Donation of Constantine
The Donation of Constantine is a forged Roman imperial decree by which the 4th-century emperor Constantine the Great transferred authority over Rome and the western part of the Roman Empire to the Pope. Composed in the 8th century, it was used in the 13th century, in support of claims of political authority by the papacy. Lorenzo Valla, an Italian Catholic priest and Renaissance humanist, is credited with first exposing the forgery with solid philological arguments in 1439–1440, although the document's authenticity had been contested since 1001. In many of the existing manuscripts, including the oldest one, the document bears the title Constitutum domini Constantini imperatoris; the Donation of Constantine was included in the 9th-century Pseudo-Isidorean Decretals collection. The text, purportedly a decree of Roman Emperor Constantine I dated 30 March, in a year mistakenly said to be both that of his fourth consulate and that of the consulate of Gallicanus, contains a detailed profession of Christian faith and a recounting of how the emperor, seeking a cure for his leprosy, was converted and baptized by Pope Sylvester I.
In gratitude, he determined to bestow on the seat of Peter "power, dignity of glory, vigour, honour imperial", "supremacy as well over the four principal sees, Antioch and Constantinople, as over all the churches of God in the whole earth". For the upkeep of the church of Saint Peter and that of Saint Paul, he gave landed estates "in Judea, Asia, Africa and the various islands". To Sylvester and his successors he granted imperial insignia, the tiara, "the city of Rome, all the provinces and cities of Italy and the western regions". What may be the earliest known allusion to the Donation is in a letter of 778, in which Pope Hadrian I exhorts Charlemagne, whose father, Pepin the Younger, had made the Donation of Pepin granting the Popes sovereignty over the Papal States, to follow Constantine's example and endow the Roman Catholic church; the first pope to directly invoke the decree was Pope Leo IX, in a letter sent in 1054 to Michael I Cerularius, Patriarch of Constantinople. He cited a large portion of the document, believing it genuine, furthering the debate that would lead to the East–West Schism.
In the 11th and 12th centuries, the Donation was cited in the investiture conflicts between the papacy and the secular powers in the West. In his Divine Comedy, written in the early 14th century, the poet Dante Alighieri wrote: "Ahi, Costantin, di quanto mal fu matre, / non la tua conversion, ma quella dote / che da te prese il primo ricco patre!". During the Middle Ages, the Donation was accepted as authentic, although the Emperor Otto III did raise suspicions of the document "in letters of gold" as a forgery, in making a gift to the See of Rome, it was not until the mid-15th century, with the revival of Classical scholarship and textual criticism, that humanists, the papal bureaucracy, began to realize that the document could not be genuine. Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa spoke of it as an apocryphal work; the Catholic priest Lorenzo Valla argued in his philological study of the text that the language used in manuscript could not be dated to the 4th century. The language of the text suggests that the manuscript can most be dated to the 8th century.
Valla believed the forgery to be so obvious that he leaned toward believing that the Church had knowledge that the document was inauthentic. Valla further argued that papal usurpation of temporal power had corrupted the church, caused the wars of Italy, reinforced the "overbearing, tyrannical priestly domination."This was the first instance of modern, scientific diplomatics. Independently of both Cusa and Valla, Reginald Pecocke, Bishop of Chichester, reached a similar conclusion. Among the indications that the Donation must be a fake are its language and the fact that, while certain imperial-era formulas are used in the text, some of the Latin in the document could not have been written in the 4th century; the purported date of the document is inconsistent with the content of the document itself, as it refers both to the fourth consulate of Constantine as well as the consulate of Gallicanus. Pope Pius II wrote a tract in 1453, five years before becoming Pope, to show that, though the Donation was a forgery, the papacy owed its lands to Charlemagne and its powers of the keys to Peter.
Contemporary opponents of papal powers in Italy emphasized the primacy of civil law and civil jurisdiction, now embodied once again in the Justinian Corpus Juris Civilis. The Florentine chronicler Giovanni Cavalcanti reported that, in the year of Valla's treatise, Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, made diplomatic overtures toward Cosimo de' Medici in Florence, proposing an alliance against the Pope. In reference to the Donation, Visconti wrote: "It so happens that if Constantine consigned to Sylvester so many and such rich gifts –, doubtful, because such a privilege can nowhere be found – he could only have granted them for his lifetime: the Empire takes precedence over any lordship." Scholars further demonstrated that other elements, such as Sylvester's curing of Constantine, are legends which originated at a time. Wolfram Setz, a recent editor of Valla's work, has affirmed that at the time of Valla's refutation, Constantine's alleged "
The Decretum Gratiani known as the Concordia discordantium canonum or Concordantia discordantium canonum or as the Decretum, is a collection of Canon law compiled and written in the 12th century as a legal textbook by the jurist known as Gratian. It forms the first part of the collection of six legal texts, which together became known as the Corpus Juris Canonici, it was used by canonists of the Roman Catholic Church until Pentecost 1918, when a revised Code of Canon Law promulgated by Pope Benedict XV on 27 May 1917 obtained legal force. It was about 1150 that Gratian, teacher of theology at the monastery of Saints Nabor and Felix and sometimes believed to have been a Camaldolese monk, composed the work entitled by himself, Concordia discordantium canonum, but called by others Nova collectio, Corpus juris canonici Decretum Gratiani, the latter being now the accepted name, he did this to obviate the difficulties which beset the study of practical, external theology, i. e. the study of canon law.
In spite of its great reputation and wide diffusion, the Decretum has never been recognized by the Church as an official collection. It is divided into three parts; the first part is divided into 101 distinctions, the first 20 of which form an introduction to the general principles of canon Law. The second part contains 36 causes, divided into questions, treat of ecclesiastical administration and marriage; the third part, entitled "De consecratione", treats of the sacraments and other sacred things and contains 5 distinctions. Each distinction or question contains dicta Gratiani, or maxims of Gratian, canones. Gratian himself raises questions and brings forward difficulties, which he answers by quoting auctoritates, i. e. canons of councils, decretals of the popes, texts of the Scripture or of the Fathers. These are the canones, it is to be noted that many auctoritates have been inserted in the "Decretum" by authors of a date. These are the Paleœ, so called from Paucapalea, the name of the principal commentator on the "Decretum".
The Roman revisers of the 16th century corrected the text of the "Decree" and added many critical notes designated by the words Correctores Romani. The Decretum is quoted by indicating the number of the canon and that of the distinction or of the cause and the question. To differentiate the distinctions of the first part from those of the third, question of the 33rd cause of the second part and those of the third part, the words de Pœn. i. e. de Pœnitentiâ, de Cons. i. e. de Consecratione are added to the latter. For instance, "c. 1. D. XI" indicates the first part of the "Decree". Distinction XI, canon 1. 1. de Pœn. d. VI," refers to the second part, 33rd cause, question 3, distinction VI, canon 1. 8, de Cons. d. II" refers to the third part, distinction II, canon 8. 8, C. XII, q. 3" refers to the second part, cause XII, question 3, canon 8. Sometimes in the case of well-known and much-quoted canons, the first words are indicated, e. g. c. Si quis suadente diabolo, C. XVII, q. 4, i. e. the 29th canon of the second part, cause XVII, question 4.
The first words alone are quoted. In both cases, to find the canon it is necessary to consult the alphabetical tables that contain the first words of every canon. Gratian was a canon lawyer from Bologna, he flourished in the mid 12th century. Little else is known about him, he is sometimes incorrectly referred to as Franciscus Gratianus, Johannes Gratian, or Giovanni Graziano. For a long time he was believed to have been born at the end of the 11th century, at Chiusi in Tuscany, he was said to have become a monk at Camaldoli and he taught at the monastery of St. Felix in Bologna and devoted his life to studying canon law, but contemporary scholarship does not attach credibility to these traditions. Since the 11th century, Bologna had been the centre of the study of canon law, as well as of Roman law, after the Corpus Juris Civilis was rediscovered in western Europe. Gratian's work was an attempt, using early scholastic method, to solve contradictory canons from previous centuries. Gratian quoted a great number of authorities, including the Bible and conciliar legislation, church fathers such as Augustine of Hippo, secular law in his efforts to reconcile the canons.
Gratian found a place in Dante's Paradise among the doctors of the Church: He has long been acclaimed as Pater Juris Canonici, a title he shares with his successor St. Raymond of Penyafort; the vulgate version of Gratian's collection was completed at some point after the Second Lateran Council, which it quotes. Research by Anders Winroth established that some manuscripts of an early version of Gratian's text, which differs from the mainstream textual tradition, have survived. With commentaries and supplements, the work was incorporated into the Corpus Juris Canonici; the Decretum became the standard textbook for students of canon law throughout Europe, but it never received any formal official recognition by the papacy. Only the Codex Juris Canonici of 1917 put it out of use; as late as 1997, scholars set the date of completion at 1140, but this accuracy in dating isn't possible after Anders Winroth's grou
The title canon Episcopi is conventionally given to a certain passage found in medieval canon law. The text originates in an early 10th-century penitential, recorded by Regino of Prüm, it is an important source on folk belief and surviving pagan customs in Francia on the eve of the formation of the Holy Roman Empire. The folk beliefs described in the text reflect the residue of pre-Christian beliefs at about one century after the Carolingian Empire had been Christianized, its condemnation of the belief in witchcraft was an important argument used by the opponents of the witch trials during the 16th century, such as Johann Weyer. The conventional title "canon Episcopi" is based on the text's incipit, was current from at least the 17th century, it is first attested in the Libri de synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis composed by Regino of Prüm around 906. It was included in Burchard of an early attempt at collecting all of Canon law; the text was adopted in the Decretum of Ivo of Chartres and in Gratian's authoritative Corpus juris canonici of c.
1140. Because it was included in Gratian's compilation the text was treated as canon law for the remaining part of the High Middle Ages, until Roman Catholic views on European witchcraft began to change in the late medieval period; the text of Gratian is not the same as the one used by Burchard, the distinctive features of the Corrector text were thus not transmitted to times. The text of Regino of Prüm was edited in Patrologia Latina, volume 132; the text of Burchard's Corrector has been separately edited by Wasserschleben, again by Schmitz. The incipit of Gratian's text, which gave rise to the title of "canon Episcopi" reads: Episcopi, eorumque ministri omnibus modis elaborare studeant, ut perniciosam et a diabolo inventam sortilegam et magicam artem ex parochiis suis penitus eradicent, et si aliquem virum aut mulierem hujuscemodi sceleris sectatorem invenerint, turpiter dehonestatum de parochiis suis ejiciant. "The bishops and their ministers should by all means make great effort so that they may eradicate the pernicious art of divination and magic, invented by the devil, from their parishes, if they find any man or woman adhering to such a crime, they should eject them, turpidly dishonoured, from their parishes."This condemnation the "pernicious art of divination and magic" is justified by a reference to Titus 3:10-11 on heresy.
Follows a description of the errors of "certain wicked women", who deceived by Satan believe themselves to join the train of the pagan goddess Diana during the hours of the night, to cover great distances within a multitude of women riding on beasts, during certain nights to be called to the service of their mistress. Those holding such beliefs are condemned by the text in no uncertain terms, deploring the great number of people who "relapse into pagan error" by holding such beliefs; because of this, the text instructs that all priests should teach at every possible instant that such beliefs are phantasms inspired by an evil spirit. The following paragraph presents an account of the means by which Satan takes possession of the minds of these women by appearing to them in numerous forms, how once he holds captive their minds, deludes them by means of dreams; the text emphasizes that the heretic belief is to hold that these transformations occur in the body, while they are in reality dream visions inspired in the mind.
The text proposes that it is normal to have nightly visions in which one sees things that are never seen while awake, but that it is a great stupidity to believe that the events experienced in the dream vision have taken place in the body. Examples are adduced, of Ezechiel having his prophetic visions in spirit, not in body, of the Apocalypse of John, seen in spirit, not in body, of Paul of Tarsus, who describes the events at Damascus as a vision, not as a bodily encounter; the text concludes by repeating that it should be publicly preached that all those holding such beliefs have lost their faith, believing not in God but in the devil, whosoever believes that it is possible to transform themselves into a different kind of creature, is far more wavering than an infidel. The Canon Episcopi has received a great deal of attention from historians of the witch craze period as early documentation of the Catholic church's theological position on the question of witchcraft; the position taken by the author is that these "rides of Diana" did not exist, that they are deceptions, dreams or phantasms.
It is the belief in the reality of such deceptions, considered a heresy worthy of excommunication. The position here is that the devil is real, creating delusions in the mind, but that the delusions do not have bodily reality; this s
Dictatus papae is a compilation of 27 statements of powers arrogated to the pope, included in Pope Gregory VII's register under the year 1075. The principles expressed in Dictatus papae are those of the Gregorian Reform, initiated by Gregory decades before he became pope; the axioms of the Dictatus advance the strongest case for papal infallibility. The axiom "That it may be permitted to him to depose emperors" qualified the early medieval balance of power embodied in the letter Famuli vestrae pietatis of Pope Gelasius I to the Eastern Roman Emperor Anastasius, which outlined the separation and complementarity of spiritual and temporal powers - auctoritas and potestas or imperium, the former being superior to the latter - under which the West had been ruled since Merovingian times. "None of the conflicts of the years 1075 and following can be directly traced to opposition to it". Medieval developments of the relationship between spiritual and secular power would come with Pope Boniface VIII, who famously formulated the image of the two swords in the papal bull Unam Sanctam.
Dictatus Papae is a heading in the letter-collection that implies that the pope composed the piece himself. It does not mean any kind of a manifesto, it was not published, in the sense of being copied and made known outside the immediate circle of the papal curia. Some historians believe that it was written or dictated by Gregory himself, others that it had a different origin and was inserted in the register at a date. In 1087 Deusdedit, a cardinal and ally of Gregory, published a collection of decretals, dedicated to Pope Victor III, that embodied the law of the Church – canon law – which he had compiled from many sources, both legitimate and false; the Dictatus papae agrees so with this collection that some have argued the Dictatus must have been based on it. The Roman Church was founded by God. Only the Pope can with right be called "Universal", he alone can reinstate bishops. All bishops are below his Legate in council if a lower grade, he can pass sentence of deposition against them; the Pope may depose the absent.
Among other things, we ought not to remain in the same house with those excommunicated by him. For him alone is it lawful, according to the needs of the time, to make new laws, to assemble together new congregations, to make an abbey of a canonry, and, on the other hand, to divide a rich bishopric and unite the poor ones, he alone may use the Imperial Insignia. All princes shall kiss the feet of the Pope alone, his name alone shall be spoken in the churches. This is the only name in the world, it may be permitted to him to depose emperors. It may be permitted to him to transfer bishops, he has the power to ordain the clerk of any parish. He, ordained by the Pope may preside over another church, but may not hold a subordinate position; such a person may not receive a higher clerical grade from any other bishop. No synod shall be called a'General Synod' without his order. No chapter and no book shall be considered canonical without his authority. A sentence passed by him may be retracted by no one, he alone may retract it.
He himself may be judged by no one. No one shall dare to condemn any person; the more important cases of every church should be referred to the Apostolic See. The Roman Church has never erred. Nor will it err, to all eternity--Scripture being witness; the Roman Pontiff, if he has been canonically ordained, is undoubtedly made a saint by the merits of St. Peter, St. Ennodius Bishop of Pavia bearing witness, many holy fathers agreeing with him; as it is contained in the decrees of Pope St. Symmachus. By his command and consent, it may be lawful for subordinates to bring accusations, he may reinstate bishops without assembling a Synod. He, not at peace with the Roman Church shall not be considered'catholic', he may absolve subjects from their fealty to wicked men. Apostasy Heresy Libertas ecclesiae Das Register Gregors. VII, ed. E. Caspar, pp. 202–8: section translated by G. A. Loud
Collectio canonum quadripartita
The Collectio canonum quadripartita is an early medieval canon law collection, written around the year 850 in the ecclesiastical province of Reims. It consists of four books; the Quadripartita is an episcopal manual of penitential law. It was a popular source for knowledge of penitential and canon law in France and Italy in the ninth and tenth centuries, notably influencing Regino's enormously important Libri duo de synodalibus causis. Well into the thirteenth century the Quadripartita was being copied by scribes and quoted by canonists who were compiling their own collections of canon law; this work should not be confused with the early twelfth-century Latin translation of Old English law known as the Quadripartitus. The complementary acts of confession and penance highly ritualized acts undertaken only once in a lifetime and in public fora, developed in the early Middle Ages into a disciplinary system known as private penance, in which the faithful were encouraged to confess their sins and in secret to a priest or confessor, who enjoined an appropriate period of punishment.
Through the Middle Ages the private penitential system became an elaborate and ritualized institution. In its earliest form, however―that is, as it was practiced from around the sixth to eighth centuries―this system was dependent upon the transmission of basic lists of sins and their corresponding punishments; these short lists of sins made up a genre of texts known as the'penitential handbook'. Penitentials were first employed as disciplinary tools by Irish and British monks living in cloistered ascetical religious communities, but soon spread to England and France, where they developed into varied and grander forms. By the eighth century, penitentials had adopted a focus on lay sins, their popularity was rivalled only by their variety. This gave rise during the early ninth century to a backlash against the diversity of penitentials and the diversity of disciplinary and theological'errors' which they propagated. A number of Frankish councils demanded that the laws of the older penitentials be brought into line with the accepted canonical norms of the church, as reflected in the more conservative collectiones canonum being compiled at the time.
As a result of such efforts towards standardization, the older penitentials fell out of use and were replaced by the large collections of penitential and canon law which dominated in France and Italy in the tenth and eleventh centuries. During the Carolingian period there evolved two different yet overlapping contexts in which the penitentials were used; the first of these was the pastoral context of confession between parishioner. The second was an administrative and/or academic context, in which books of penitential law served bishops in their roles as administrators of local dioceses, adjudicators at judicial synods and students of moral philosophy and canon law; the penitential required by a bishop was much different than that required by the confessor-priest, it is within this episcopal context that the penitentials evolved from mere manuals into vast collections of penitential and administrative law. By the ninth century, chapters from penitential manuals had entered many of the influential canon law collections being copied and compiled on the Continent.
Since at least the fifth and sixth centuries, canon law collections could boast of being repositories of the ancient and authoritative conciliar and papal judgements of the Christian church. As such, these collections had at first stood in stark contrast to the early penitentials, whose lists of sins and corresponding penances was neither ancient nor authoritative. In time, the genres of collectio and penitential blended together; as canon law collections succumbed to revision and abandoned their claims to antique authority by including newer and less authoritative laws, it became more common for them to include penitential canons. The collections began to look more like penitentials as penitentials everywhere were beginning to take on characteristics of the more'formal' collectiones. Problems of textual stability and genre were further exacerbated by the fact that no one code or collection of canon law claimed status as the recognized standard, it was in this context of fluctuating generic and textual boundaries in France that the Quadripartita developed.
The first book treats the life, preaching and duty of priests. Books 3 and 4 are longer than books 1 and 2. Scholars have divided the Quadripartita into a number of component parts, including a dedicatory letter, a brief list of authorities used, a list or register of titles for each book, a general preface, prefaces for books 2–4, the text or canons of the four books and an Epilogue
Collectiones canonum Dionysianae
The Collectiones canonum Dionysianae are the several collections of ancient canons prepared by the Scythian monk Dionysius'the humble'. They include the Collectio conciliorum Dionysiana I, the Collectio conciliorum Dionysiana II, the Collectio decretalium Dionysiana, they are of the utmost importance for the development of the canon law tradition in the West. Towards 500 a Scythian monk, known as Dionysius Exiguus, who had come to Rome after the death of Pope Gelasius, and, well skilled in both Latin and Greek, undertook to bring out a more exact translation of the canons of the Greek councils. In a second effort he collected papal decretals from Siricius to Anastasius II, anterior therefore, to Pope Symmachus. By order of Pope Hormisdas, Dionysius made a third collection, in which he included the original text of all the canons of the Greek councils, together with a Latin version of the same, he combined the first and second in one collection, which thus united the canons of the councils and the papal decretals.
This collection opens with a table or list of titles, each of, afterwards repeated before the respective canons. This first part of the collection is closed by a letter of Pope Boniface I, read at the same council, letters of Cyril of Alexandria and Atticus of Constantinople to the African Fathers, a letter of Pope Celestine I; the second part of the collection opens with a preface, in the shape of a letter to the priest Julian, a table of titles. The additions met with in Voel and Justel are taken from inferior manuscripts. Shortly after the year 500, during the pontificate of Pope Symmachus, Dionysius collected and translated into Latin the canons of the major eastern councils, including the so-called Canones apostolorum, the decrees of the councils of Nicaea, Neocaesarea, Antioch, Constantinople, Sardica and the so-called Codex Apiarii causae, the last being a collection of dossiers that includes the canons and acts pertaining to the council held in Carthage on 25 May, 419. Dionysius did this at the request of Stephen, bishop of Salona, a certain'dearest brother Laurence' who had been'offended by the awkwardness of the older translation'.
It is not certain, but it may have been within the context of the Symmachan-Laurentian dispute that these requests were made of Dionysius. Eckhard Wirbelauer, reviving several older arguments, has argued that Dionysius's collection was meant to stand in direct opposition to the views of Pope Symmachus, thus it was to have won neither the favour nor acceptance of that pope, nor his immediate successor and strong supporter, Pope Hormisdas. Shortly after preparing his first collection of conciliar canons, Dionysius prepared a second recension of the same name, to which he made important changes, he updated his translations, altered rubrics, most introduced a system of numbering the canons in sequence. In the Dionysiana II the Canones apostolorum were still numbered separately from 1 to 50, but now the canons of Nicaea to Constantinople were numbered in sequence from I to CLXV,'just"as is found in the Greek authority', in Dionysius’s Greek exemplar. Dionysius altered the position of Chalcedon, moving it from after the Codex Apiarii to before Sardica, removed the versio Attici of the canons of Nicaea from Codex Apiarii.
He added an important collection of African canons to his second recension. Known today as the Registri ecclesiae Carthaginensis excerpta, this'large body of conciliar legislation from the earlier Aurelian councils' was inserted by Dionysius into the middle of the Codex Apiarii ―, between the canons and the letters of the 419 Council of Carthage ― with the fabricated prefatory statement:'and in that synod were recited the various councils of the African province, celebrated in bygone days of Bishop Aurelius'. Thus, the 137'African' canons that make up Registri ecclesiae Carthaginensis excerpta in the Dionysiana II are a concoction of Dionysius's, a conflation of two earlier canonical collections of the African church; the existence of a third bilingual collection of conciliar canons, in which Dionysius removed the spurious Canones apostolorum along with the'African' canons and the problematic canons of Sardica, can be deduced from a preface now extant in Novara, Biblioteca Capitolare, XXX.
No copies of the text of this recension have survived. The fact that Pope Hormisdas, noted supporter of the previous pope Symmachus, commissioned this collection from Dionysius is sign
Doctor of Law
Doctor of Law or Doctor of Laws is a degree in law. The application of the term varies from country to country, includes degrees such as the Doctor of Juridical Science, Doctor juris, Doctor of Philosophy, Juris Doctor, Legum Doctor. In Argentina the Doctor of Laws or Doctor of Juridical Sciences is the highest academic qualification in the field of Jurisprudence. To obtain the doctoral degree the applicant must have achieved, at least the undergraduate degree of Attorney.. The doctorates in Jurisprudence in Argentina might have different denominations as is described as follow: Doctorate in Law Doctorate in Criminal Law Doctorate in Criminal Law and Criminal Sciences Doctorate in Juridical Sciences Doctorate in Juridical and Social Sciences Doctorate in Private Law Doctorate in Public Law and Government Economics In Brazil, the Doctor of Laws degree, known in Portuguese as Doutor em Direito or Doutor em Ciências Jurídicas, is the highest academic degree in law available. In some of the country's most important universities there is a higher title known as livre docência, like the habilitation in some European countries.
However, this higher title is not a degree in the strict sense, because livre docência nowadays is an internal title, that applies within the institution granting it. In the past, livre docência was a degree in the fullness of the term, a professor bearing the title would enjoy the privileges of livre docência if he transferred from one institution to another; the doctoral degree is awarded upon the completion and the successful defense of a thesis prepared by the doctoral candidate under the supervision of a tutor. The thesis must be examined by a board of five professors, holders of the title of doctor or of a livre docência. Two of the members of the board must be professors from another institution. In most Brazilian Law Schools, the candidates are required to earn a minimum number of credits. Unlike the rules of other countries, the Brazilian norms governing the grant of doctoral titles do not require the publication of the thesis as a precondition for the award of the degree. Copies of the thesis must be delivered to the institution's library.
Doctoral thesis are published by specialized editors after the grant of the doctoral title. If one obtains a doctoral title in a foreign country, one cannot enjoy the academic privileges of the title in Brazil unless the title be first validated by a Brazilian University. In that case, the doctor asking for the validation of the title will present his thesis and other documents relating to his foreign doctoral course to a board examiners of the Brazilian University and the examiners will pass judgement on whether the work done by the candidate adheres to the minimum standards of quality that are required by a Brazilian university when granting doctoral degrees. Admission to doctoral courses is universally reserved to holders of a master's degree. Therefore, a bachelor of Laws, seeking the degree of doctor must complete a postgraduate course to attain the degree of Master of Laws, only after being a Master of Laws, one will apply for admission to a doctoral course. There are, however, a few universities that allow "direct" admission to the doctoral course without previous completion of the Master's course in exceptional circumstances.
Thus, in rare cases, a bachelor of Laws, can be admitted directly to a doctoral course. One is allowed three years time to complete a Master of Laws degree, four years time to complete the doctoral course. So, if one were to graduate from Law School and enter a Master of Laws course and a Doctor of Laws course in immediate succession, that person would become a doctor about seven years after graduating from the Law School. On the other hand, in the rare cases in which a bachelor of Laws is allowed to pursue a "direct" doctorate, he is allowed five years time to complete the doctoral course. Unlike the Master of Laws dissertation, the Doctoral Thesys must contain an original contribution to the field of Law under study. In Canada, there are several academic law-related doctorates: the Doctor of Laws; the Doctor of Jurisprudence is the professional doctorate degree, required for admissions to post-graduate studies in law. The first law degree was known until as the Bachelor of Laws. However, since law schools in Canada insist on a prior degree or some equivalent in order to grant admission, it was a more advanced degree than the LL.
B. degrees awarded by programs abroad. The majority of Canadian universities now grant that degree rather than the LL. B.. B. with a J. D. in 2010, because the Canadian LL. B. is equivalent to the J. D. All Canadian J. D. programs are three years, all have similar mandatory firs