cattle helped evolve the Nuer culture into what it may be today, it has shaped the daily duties of the Nuer as they are seen to dedicate themselves to protecting and ensuring safety to the cattle. One can see their true dedication for cattle in times of bad health. For example, each month they place their faces into the ass of their cattle blowing air to relieve or keep them from constipation. Cattle are no good to the Nuer if they are constipated because they are restricted from producing primary resources that families need to survive. E. E. Evans-Pritchard learned that, "The importance of cattle in Nuer life and thought is further exemplified in personal names." They structure the names of their children off of biological features of the cattle themselves. E. E. Evans-Pritchard noted that, "I have indicated that this obsession—for such it seems to an outsider is due not only to the great economic value of cattle but to the fact that they are links in numerous social relationships."
All of their raw materials come from these cattle things such as drums, clothing, shields and leather goods. Ther
Ex nihilo is a Latin phrase meaning "out of nothing". It appears in conjunction with the concept of creation, as in creatio ex nihilo, meaning "creation out of nothing", chiefly in philosophical or theological contexts, but it occurs in other fields. In theology, the common phrase creatio ex nihilo, contrasts with creatio ex materia and creatio ex deo. Creatio continua is the ongoing divine creation; the phrase ex nihilo appears in the classical philosophical formulation ex nihilo nihil fit, which means "out of nothing comes nothing". When used outside of religious or metaphysical contexts, ex nihilo refers to something coming from nothing. For example, in a conversation, one might call a topic "ex nihilo" if it bears no relation to the previous topic of discussion. Ancient Near Eastern mythologies and classical creation myths in Greek mythology envisioned the creation of the world as resulting from the actions of a god or gods upon already-existing primeval matter, known as chaos. An early conflation of Greek philosophy with the narratives in the Hebrew Bible came from Philo of Alexandria, writing in the context of Hellenistic Judaism.
Philo equated the Hebrew creator deity, with Aristotle's primum movens in an attempt to prove that the Jews had held monotheistic views before the Greeks. However, this was still within the context of creation from pre-existing materials The classical tradition of creation from chaos first came under question in Hellenistic philosophy, which developed the idea that the primum movens must have created the world out of nothing. Theologians debate. Traditional interpreters argue on grammatical and syntactical grounds that this is the meaning of Genesis 1:1, rendered: "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth." They find further support for this view in New Testament passages such as Hebrews 11:3—"By faith we understand that the universe was created by the word of God, so that what is seen was not made out of things that are visible" and Revelation 4:11, "For you created all things, by your will they existed and were created." However, other interpreters understand creation ex nihilo as a second-century theological development.
According to this view, church fathers opposed notions appearing in pre-Christian creation myths and in Gnosticism—notions of creation by a demiurge out of a primordial state of matter. Jewish thinkers took up the idea, which became important to Judaism, to ongoing strands in the Christian tradition, and—as a corollary—to Islam; the first sentence of the Greek version of Genesis in the Septuagint starts with the words: ἐν ἀρχῇ ἐποίησεν, translatable as "in the beginning he made". A verse of 2 Maccabees expresses the following: "I beseech thee, my son, look upon the heaven and the earth, all, therein, consider that God made them of things that were not. While those who believe in ex nihilo point to God creating "things that were not", those who reject creation out of nothing point out that the context mentions the creation of man, "made from the dust" and not from "nothing". Many ancient texts tend to have similar issues, those on each side tend to interpret the text according to their understanding.
Max Weber summarizes a sociological view of the overall development and corollaries of the theological idea: As otherworldly expectations become important, the problem of the basic relationship of god to the world and the problem of the world's imperfections press into the foreground of thought. A major argument for creatio ex nihilo, the first cause argument, states in summary: everything that begins to exist has a cause the universe began to exist therefore, the universe must have a causeAn expansion of the first cause argument is the Kalam cosmological argument, which requires creatio ex nihilo: Everything that begins to exist has a cause The universe began to exist Therefore, the universe has a cause. If the universe has a cause an uncaused, personal creator of the universe exists, who without the universe is beginningless, immaterial, timeless and infinitely powerful. Therefore, an uncaused, personal creator of the universe exists, who without the universe is beginningless, immaterial, timeless and infinitely powerful.
Another argument for ex nihilo creation comes from Claude Nowell's Summum philosophy that states before anything existed, nothing existed, if nothing existed it must have been possible for nothing to be. If it is possible for nothing to be it must be possible for everything to be; some scholars have argued. Eric Voegelin detects in Hesiod's chaos a creatio ex nihilo; the School of Chartres understood the creation account in Plato's Timaeus to refer to creatio ex nihilo. In The
The Nilotic peoples are peoples indigenous to the Nile Valley who speak Nilotic languages, which constitute a large sub-group of the Nilo-Saharan languages spoken in South Sudan, Uganda and northern Tanzania. In a more general sense, the Nilotic peoples include all descendants of the original Nilo-Saharan speakers. Among these are the Luo, Maasai, Dinka, Shilluk and the Maa-speaking peoples, each of, a cluster of several ethnic groups; some ethnic groups in West Africa such as the Serer people of Senegal, the Gambia and Mauritania have been reported as being of Nilotic origin. The Nilotes constitute the majority of the population in South Sudan, an area, believed to be their original point of dispersal. After the Bantu peoples, they constitute the second-most numerous group of peoples inhabiting the African Great Lakes region around the Eastern Great Rift, they make up a notable part of the population of southwestern Ethiopia as well. The Nilote peoples adhere to Christianity and traditional faiths, including the Dinka religion.
The terms Nilotic and Nilote were used as racial sub-classifications, based on anthropological observations of the distinct body morphology of many Nilotic speakers. Twentieth-century social scientists have discarded such efforts to classify peoples according to physical characteristics, in favor of using linguistic studies to distinguish among peoples, they formed cultures based on shared language. Since the late 20th century, however and physical scientists are making use of data from population genetics. Nilotic and Nilote are now used to classify "Nilotic people" based on ethnic identification and linguistic families. Etymologically, the terms Nilotic and Nilote derive from the Nile Valley. Linguistically, Nilotic people are divided into three sub-groups: Eastern Nilotic - Spoken by Nilotic populations in southwestern Ethiopia, eastern South Sudan, northeastern Uganda, western Kenya and northern Tanzania. Includes languages like Turkana and Maasai. Bari Teso–Lotuko–Maa Southern Nilotic - Spoken by Nilotic populations in western Kenya, northern Tanzania and eastern Uganda.
Includes Kalenjin and Datog. Kalenjin Omotik–Datooga Western Nilotic - Spoken by Nilotic populations in South Sudan, northeastern Congo, northern Uganda, southwestern Kenya, northern Tanzania and southwestern Ethiopia. Includes Dinka and Luo. Dinka–Nuer Luo Nilotic people constitute the bulk of the population of South Sudan; the largest of the Sudanese Nilotic peoples are the Dinka, who have as many as twenty-five ethnic subdivisions. The next largest group are the Nuer, followed by the Shilluk; the Nilotic people in Uganda include the Luo, Ateker and Kumam. In East Africa, the Nilotes are subdivided into three general groups: The Plain Nilotes: they speak Maa languages and include the Maasai and Turkana The River Lake Nilotes: the Joluo, who are part of the larger Luo group The Highland Nilotes: subdivided into two groups, the Kalenjin and the Datog Kalenjin: Elgeyo, Marakwet, Pokot, Sabaot and Tugen Datog: represented by the Barabaig and small clusters of other Datog speakers A Proto-Nilotic unity, separate from an earlier undifferentiated Eastern Sudanic unity, is assumed to have emerged by the 3rd millennium BC.
The development of the Proto-Nilotes as a group may have been connected with their domestication of livestock. The Eastern Sudanic unity must have been earlier still around the 5th millennium BC; the original locus of the early Nilotic speakers was east of the Nile in what is now South Sudan. The Proto-Nilotes of the 3rd millennium BC were pastoralists, while their neighbors, the Proto-Central Sudanic peoples, were agriculturalists. Language evidence indicates an initial southward expansion out of the Nilotic nursery into far southern Sudan beginning in the second millennium B. C. the Southern Nilotic communities that participated in this expansion would reach western Kenya between 1000 and 500 B. C, their arrival occurred shortly before the introduction of iron to East Africa. Linguistic evidence shows that over time Nilotic speakers, such as the Dinka and Luo, took over; these groups spread from the Sudd marshlands, where archaeological evidence shows that a culture based on transhumant cattle raising had been present since 3000 BCE, the Nilotic culture in that area may thus be continuous to that date.
The Nilotic expansion from the Sudd Marshes into the rest of South Sudan seems to have begun in the 14th century. This coincides with the collapse of the Christian Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia and the penetration of Arab traders into central Sudan. From the Arabs the South Sudanese may have obtained new breeds of hump-less cattle. Archaeologist Roland Oliver notes that the period shows an Iron Age beginning among the Nilotics; these factors may explain. By the sixteenth century the most powerful group among the Nilotic speakers were the Cøllø, who spread east to the banks of the white Nile under the legendary leadership of Nyikang, said to have ruled Läg Cøllø c.1490 to c.1517. The Cøllø gained control of the west bank of the river as far north as Kosti in Sudan. There they established an economy based on cattle raising, cereal farming, fishing, with small villages located along the length of the river; the Cøllø developed an intensive system of agr
The Dinka people are a Nilotic ethnic group native to South Sudan, but having a sizable diaspora population. They live along the Nile, from Mangalla to Renk, in regions of Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile and Abyei Area of the Ngok Dinka in South Sudan; the Dinka live on traditional agriculture and pastoralism, relying on cattle husbandry as a cultural pride, not for commercial profit or for meat, but cultural demonstrations, marriages' dowries and milk feedings for all ages. The Dinka cultivate food crops and cash crops; the food crops are grains sorghum and millet. The cash crops include groundnuts and gum-arabic. Cattle are confined to riversides, the Sudd and grass areas during the dry season, but are taken to high grounds in order to avoid floods and water during the rainy season, they number around 4.5 million people according to the 2008 Sudan census, constituting about 18% of the population of the entire country, the largest ethnic tribe in South Sudan. Dinka, or as they refer to themselves and jieng, make up one of the branches of the River Lake Nilotes.
Dinka are sometimes noted for their height. With the Tutsi of Rwanda, they are believed to be the tallest people in Africa. Roberts and Bainbridge reported the average height of 182.6 cm in a sample of 52 Dinka Agaar and 181.3 cm in 227 Dinka Ruweng measured in 1953–1954. However, it seems the stature of today's Dinka males is lower as a consequence of undernutrition and conflicts. An anthropometric survey of Dinka men, war refugees in Ethiopia, published in 1995 found a mean height of 176.4 cm. Other studies of comparative historical height data and nutrition place the Dinka as the tallest people in the world; the Dinka people have no centralised political authority, instead comprising many independent but interlinked clans. Some of those clans traditionally provide ritual chiefs, known as the "masters of the fishing spear" or beny bith, who provide leadership for the entire people and appear to be at least in part hereditary, their language, called Dinka or "Thuɔŋjäŋ", is one of the Nilotic languages of the eastern Sudanic language family.
The name means "people" in the Dinka language. It is written using the Latin alphabet with a few additions. According to oral traditions the Dinka originated from the Gezira in. In medieval times this region was dominated by the kingdom of Alodia, a Christian, multi-ethnic empire dominated by Nubians. Living in its southern periphery and interacting with the Nubians, the Dinka absorbed a sizable amount of the Nubian vocabulary. From the 13th century, with the disintegration of Alodia, the Dinka began to migrate out of the Gezira, fleeing slave raids and other military conflicts as well as droughts; the Dinka's religions and lifestyle have led to conflict with the Arab Muslim government in Khartoum. The Sudan People's Liberation Army, led by late Dr. John Garang De Mabior, a Dinka, took arms against the government in 1983. During the subsequent 21-year civil war, many thousands of Dinka, along with fellow non-Dinka southerners, were massacred by government forces; the Dinka, led by Salva Kiir Mayardit, have engaged in a separate civil war with the Nuer and other groups who accuse them of monopolising power.
On November 15, 1991 the event known as the "Dinkas Massacre" commenced in South Sudan. Forces led by the breakaway faction of Riek Machar deliberately killed an estimated 2,000 civilians in Dinkas of Hol, Twic and others in villages and wounded several thousand more over the course of two months, it is estimated. Jieng People killed in 1991 tribal massacre were people of Khorfulus and Ngok Lual Yak where about 500 people were killed, over 7000 herds of cattle taken, thousand of houses burnt; the area however remained under the control of SPLA under the command of late General George Athor Deng who defeated Riek Machar's forces in Panyagor when he reinforced Wuor Mabior of Duk. Southern Sudan has been described as "a large basin sloping northward", through which flow the Bahr el Jebel River, the Bahr el Ghazal River and its tributaries, the Sobat, all merging into a vast barrier swamp. Vast Sudanese oil areas to the south and east are part of the flood plain, a basin in the southern Sudan into which the rivers of Congo, Uganda and Ethiopia drain off from an ironstone plateau that belts the regions of Bahr El Ghazal and Upper Nile.
The terrain can be divided into four land classes: Highlands: higher than the surrounding plains by only a few centimeters. Vegetation consists of open thorn open mixed woodland with grasses. Intermediate Lands: lie below the highlands subject to flooding from heavy rainfall in the Ethiopian and East/Central African highlands. Toic: land seasonally inundated or saturated by the main rivers and inland water-courses, retaining enough moisture throughout the dry season to support cattle grazing. Sudd: permanent swampland below the level of the toic. Ecology of large basin is unique; the Dinka'
The Shilluk are a major Luo Nilotic ethnic group of Southern Sudan, living on both banks of the river Nile, in the vicinity of the city of Malakal. Before the Second Sudanese Civil War the Shilluk lived in a number of settlements on the northern bank of the Sobat River, close to where the Sobat joins the Nile; the Shilluk are the third largest ethnic group of Southern Sudan, after the Dinka and their neighbours the Nuer. Their language is called dhøg being the Shilluk word for language and mouth, it belongs to the Luo branch of the Western Nilotic subfamily of Nilo-Saharan. The shilluk and the Anuak are the closest related members of the Luo Nilotic groups, many of the words in the shilluk language are made up of words from dha anywaa or the Anuak language; the Shilluk were led by a king Reth, considered to be from the divine lineage of the culture hero Nyikang, whose health is believed to affect that of the nation. Their society was hierarchical, with castes of royals, nobles and slaves. Like most Nilotic groups, cattle-raising formed a large part of their economy.
The Shilluk people created the Shilluk Kingdom. Most Shilluk have converted to Christianity, while some still follow the traditional religion or a mixture of the two; the Shilluk pride themselves in being one of the first Nilotic groups to accept Christianity, the other being the Anuak people. The Episcopal Church of the Sudan which dates the event to the late 19th Century when the Church Mission Society first began to send missionaries. Colonial policies and missionary movements have divided Shilluk into between the Catholic and Protestant denominations; the Catholic Church was assigned the western bank of the Nile and ran missions stations at Lul, Detwoc and Yoynyang, while the American Inland Mission ran a mission station at Doleib Hill, located to the south of Malakal on the eastern side of the Nile, but situated on the Sobat river. The Shilluk were a minority in the SPLM faction for most of the Second Sudanese Civil War, their number peaking in the late 1980s and the pre-ceasefire fighting in 2004.
During the summer of 2010, the Sudan People's Liberation Army, in an attempt to disarm the tribe and stop a local Shilluk rebellion, burned a number of villages and killed an untold number of civilians in South Sudan's Shilluk Kingdom. Over 10,000 people were displaced in the midst of the rainy season and sent fleeing into the forest naked, without bedding, shelter or food, with many children dying from hunger and cold. Violence has started again in April 2011 with a SPLA crackdown on rebel controlled regions. Shilluk and well as Nuba are the alleged victims. Corbett, Greville G.. Numbers. Cambridge, UK. Pp. 156–158. ISBN 0-521-64970-6; this section discusses number systems in Dhok-Chollo. The Shilluk people, their language and folklore The Gateway to Shilluk Community Library of Congress Photo of two Shilluk men, dated 1936 Mayhem in Sudan's Shilluk Kingdom