Kenya–United States relations
Kenya–United States relations are bilateral relations between Kenya and the United States. Kenya and the United States have long been close allies and have enjoyed cordial relations since Kenya's independence. Relations became closer after Kenya's democratic transition of 2002 and subsequent improvements in human rights; this was preceded by sometimes frosty interludes during President Moi's regime when the two countries clashed over bad governance issues, resulting in aid suspension and many diplomatic rows. Following the election of the new government of Uhuru Kenyatta in 2013, relations somewhat took a dip when the new president forged a new foreign policy looking east away from traditional western allies. Kenya–United States relations have been cemented through cooperation against Islamist terrorism and a visit by President Obama to Kenya, the homeland of his father. Kenya's athletic mastery of some auspicious American events such as the Boston Marathon and New York Marathon have increased ordinary Americans' consciousness of Kenya paving the way for a warm mutual regard between the two peoples.
An attack on Kenya by Al-Qaeda in 1998 as well as subsequent more attacks by Al-Shabaab, has drawn the two countries politically closer due to the shared fate the U. S. has had of similar targeting in the horrific September 11 attacks by Al-Qaeda in Lower Manhattan and The Pentagon. Kenya is one of the most pro-American nations in Africa and the world more so than the U. S. itself. According to the Pew Research Global Attitudes Project, 87% of Kenyans view the U. S. favorably in 2007, decreasing down to 83% in 2011 and 81% viewing the U. S. favorably in 2013. and according to the 2012 U. S. Global Leadership Report, 68% of Kenyans approve of U. S. leadership, with 14% disapproving and 18% uncertain. In a 2013 BBC World Service poll, 69% of Kenyans view U. S. influence positively, with only 11% viewing U. S. influence negatively. After Kenya's independence on December 12, 1963, the United States recognized the new nation. However, it was not until March 2, 1964 that diplomatic relations were established with William Atwood establishing the U.
S. Embassy at Nairobi; the United States provided the fledgling nation with $21 million in funds and technical aid, with Kenya seeking more loans from the United States. The United States soon found itself invested in Kenyan politics due to the power struggle between Tom Mboya and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga; the United States had been impressed by Mboya since the 1950s, sought to empower him in the new administration instead of the more leftist Odinga. The United States was successful, Mboya began wooing Kenya's prime minister Jomo Kenyatta into becoming more favorable with the United States and the CIA. After Odinga's fall from power, Kenya found itself squarely in the Western bloc during the Cold War period; the fact that Soviet ideals never gained traction in post-independence Kenya meant that there was little to no jockeying between the United States and the U. S. S. R. in this region. This meant there was little need for Kenya and United States relations, since the United States took Kenyan support for granted.
However, the 1980s saw. After Jomo Kenyatta's death, the new president of Kenya Daniel arap Moi sought to further strengthen relations with the United States Moi joined the United States' Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force, allowing for the construction of United States military installations in Kenya; the most notable development of this military construction was allowing United States naval access to Mombasa, which resulted in the United States paying Kenya $26 million. Good relations, fell into jeopardy with the deteriorating civil rights picture in Kenya. In 1987, the chairman of the Congress subcommittee on Africa, Michigan congressman Howard Wolpe, accused Daniel arap Moi of bankrolling criminals and committing human rights abuses; the issue was placed on the agenda for Ronald Reagan's talks with Moi, but nothing came of it at this time. In 1991, the United States joined with a coalition of other nations who gave financial assistance to Kenya to pressure for reforms. In a 1991 meeting in Paris, Kenya's aid donors insisted on ending corruption and human rights abuses, threatening to pull their aid.
These concerns caused the United States to suspend its aid in 1992. When United States pressure forced multiparty elections in 1992, relations were tense all throughout the 1990s due to international discontent with the tactics of the Moi regime; the United States reacted positively to the Kenyan elections of 2000, the first democratic transition of power in Kenya's history. The new president, Mwai Kibaki was honored as the first African head of state to be invited to Washington D. C. for a state visit. On August 7, 1998, al Qaeda terrorists detonated a car bomb outside the United States embassy in Nairobi, leaving 200 dead and thousands wounded; the immediate aftermath strained relations between the United States and Kenya, as Kenyans felt that the United States only cared about the Americans who lost their lives, not the Kenyans. The situation was worsened when the American ambassador, Prudence Bushnell, implied that Kenyans were attempting to loot the embassy. However, since that event, the Kenyan and U.
S. governments have intensified cooperation to address all forms of insecurity in Kenya, including terrorism. The United States provides equipment and training to Kenyan security forces, both civilian and military. In its dialog with the Kenyan Government, the United States urges effective action against corruption and insecurity as the two greatest impediments to Kenya achieving sustained, rapid economic growth. Families and victims of the attack have severally appealed to the Kenyan government to petition the U. S. gov
A port is a maritime commercial facility which may comprise one or more wharves where ships may dock to load and discharge passengers and cargo. Although situated on a sea coast or estuary, some ports, such as Hamburg and Duluth, are many miles inland, with access from the sea via river or canal. Today, by far the greatest growth in port development is in Asia, the continent with some of the world's largest and busiest ports, such as Singapore and the Chinese ports of Shanghai and Ningbo-Zhoushan. Whenever ancient civilisations engaged in maritime trade, they tended to develop sea ports. One of the world's oldest known artificial harbors is at Wadi al-Jarf on the Red Sea. Along with the finding of harbor structures, ancient anchors have been found. Other ancient ports include Guangzhou during Qin Dynasty China and Canopus, the principal Egyptian port for Greek trade before the foundation of Alexandria. In ancient Greece, Athens' port of Piraeus was the base for the Athenian fleet which played a crucial role in the Battle of Salamis against the Persians in 480 BCE.
In ancient India from 3700 BCE, Lothal was a prominent city of the Indus valley civilisation, located in the Bhāl region of the modern state of Gujarāt. Ostia Antica was the port of ancient Rome with Portus established by Claudius and enlarged by Trajan to supplement the nearby port of Ostia. In Japan, during the Edo period, the island of Dejima was the only port open for trade with Europe and received only a single Dutch ship per year, whereas Osaka was the largest domestic port and the main trade hub for rice. Nowadays, many of these ancient sites no longer function as modern ports. In more recent times, ports sometimes fall out of use. Rye, East Sussex, was an important English port in the Middle Ages, but the coastline changed and it is now 2 miles from the sea, while the ports of Ravenspurn and Dunwich have been lost to coastal erosion. Whereas early ports tended to be just simple harbours, modern ports tend to be multimodal distribution hubs, with transport links using sea, canal, road and air routes.
Successful ports are located to optimize access to an active hinterland, such as the London Gateway. Ideally, a port will grant easy navigation to ships, will give shelter from wind and waves. Ports are on estuaries, where the water may be shallow and may need regular dredging. Deep water ports such as Milford Haven are less common, but can handle larger ships with a greater draft, such as super tankers, Post-Panamax vessels and large container ships. Other businesses such as regional distribution centres and freight-forwarders and other processing facilities find it advantageous to be located within a port or nearby. Modern ports will have specialised cargo-handling equipment, such as gantry cranes, reach stackers and forklift trucks. Ports have specialised functions: some tend to cater for passenger ferries and cruise ships; some third world countries and small islands such as Ascension and St Helena still have limited port facilities, so that ships must anchor off while their cargo and passengers are taken ashore by barge or launch.
In modern times, ports decline, depending on current economic trends. In the UK, both the ports of Liverpool and Southampton were once significant in the transatlantic passenger liner business. Once airliner traffic decimated that trade, both ports diversified to container cargo and cruise ships. Up until the 1950s the Port of London was a major international port on the River Thames, but changes in shipping and the use of containers and larger ships, have led to its decline. Thamesport, a small semi-automated container port thrived for some years, but has been hit hard by competition from the emergent London Gateway port and logistics hub. In mainland Europe, it is normal for ports to be publicly owned, so that, for instance, the ports of Rotterdam and Amsterdam are owned by the state and by the cities themselves. By contrast, in the UK all ports are in private hands, such as Peel Ports who own the Port of Liverpool, John Lennon Airport and the Manchester Ship Canal. Though modern ships tend to have bow-thrusters and stern-thrusters, many port authorities still require vessels to use pilots and tugboats for manoeuvering large ships in tight quarters.
For instance, ships approaching the Belgian port of Antwerp, an inland port on the River Scheldt, are obliged to use Dutch pilots when navigating on that part of the estuary that belongs to the Netherlands. Ports with international traffic have customs facilities; the terms "port" and "seaport" are used for different types of port facilities that handle ocean-going vessels, river port is used for river traffic, such as barges and other shallow-draft vessels. A dry port is an inland intermodal terminal directly connected by road or rail to a seaport and operating as a centre for the transshipment of sea cargo to inland destinations. A fishing port is a harbor for landing and distributing fish, it may be a recreational facility, but it is commercial. A fishing port is the only port that depends on an ocean product, depletion of fish may cause a fishing port to be uneconomical. An inland port is a port on a navigable lake, river, or canal with access to a sea or ocean, which therefore allows a ship to sail from the ocean inland to the port to load or unload its cargo.
An example of this is the St. Lawrence Seaway which allows ships to travel from the Atlantic Ocean several thousand kilometers inland to Great Lakes ports like Toronto, Duluth-Superior, C
Tanzania–United States relations
Tanzania – United States relations are bilateral relations between Tanzania and the United States. Much of the relationship between Tanzania and the United States has been framed first by the Cold War, more in the context of US policies toward Africa and development. At times relations between the two countries have been tense, though in recent years the two countries have established a growing partnership. Much early tension in the relationship is rooted in Tanzania's interests in promoting anti-colonial liberation forces in southern Africa, the United States interests in protecting markets and business interests in Africa; these interests were in conflict between 1961, the late 1980s. Since the late 1980s, relations between the United States and Tanzania have improved as a result of mutual interests in debt relief, successive refugee crises, the liberation of southern African countries, an improving Tanzanian economy. Terrorists associated with Al Qaeda bombed the U. S. Embassies in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi, Kenya, on August 7, 1998.
This act horrified Tanzanians and Americans alike and drew condemnation from around the world. In the aftermath of the bombing, Tanzania began to receive financial aide from the US for anti-terrorist efforts and police training. President Benjamin Mkapa visited the U. S. in September 1999 with a delegation of business executives, reflecting the increased level of cooperation on trade and investment issues and Tanzania's commitment to economic liberalization. President Jakaya Kikwete, elected in 2005, visited the U. S. in May 2006, meeting with Secretary of State Rice, Vice President Dick Cheney, President George W. Bush, he met President Bush in a private meeting in September 2006 In New York. Kikwete sought to broaden Tanzanian ties to the U. S. across all spheres, including political and military. The U. S. Government provides assistance to Tanzania to support programs in the areas of health, environment and development of the private sector; the U. S. Agency for International Development's program in Tanzania averages about $20 million per year, a small amount.
The Peace Corps program, which discontinued in Tanzania due to objections to the United States involvement in the Vietnam War in the 1960s, was re-established in 1979, provides assistance in education through the provision of teachers. Peace Corps is assisting in health and environment sectors. About 147 volunteers are serving in Tanzania. First Lady Laura Bush visited Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar in mid-July 2005. Principal U. S. Officials include: Ambassador--Alfonso E. Lenhardt Director, USAID--Pamela WhiteThe U. S. Embassy in Tanzania is located in Dar es Salaam; the consulate on Zanzibar was closed on June 15, 1979. Foreign relations of Tanzania Foreign relations of the United States This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Department of State website https://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/index.htm. History of Tanzania - U. S. relations Waters, Tony. Markets and Morality: America's Relations with Tanzania. African Studies Quarterly, vol. 8, no. 3
French Foreign Legion
The French Foreign Legion is a military service branch of the French Army established in 1831. Legionnaires are trained infantry soldiers and the Legion is unique in that it was, continues to be, open to foreign recruits willing to serve in the French Armed Forces; when it was founded, the French Foreign Legion was not unique. Commanded by French officers, it is open to French citizens, who amounted to 24% of the recruits in 2007; the Foreign Legion is today known as a unit whose training focuses on traditional military skills and on its strong esprit de corps, as its men come from different countries with different cultures. This is a way to strengthen them enough to work as a team. Training is described as not only physically challenging, but very stressful psychologically. French citizenship may be applied for after three years' service; the Legion is the only part of the French military that does not swear allegiance to France, but to the Foreign Legion itself. Any soldier who becomes injured during a battle for France can apply to be a French citizen under a provision known as "Français par le sang versé".
As of 2008, members come from 140 countries. Since 1831, the Legion has suffered the loss of nearly 40,000 men on active service in France, Morocco, Madagascar, West Africa, Italy, the Crimea, Indo-China, Loyada, Chad, Zaïre, Central Africa, Kuwait, Djibouti, former Yugoslavia, Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast, Mali and others; the French Foreign Legion was used to protect and expand the French colonial empire during the 19th century. The Foreign Legion was stationed only in Algeria, where it took part in the pacification and development of the colony. Subsequently, the Foreign Legion was deployed in a number of conflicts, including the First Carlist War in 1835, the Crimean War in 1854, the Second Italian War of Independence in 1859, the French intervention in Mexico in 1863, the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, the Tonkin Campaign and Sino-French War in 1883, supporting growth of the French colonial empire in Sub-Saharan Africa and pacifying Algeria, the Second Franco-Dahomean War in 1892, the Second Madagascar expedition in 1895, the Mandingo Wars in 1894.
In World War I, the Foreign Legion fought in many critical battles on the Western Front. It played a smaller role in World War II than in World War I, though having a part in the Norwegian and North African campaigns. During the First Indochina War, the Foreign Legion saw; the FFL lost a large number of men in the catastrophic Battle of Dien Bien Phu. During the Algerian War of Independence, the Foreign Legion came close to being disbanded after some officers and the decorated 1st Foreign Parachute Regiment took part in the Generals' putsch. Operations during this period included the Suez Crisis, the Battle of Algiers and various offensives launched by General Maurice Challe including Operations Oranie and Jumelles. In the 1960s and 1970s, Legion regiments had additional roles in sending units as a rapid deployment force to preserve French interests – in its former African colonies and in other nations as well; some notable operations include: the Chadian–Libyan conflict in 1969–1972, 1978–1979, 1983–1987.
In 1981, the 1st Foreign Regiment and Foreign Legion regiments partook to the Multinational Force in Lebanon. In 1990, Foreign Legion regiments were sent to the Persian Gulf and took part in Opération Daguet, part of Division Daguet. Following the Gulf War in the 1990s, the Foreign Legion helped with the evacuation of French citizens and foreigners in Rwanda and Zaire; the Foreign Legion was deployed in Cambodia, Sarajevo and Herzegovina. In the mid- to late-1990s, the Foreign Legion was deployed in the Central African Republic, Congo-Brazzaville and in Kosovo; the Foreign Legion took part in operations in Rwanda in 1990–1994. In the 2000s, the Foreign Legion was deployed in Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan, Operation Licorne in Ivory Coast, the EUFOR Tchad/RCA in Chad, Operation Serval in the Northern Mali conflict. Other countries have tried to emulate the French Foreign Legion model; the contemporary French Foreign Legion relates the most to that of the Spanish Legion. The French Foreign Legion was created by Louis Philippe, the King of the French, on 10 March 1831 from the foreign regiments of the Kingdom of France.
Recruits included soldiers from the disbanded Swiss and German foreign regiments of the Bourbon monarchy. The Royal Ordinance for the establishment of the new regiment specified that the foreigners recruited could only serve outside France; the French expeditionary force that had occupied Algiers in 1830 was in need of reinforcements and the Legion was accordingly transferred by sea in detachments from Toulon to Algeria. The Foreign Legion was used, as part of the Armée d'Afrique, to protect and expand the French colonial empire during the 19th century, but it fought in all French wars including the Franco-Prussian War, World War I and World War II; the Foreign Legion has remained an important part of the French Army and sea transport protected by the French Navy, surviving three Republics, the Second F
Malawi–United States relations
The transition from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy strengthened the cordial U. S. relationship with Malawi. Significant numbers of Malawians study in the United States; the United States has an active Peace Corps program, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Department of Health and Human Servicess, an Agency for International Development mission in Malawi. U. S. and Malawian views on the necessity of economic and political stability in southern Africa coincide. Through a pragmatic assessment of its own national interests and foreign policy objectives, Malawi advocates peaceful solutions to the region's problems through negotiation. Malawi works to achieve these objectives in the United Nations, COMESA, SADC. Malawi is the first southern African country to receive peacekeeping training under the U. S.-sponsored African Crisis Response Force Initiative and has joined the successor program, African Contingency Operations Training Assistance. It has an active slate of peacetime engagement military-to-military programs.
The two countries maintain a continuing dialogue through diplomatic representatives and periodic visits by senior officials. In July 2011, the United States suspended direct aid funding; the US government agency responsible, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, suspended aid because it was'deeply upset' by the deaths of the 19 people during the July protests. According to the 2012 U. S. Global Leadership Report, 60% of Malawians approve of U. S. leadership, with 25% disapproving and 15% uncertain. The United States has a substantial foreign assistance program in Malawi, with the U. S. Government providing $70 million annually in development assistance to Malawi under USAID's Country Strategic Plan; the primary goal of USAID assistance is poverty reduction and increased food security through broad-based, market-led economic growth, focusing on four areas: sustainable increases in rural incomes, increased civic involvement in the rule of law, improved access to and quality of health services, improved access to quality basic education.
The USAID program is implemented in partnership with the Government of Malawi, nongovernmental organizations, other U. S. Government agencies, U. S. private voluntary organizations and other partners, including the private sector through public-private partnerships. USAID's program to increase rural incomes includes training and technical assistance to increase smallholder productivity. USAID is encouraging smallholders to diversify into dairy production, a lucrative business in Malawi and well-suited to Malawi's limited land area. USAID grantee Land O' Lakes, partnering with World Wide Sires, continues to promote the growth of the dairy industry in Malawi through 55 dairy associations with over 6,376 members. USAID, through the Presidential Initiative to End Hunger in Africa, improved output markets for a total of 177,468 rural households. USAID-supported microfinance institutions provided financial services to 189,782 clients and disbursed 351,319 loans valued at $35,876,401. U. S. Government funding totaling $700,000 was leveraged to provide up to $13 million in agricultural financing through Malawi's first Development Credit Authority.
The Democracy and Governance portfolio continued to evolve in 2007, which proved to be an important transition year for the MCC Threshold Country Program. Activities under the TCP reaped positive results in fighting corruption, improving fiscal responsibility, establishing a more transparent and effective judiciary; as a result of successes gained under the TCP, the Government of Malawi was the only country in the world selected by MCC in December 2007 for Compact eligibility. Several other Democracy and Governance activities continued to fight corruption in the private sector, educate at-risk youth of their civic responsibilities, nurture Christian/Muslim dialogue and relationships; the Democracy and Governance office initiated a public-private partnership with the Financial Services Volunteer Corps to assist the Reserve Bank of Malawi and private banks to further develop risk-based banking supervision capacity. Chancellor College and a U. S.-based Historically Black College/University entered into a partnership to strengthen the government's legal aid programs.
As was the case in previous years, USAID continued to support the Sector Wide Approach to Health in 2007 through discrete initiatives aimed at "increased use of improved health behaviors and services" for maternal and reproductive health, including HIV/AIDS, malaria. These sustained efforts over the last 7 years have had substantial impact on health indicators in the country. In the area of HIV prevention, for example, the number of USAID-assisted counseling and testing centers increased from 3 in 2000 to 276 in 2007, while the number of clients assisted at these sites per year increased from about 22,000 in 2000 to more than 192,000 in 2007. In addition, according to a national Demographic and Health Survey completed in 2005 with support from USAID, USAID's Presidential Emergency Plan for HIV/AIDS Relief activities reached 1,351,404 people through ABC messages (abstinence from sexual activity, being faithful to a single partn
South Sudan–United States relations
South Sudan–United States relations are the bilateral relations between the Republic of South Sudan and the United States of America. The United States recognized South Sudan on 9 July 2011, the same day they declared independence; the United States Embassy in Juba, South Sudan, was first established on the same day with the former consulate, opened in 2005 in Juba being upgraded to the status of an embassy. The chief of mission was Chargé d'Affaires R. Barrie Walkley, pending the appointment of an ambassador to South Sudan. On 19 October 2011, Susan D. Page was confirmed as the first United States ambassador to South Sudan. In 2012, President Obama found that the United States could provide military assistance and equipment to South Sudan; this was soon followed by a team of five American officers to advise the South Sudanese military. Obama named Donald E. Booth as his special envoy for Sudan and South Sudan on 28 August 2013. In December 2016, USA drafted a resolution, that failed to pass, which would have implemented an arms embargo and more sanctions, due to signs in South Sudan of possible genocide.
UN alliterated this by warning South Sudan of possible genocide. In 2017, the USA's UN ambassador, Nikki Haley, criticized South Sudan for creating a "man made" famine. While South Sudan has not been its own sovereign country for a long time, President Salva Kiir has established rapport with the United States. Then-President of the United States Barack Obama recognized South Sudan the day it declared independence from Sudan, current President Donald Trump fostered relations with Kiir before he won the presidency in 2016. While relations between the two countries have changed from support to subtle threats the United States has been open about both the right to self-determination and insistence that humanitarian aid to South Sudanese affected by the civil war reach its victims. In August 2016, when Donald Trump was campaigning for the United States presidency, the South Sudanese government led an attack on Western aid workers, which included American humanitarians. Following this attack, the U.
S. and other countries in the U. N. Security Council moved to provide “4,000 more U. N. helmets to secure the capital.” While Donald Trump has shifted views on leadership and the status quo in South Sudan many times, the Obama administration was key to the self-determination of the South Sudanese people. In November 2016, when Donald Trump became President of the United States, many nations did not welcome the change. South Sudan, on the other hand, was pleased. At the time, South Sudan had dealt with three years of civil war and viewed Trump’s victory as a new and possible way to end the conflict. New U. S. policies on South Sudan were something that Tor Deng Mawien, a South Sudanese presidential advisor on decentralization affairs, was “looking forward” to. In March 2016, before Trump had won the election, South Sudanese leader Salva Kiir called Trump to wish him success, saying that if he was elected the two countries would work to gain back the mutual trust lost when Barack Obama was president.
While Kiir congratulated Trump on his victory, U. S. ambassador to South Sudan stated that, “there is no expectation that the United States government will change its foreign policy in South Sudan despite the election of Trump. Many South Sudanese supported Trump, believing that his presidency would result in Trump working towards a solution to end the civil war rather than its own interests. However, many South Sudanese viewed Obama’s presidency as “lukewarm” and “doing either no good or bad to the people of South Sudan.” The South Sudanese are “already in despair, so all we can hope for is a positive response from Trump.”In October 2017, U. S. Ambassador to the U. N. Nikki Haley was the first senior member of Donald Trump’s administration to visit South Sudan. At this point, South Sudan had been in a civil war for around four years, according to Haley, “The United States was at a crossroads and that every decision going forward was going to be based on actions.” Haley expressed that Americans were disappointed in Kiir’s leadership in South Sudan.
In addition to pressure from the U. S. the United Nations alleged ethnic cleansing on behalf of Kiir’s government and a “fertile ground” for genocide, which Kiir’s government denied. Trump imposed sanctions on three South Sudanese in September 2017 and expressed that the way to regain trust of the government is through providing care for affected citizens; the U. S. demanded that Kiir let “full and consistent humanitarian aid access” into the country, as well as an unspecified timeline of Kiir’s actions, to further positive relations between the two countries. In December 2018, Donald Trump officiated a controversial relocation of the U. S. embassy in Israel, moving it from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Following the decision, a foreign newspaper published a report saying that South Sudan “lauded” the decision. In addition, it was said that a South Sudanese embassy had congratulated both Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on the decision, a high-ranking South Sudanese presidential aide had spoken to the newspaper supporting Trump’s decision.
However, an official statement said otherwise. According to the South Sudan Presidential Press Unit, the government “will not make any specific statement or take any position on the decision of President Trump.” The government views the newspaper that published the report as “fabricated and false.” South Sudan expressed that their main priority is to find an inclusive solution to their country’s conflict, not the affairs of other countries. In December 2018, Donald Trump proposed a new Africa strategy, being specific on South Sudan; the country ended a violent five