The Southern Cone is a geographic and cultural region composed of the southernmost areas of South America, south of and around the Tropic of Capricorn. Traditionally, it covers Argentina and Uruguay, bounded on the west by the Pacific Ocean and on the south by the junction between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, the continental area closest to Antarctica. In terms of social and political geography, the Southern Cone comprises Argentina, Chile and the Southern and Southeastern of Brazil. In its broadest definition, the Southern Cone includes southern Bolivia and Paraguay. High life expectancy, the highest Human Development Index of Latin America, high standard of living, low fertility rates, significant participation in the global markets and the emerging economy of its members make the Southern Cone the most prosperous macro-region in Latin America; the climates are temperate, but include humid subtropical, highland tropical, maritime temperate, sub-Antarctic temperate, highland cold and semi-arid temperate regions.
Except for northern regions of Argentina, the whole country of Paraguay, the Argentina-Brazil border and the interior of the Atacama desert, the region suffers from heat. In addition to that, the winter presents cool temperatures. Strong and constant wind and high humidity is; the Atacama is the driest place on Earth. One of the most peculiar plants of the region is the Araucaria tree, which can be found in Brazil and Argentina; the only native group of conifers found in the southern hemisphere had its origin in the Southern Cone. Araucaria angustifolia, once widespread in Southern Brazil, is now a critically endangered species, protected by law; the prairies region of central Argentina and southern Brazil is known as the Pampas. Central Chile has grading southward into oceanic climate; the Atacama and Monte deserts form a diagonal of arid lands separating the woodlands and pastures of La Plata basin from Central and Southern Chile. Apart from the desert diagonal, the north-south running Andes form a major divide in the Southern Cone and constitute, for most of its part in the southern cone, the Argentina–Chile border.
In the east the river systems of the La Plata basin form natural barriers and sea-lanes between Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. Besides sharing languages and colonial heritage, the residents of the states of the Southern Cone are avid players and fans of football, with top-notch teams competing in the sport. Argentina and Uruguay have both won the FIFA World Cup twice. Argentina, Chile and Brazil have all hosted the World Cup. Additionally, national teams from the region have won several Olympic medals in football. Football clubs from the Southern Cone countries have won large numbers of club competitions in South-American competitions, Pan-American competitions, world-FIFA Club World Cup-level competitions; the asado barbecue is a culinary tradition typical of the Southern Cone. The asado developed from the horsemen and cattle culture of the region, more from the gauchos of Argentina and Southern Brazil and the huasos of Chile. In the Southern Cone, horsemen are considered icons of national identity.
Mate is popular throughout the Southern Cone. In this area, there was extensive European immigration during the 19th- and 20th-centuries, with their descendants, have influenced the culture, social life and politics of these countries. In a social survey, residents rated their countries as'good places for gay or lesbian people to live. By contrast, fewer people in the following countries agreed: Bolivia and Peru; the overwhelming majority, including those of recent immigrant background, speak Spanish or Portuguese in the case of Southern Brazil. The Spanish-speaking countries of the Southern Cone are divided into two main dialects: Castellano Rioplatense, spoken in Argentina and Uruguay, where the accent and daily language is influenced by 19th-20th century Italian immigrants, has a particular intonation famously recognized by Spanish speakers from around the world, it is sometimes erroneously referred to as "Castellano Argentino/Argentinean Spanish" due to the majority of the speakers being Argentinians.
Preliminary research has shown that Rioplatense Spanish, has intonation patterns that resemble those of Italian dialects in the Naples region, differ markedly from the patterns of other forms of Spanish. Buenos Aires and Montevideo had a massive influx of Italian immigrant settlers from the mid-19th until mid-20th centuries. Researchers note that the development of this dialect is a recent phenomenon, developing at the beginning of the 20th century with the main wave of Italian immigration. Castellano Chileno These dialects share common traits, such as a number of Lunfardo and Quechua words. Other minor languages and dialects include Portuñol, a hybrid between Rioplatense and Brazilian Portuguese, spoken in Uruguay on the border with Brazil; some Native American groups in rural areas, continue to speak autochthonous languages, including Mapudungun, Quechua and Guarani. The first is
Lucio Cabañas Barrientos was a Mexican schoolteacher who became a revolutionary, albeit not a Marxist one. Cabañas regarded Emiliano Zapata as his role model and he never abandoned his Christian faith, as can be seen in Gerardo Tort's film documentary on him, he was born in El Porvenir, of Atoyac de Álvarez, in the state of Guerrero. He became politically active when he studied at the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers' College and was a leader of the local student union. In 1962 he was elected to the post of General Secretary of the Federation of Socialistic Peasant Students of Mexico; when he began work as a teacher, he mediated problems at other schools. When a rector of Juan Álvarez school in Atoyac demanded that all pupils wear school uniforms, Cabañas argued that some families were so poor they could hardly feed their children, not to mention buy school uniforms; the rector was fired but his supporters remained. When an 18 May 1967 strike action ended in shooting and deaths, Cabañas fled to the mountains and joined the group of Genaro Vázquez Rojas until Vázquez' death on 2 February 1972.
Cabañas led the Party of the Poor and Peasants' Brigade Against Injustice. They numbered 300 members and lived in the Guerrero Mountains, he financed his group through kidnappings and bank robberies. The Mexican government sent 16,000 soldiers to the Sierra Madre de Atoyac Mountains to hunt him. Fifty of them died during the chase. In December 1974, Cabañas kidnapped Rubén Figueroa and future governor of Guerrero; when government troops tried to rescue the senator, Cabañas was killed by the Mexican Army. Some say Cabañas ended up in jail. If, the case he would have been executed so that sympathizers would believe the rebellion ended with his death. Guerrero was in crisis and the city of Acapulco was suffering a slump in its tourist industry, thanks to Cabañas. There are a number of legends about him, including that he had five women bodyguards and carried a bag full of money that he distributed to the poor; those are most "tall tales". In recent, Cabañas has become a left-wing icon in Mexico, much like Che Guevara and Subcomandante Marcos.
During recent social movements, including the 2006 clashes between teachers and the state government of Oaxaca, Cabañas's face appeared on banners alongside those of Guevara and Vladimir Lenin. On 3 July 2011, it was reported that his widow, Isabel Ayala Nava, was assassinated, along with her sister, as the two women exited a church in Xaltianguis, Guerrero; the killers fired from a vehicle. Isabel Ayala had been demanding justice over the killing of her brother. Ulloa Bornemann, Alberto. Surviving Mexico's Dirty War: A Political Prisoner's Memoir. Trans. Aurora Camacho de Schmidt and Arthur Schmidt. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007. ISBN 1-59213-423-8
A prison known as a correctional facility, gaol, detention center, remand center, or internment facility, is a facility in which inmates are forcibly confined and denied a variety of freedoms under the authority of the state. Prisons are most used within a criminal justice system: people charged with crimes may be imprisoned until their trial. In simplest terms, a prison can be described as a building in which people are held as a punishment for a crime they have committed. Prisons can be used as a tool of political repression by authoritarian regimes, their perceived opponents may be imprisoned for political crimes without trial or other legal due process. In times of war, prisoners of war or detainees may be detained in military prisons or prisoner of war camps, large groups of civilians might be imprisoned in internment camps. In American English and jail are treated as having separate definitions; the term prison or penitentiary tends to describe institutions that incarcerate people for longer periods of time, such as many years, are operated by the state or federal governments.
The term jail tends to describe institutions for confining people for shorter periods of time and are operated by local governments. Outside of North America and jail have the same meaning. Common slang terms for a prison include: "the pokey", "the slammer", "the can", "the clink", "the joint", "the calaboose", "the hoosegow" and "the big house". Slang terms for imprisonment include: "behind bars", "in stir" and "up the river"; the use of prisons can be traced back to the rise of the state as a form of social organization. Corresponding with the advent of the state was the development of written language, which enabled the creation of formalized legal codes as official guidelines for society; the best known of these early legal codes is the Code of Hammurabi, written in Babylon around 1750 BC. The penalties for violations of the laws in Hammurabi's Code were exclusively centered on the concept of lex talionis, whereby people were punished as a form of vengeance by the victims themselves; this notion of punishment as vengeance or retaliation can be found in many other legal codes from early civilizations, including the ancient Sumerian codes, the Indian Manusmriti, the Hermes Trismegistus of Egypt, the Israelite Mosaic Law.
Some Ancient Greek philosophers, such as Plato, began to develop ideas of using punishment to reform offenders instead of using it as retribution. Imprisonment as a penalty was used for those who could not afford to pay their fines. Since impoverished Athenians could not pay their fines, leading to indefinite periods of imprisonment, time limits were set instead; the prison in Ancient Athens was known as the desmoterion. The Romans were among the first to use prisons as a form of punishment, rather than for detention. A variety of existing structures were used to house prisoners, such as metal cages, basements of public buildings, quarries. One of the most notable Roman prisons was the Mamertine Prison, established around 640 B. C. by Ancus Marcius. The Mamertine Prison was located within a sewer system beneath ancient Rome and contained a large network of dungeons where prisoners were held in squalid conditions, contaminated with human waste. Forced labor on public works projects was a common form of punishment.
In many cases, citizens were sentenced to slavery in ergastula. During the Middle Ages in Europe, castles and the basements of public buildings were used as makeshift prisons; the possession of the right and the capability to imprison citizens, granted an air of legitimacy to officials at all levels of government, from kings to regional courts to city councils. Another common punishment was sentencing people to galley slavery, which involved chaining prisoners together in the bottoms of ships and forcing them to row on naval or merchant vessels. From the late 17th century and during the 18th century, popular resistance to public execution and torture became more widespread both in Europe and in the United States. Under the Bloody Code, with few sentencing alternatives, imposition of the death penalty for petty crimes, such as theft, was proving unpopular with the public. Rulers began looking for means to punish and control their subjects in a way that did not cause people to associate them with spectacles of tyrannical and sadistic violence.
They developed systems of mass incarceration with hard labor, as a solution. The prison reform movement that arose at this time was influenced by two somewhat contradictory philosophies; the first was based in Enlightenment ideas of utilitarianism and rationalism, suggested that prisons should be used as a more effective substitute for public corporal punishments such as whipping, etc. This theory, referred to as deterrence, claims tha
Corpus Christi massacre
The Corpus Christi Massacre or El Halconazo was a massacre of student demonstrators during the Mexican Dirty War in Mexico City on June 10, 1971, the day of the Corpus Christi festival. Nearly 120 protesters were killed, among them a fourteen-year-old boy. From his earliest days in office, President Luis Echeverría Álvarez announced intentions to reform democracy in Mexico, he allowed some leaders of the 1968 student movement to return from exile in Chile and released many prisoners over the course of two years. In April 1971, the press spoke of coming reforms in education and soon figures such as José Revueltas and Heberto Castillo, both jailed for two and a half years, resurfaced in the political arena. Students were excited and thought they would have the opportunity to return to the streets to demonstrate discomfort against the government; the conflict at the University of Nuevo León gave them a reason to do so: At the end of 1970, teachers and university students presented a basic law that proposed a joint government, in March 1971 Héctor Ulises arrived at the rectory under the new law.
The state government disagreed and slashed the budget, which angered university officials and led to the University Council's passage of a new bill that abolished the autonomy of the institution. The university called for solidarity with other universities; the National Autonomous University of Mexico and National Polytechnic Institute responded and the students called for a massive rally in support of Nuevo León on June 10, 1971. On May 30 the governor of Nuevo León, Eduardo A. Elizondo Lozano, resigned as part of the settlement of the Ministry of Education. With the governor's resignation, by June 5, a new law came into force. Students decided to march if the demands were not clear; the committee coordinating committee control was divided as there were those who thought that the march was useless and would only provoke the government. However, most people supported the law, it was an opportunity for the government to show that it would not be as repressive as before. Days before the demonstration many police vehicles and cars started making regular runs near the Casco de Santo Tomás.
The march started at the Casco de Santo Tomás, proceeded through Carpio and Maestros Avenues so the protesters could take the Mexico-Tacuba Causeway, end up at Zócalo. The streets leading to the Maestros Avenue were blocked by police officers and riot police, who did not allow the students to pass. There were tankettes parked along Melchor Ocampo Avenue, near the military school, riot police trucks in a large police contingent at the intersection of the Melchor Ocampo and San Cosme avenues. A shock group trained by the Federal Security Directorate and the CIA, known as "los Halcones", who came in grey trucks and riot trucks, attacked students from streets near Maestros Avenue after the riot police opened their blockade; the shock group first attacked with bamboo and kendo sticks so the students repelled them. Los Halcones attacked the students again, with high-caliber rifles, while students tried, unsuccessfully, to hide; the police did not intervene. The shooting lasted for several minutes, during which some cars gave logistical support to the paramilitary group.
The support included extra weapons and makeshift transports, such as civilian cars, police vehicles and an ambulance from the Cruz Verde. The injured were taken to the general hospital Rubén Leñero, but to no avail, as the Halcones reached the hospital and there gave the youngsters, many still in the operating room, the coup de grâce and took the opportunity to scare the inmates. Nearly 120 protesters were killed, among them a fourteen-year-old boy; that night army elements guarded the National Palace and Luis Echeverría announced an investigation into the killing and said he would punish the guilty. Alfonso Martinez Dominguez, then-Mexico City governor, Julio Sánchez Vargas, attorney general, denied that there were Halcones and police chief Escobar blamed the students for creating extremist groups within their movement. A week passed before Escobar accepted that there were Halcones, but denied their involvement in the massacre; the high number of journalists and photographers hit and arrested by Halcones managed to contradict the government's official version.
Martinez Dominguez tendered his resignation on June 15 to Echeverría because he was convinced that the protesters had been provoked, among other things, so the government had an excuse to get rid of him. Despite this, Martinez Dominguez was known for many years as "Halconzo", in reference to the Corpus Thursday Massacre; the number of dead in the demonstration discouraged many students, but led others to be radicalized, some of whom formed urban guerrilla organizations. Students in 1971 demanded the democratization of education, control of the university budget by students and teachers, that it represent 12% of the GDP, they demanded political freedom wherein workers, peasants and intellectuals could enjoy real democratic freedoms and control the social system. Los Halcones was a black operations army group, trained in the United States; the group was created in the late 1960s to repress demonstrations an
Andrés Manuel López Obrador
Andrés Manuel López Obrador referred to by his initials AMLO, is a Mexican politician serving since 2018 as the 58th President of Mexico. Born in Tepetitán, in the municipality of Macuspana, in south-eastern state of Tabasco, López Obrador graduated from the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 1986 following a hiatus from his studies to participate in politics, he began his political career in 1976 as a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party in Tabasco and became the party's state leader. In 1989, he joined the Party of the Democratic Revolution and was the party's 1994 candidate for Governor of Tabasco, he was the national leader of the PRD between 1996 and 1999. In 2000, he was elected Head of Government of Mexico City. Described as a populist and a nationalist, López Obrador has been a nationally relevant politician for more than two decades. López Obrador resigned as Head of Government of Mexico City in July 2005 to enter the 2006 presidential election, representing the Coalition for the Good of All, led by the Party of the Democratic Revolution and included the Citizens' Movement party and the Labor Party.
He received 35.31% of the vote and lost by 0.58%. López Obrador subsequently alleged electoral fraud and refused to concede, leading a several months long takeover of Paseo de la Reforma and the Zócalo in protest. López Obrador was a candidate for the second time in the 2012 presidential election representing a coalition of the PRD, Labor Party, Citizens' Movement, he finished second with 31.59% of the vote. He left the PRD in 2012 and in 2014 founded the National Regeneration Movement, which he led until 2017. López Obrador was a candidate for the third time in the 2018 presidential election, representing Juntos Haremos Historia, a coalition of the left-wing Labor Party, right-wing Social Encounter Party, MORENA; this time, he won in a landslide victory. His policy proposals include increases in financial aid for students and the elderly, amnesty for some drug war criminals, universal access to public colleges, cancellation of the Mexico City New International Airport project, a referendum on energy reforms that ended Pemex's monopoly in the oil industry, stimulus of the country's agricultural sector, delay of the renegotiation of NAFTA until after the elections, the construction of more oil refineries, increased social spending, slashing politicians' salaries and perks and the decentralization of the executive cabinet by moving government departments and agencies from the capital to the states.
López Obrador was born in Tepetitán, a small village in the municipality of Macuspana, in the southern state of Tabasco, on 13 November 1953. He is the first born son of Andrés López Ramón and Manuela Obrador González and Veracruz-based merchants, his younger siblings include José Ramón, José Ramiro, Pedro Arturo, Pío Lorenzo, twins, Candelaria Beatriz and Martín Jesús. His maternal grandfather José Obrador Revueltas was Cantabrian who arrived as an exile to Mexico from Ampuero, while his maternal grandmother Úrsula González was the daughter of Asturians. López Obrador attended elementary school at the Marcos E. Becerra school, named after the poet of the same name, the only one in town, in the afternoons he helped his parents at the La Posadita store, he started middle school in Macuspana but finished it in the state capital, Villahermosa, as in the mid-1960s the family moved, where they opened a clothes and shoes store called Novedades Andrés. On 8 June 1969, when he was 15 years old, his brother José Ramón López Obrador was killed by a gunshot to the head.
According to Jorge Zepeda Patterson's Los Suspirantes 2018, José Ramón found a pistol, played with it, it slipped out of his hands, firing a bullet into his head. The Tabasco newspapers Rumbo Nuevo, Diario de Tabasco, Diario Presente presented a story where they were both playing around with the pistol and that Andrés Manuel shot it by accident. According to Zepeda Patterson, Andrés Manuel became "taciturn, much more thoughtful" following the incident. López Obrador went on to finish high school and, at age 19, went to Mexico City to study at the National Autonomous University of Mexico, he studied political science and public administration at the UNAM from 1973 to 1976. He returned to school to complete his education after having held several positions within the government of Tabasco and the administration of the Institutional Revolutionary Party. In 1987, he received his degree in political science and public administration after the presentation of his thesis, Proceso de formación del estado nacional en México 1821-1867.
He lived in the Casa del Estudiante Tabasco during his college years, on Violeta street in the Guerrero neighborhood of Mexico City. The institution was financed by the administration of the governor of Tabasco, Mario Trujillo García by the efforts of the poet Carlos Pellicer, whom López Obrador began to discuss with. There was empathy between the two. After their meeting, the poet invited him to his campaign to obtain a seat in the Senate during the 1976 elections, his university professor, Enrique González Pedrero, was another figure that influenced López Obrador's political trajectory. After attending school from 1973 to 1976, he returned to his native Tabasco where he held various government positions as well as being a professor at the Juárez Autonomous University of Tabasco. During his stint, he met Rocío Beltrán Medina, a sociology student, who suggested him to embrace the progressive wing
A death squad is an armed group that conducts extrajudicial killings or forced disappearances of persons for the purposes such as political repression, torture, ethnic cleansing, or revolutionary terror. These killings are conducted in ways meant to ensure the secrecy of the killers' identities. Death squads may have the support of foreign governments, they may comprise a secret police force, paramilitary militia groups, government soldiers, policemen, or combinations thereof. They may be organized as vigilantes; when death squads are not controlled by the state, they may consist of insurgent forces or organized crime, such as the ones used by cartels. Although the term "death squad" did not rise to notoriety until the activities of such groups became known in Central and South America during the 1970s and 80s, death squads have been employed under different guises throughout history; the term was first used by the fascist Iron Guard in Romania. It installed Iron guard death squads in 1936 in order to kill political enemies.
It was used during the Battle of Algiers by Paul Aussaresses. In Latin America, death squads first appeared in Brazil where a group called Esquadrão da Morte emerged in the 1960s. Argentina used extrajudicial killings as a way of crushing the liberal and communist opposition to the military junta during the'Dirty War' of the 1970s. For example, Alianza Anticomunista Argentina was a far-right death squad active during the "Dirty War"; the Chilean military regime of 1973–1990 committed such killings. See Operation Condor for examples. During the Salvadoran civil war, death squads achieved notoriety on March 24, 1980, when a sniper assassinated Archbishop Óscar Romero as he said Mass inside a convent chapel. In December 1980, three American nuns, Ita Ford, Dorothy Kazel, Maura Clarke, a lay worker, Jean Donovan, were gang raped and murdered by a military unit found to have been acting on specific orders. Death squads were instrumental in killing hundreds of suspected Communists. Priests who were spreading liberation theology, such as Father Rutilio Grande, were targeted as well.
The murderers were found to have been soldiers of the Salvadoran military, receiving U. S. funding and military advisors during the Carter administration. These events prompted outrage in the U. S. and led to a temporary cutoff in military aid at the end of his presidency. Death Squad activity stretched well into the Reagan years as well. Honduras had death squads active through the 1980s, the most notorious of, the army unit Battalion 316. Hundreds of people, teachers and union leaders were assassinated by government-backed forces. Battalion 316 received substantial training from the United States Central Intelligence Agency. In Southeast Asia, extrajudicial killings were conducted by both sides during the Vietnam War. For example, Viet Cong member Nguyễn Văn Lém, famous for being extrajudicially executed on camera by General Nguyễn Ngọc Loan on 1 February 1968 in Saigon, was himself claimed to have commanded a death squad targeting South Vietnamese policemen and their families during the Tet Offensive in Saigon.
As of 2010, death squads have continued to be active in several locations, including Chechnya, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Colombia, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, South Sudan, Somalia, Tanzania, Pakistan, Myanmar, Philippines among others. Death squads are active in this country; this appears to be difficult to stop. Moreover, there is no proof as to whom is behind the killingsIn an interview with the panafrican magazine "Jeune Afrique", Laurent Gbagbo accused one of the opposition leaders, Alassane Ouattara, to be the main organizer of the media frenzy around his wife's involvement in the killing squads, he successfully sued and won, in French courts, in cases against the French newspapers that made the accusations. In December 2014, Kenyan Anti-Terrorism Police Unit officers confessed to Al-Jazeera that they were responsible for 500 of the extrajudicial killings; the murders totaled several hundred homicides every year. They included the assassination of Abubaker Shariff Ahmed "Makaburi", an Al-Shabaab associate from Kenya, among 21 Muslim radicals murdered by the Kenyan police since 2012.
According to the agents, they resorted to killing after the Kenyan police could not prosecute terror suspects. In doing so, the officers indicated that they were acting on the direct orders of Kenya's National Security Council, which consisted of the Kenyan President, Deputy President, Chief of the Defence Forces, Inspector General of Police, National Security Intelligence Service Director, Cabinet Secretary of Interior, Principal Secretary of Interior. Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta and the National Security Council of Kenya members denied operating an extrajudicial assassination program. Additionally, the officers suggested that Western security agencies provided intelligence for the program, including the whereabouts and activities of government targets, they asserted that Britain supplied further logistics in the form of training. One Kenyan officer within the Council's General Service Unit indicated that Israeli instructors taught them how to kill; the head of the International Bar Association, Mark Ellis, cautioned that any such involvement by foreign nations would constitute a breach of international law.
The United Kingdom and Israel denie