A van is a type of road vehicle used for transporting goods or people. Depending on the type of van it can be bigger or smaller than a truck and SUV, bigger than a common car. There is some varying in the scope of the word across the different English-speaking countries; the smallest vans, are used for transporting either goods or people in tiny quantities. Mini MPVs, Compact MPVs, MPVs are all small vans used for transporting people in small quantities. Larger vans with passenger seats are used such as transporting students. Larger vans with only front seats are used for business purposes, to carry goods and equipment. Specially-equipped vans are used by television stations as mobile studios. Postal services and courier companies use large step vans to deliver packages. Van meaning a type of vehicle arose as a contraction of the word caravan; the earliest records of van as a vehicle in English are in the mid 19th century meaning a covered wagon for transporting goods. Caravan with the same meaning has records since the 1670s.
A caravan, meaning one wagon, had arisen as an extension or corruption of caravan meaning a convoy of multiple wagons. The word van has different, but overlapping, meanings in different forms of English. While the word always now applies to boxy cargo vans, other applications are found to a greater or lesser extent in the different English-speaking countries. In Australian English, the term van is used to describe a minivan, a passenger minibus, or an Australian panel van as manufactured by companies such as Holden and Ford at various times. A full-size van used for commercial purposes is known as a van; the term van can sometimes be used interchangeably with caravan, which in the U. S. is referred to as a travel trailer. The British term people mover is used in Australian English to describe a passenger van; the American usage of van to mean a cargo box trailer or semi-trailer is used if in Australia. In India, the van is one of the most common modes of transport and is used for transporting school children to and from schools when parents working parents, are too busy to pick their children up from school or when school buses are full and unable to accommodate other children.
Early Japanese vans include Mazda Bongo and the Toyota LiteAce van. The Japanese produced many vans based on the American flat nose model, but mini-vans which for the American market have evolved to the long-wheelbase front wheel drive form factor pioneered by the Nissan Prairie and Mitsubishi Chariot. Microvans, vans that fulfill kei car regulations, are popular for small business; the term is used to describe full-fledged station wagons and hatchbacks with a basic trim package intended for commercial use. These are sometimes referred to as "Light Vans". In British English, the word van refers to vehicles that carry goods only, on both rails. What would be called a minivan in American English is called a people-carrier or MPV, or multi-purpose vehicle, larger passenger vehicles are called a minibus; the Telegraph newspaper introduced the idea of "White Van Man", a typical working class man or small business owner who would have a white Ford Transit, Mercedes-Benz Sprinter, or similar panel van.
Today the phrase "man and van" refers to light removal firms operated by a sole business owner transporting anything from the contents of a whole house to just a few boxes. The word "van" refers to railway covered goods wagons, called "boxcars" in the United States. In the United States, a van can refer to a box-shaped trailer or semi-trailer used to carry goods. In this case there is a differentiation between a "dry van", used to carry most goods, a refrigerated van, or reefer, used for cold goods. A railway car used to carry baggage is called a van. A vehicle referred to as a full-size van is a large, boxy vehicle that has a platform and powertrain similar to their light truck counterparts; these vans may be sold with the space behind the front seats empty for transporting of goods, or furnished for passenger use by either the manufacturer or another company for more personal comforts, such as entertainment systems. Full-size vans have a short hood, with the engine block moved to within the passenger cabin.
A cutaway van chassis is a variation of the full size van, developed for use by many second stage manufacturers. Such a unit has a van front end, driver controls in a cab body which extends only to a point aft of the driver and passenger seats, where the rest of the van body is cutoff. From that point aft only the chassis frame rails and running gear extend to the rear when the unit is shipped as an "incomplete vehicle". A second stage manufacturer known as a bodybuilder, will complete the vehicle for uses such as recreational vehicles, small school buses, type III ambulances, delivery trucks. A large portion of cutaway van chassis are equipped with dual rear wheels; some second stage manufacturers add a third weight-bearing single wheel "tag axle" for larger minibus models. The term van may refer to a minivan. However, minivans are distinguished by their smaller size and traditionally front wheel drive powertrain, although many now are being equipped with four wheel drive. Minivans offer seven or eight passenger seating capacity (similar to the smallest
In Kenya and neighbouring nations, matatu are owned minibuses, although pick-up trucks and estate cars were in the past pressed into service as these East African share taxis. Decorated, many matatu feature portraits of famous people or slogans and sayings; the music they play is aimed at attracting riders. Although their origins can be traced back to the 1960s, matatu saw growth in Kenya in the 1980s and 1990s, by the early 2000s the archetypal form was a Japanese microvan. C. 2015, bus-sized vehicles started to be pressed into service as matatu. These minibuses ply set routes, run from termini, are used for both inter- and intra-city travel. In addition to a driver, matatu may be staffed by a conductor, locally known as a makanga or manamba; as of 1999, they were the only form of public transport available in Nairobi, although in 2006 and 2008 this was no longer the case. Kampala, may only be serviced by minibuses as of 2008; as of 2014, there are more than 20,000 individual matatu in Kenya. In 1993, there may have been double that number.
The name may be used in parts of Nigeria. The name derives from a Swahili colloquialism meaning "three". One explanation is that the wagons pressed into service as matatu could be fitted with three rows of bench seats. Other sources maintain. There is no universally agreed opinion on an origin for the name, with a news source indicating its origin lies in the Kikuyu language. At times in Kenya, the matatu has been associated with reckless driving. Writes one academic, "by the end of the 1990s, matatu operators were viewed... by Kenyans of all ranks as thugs who exploited and mistreated passengers and participated in gang or mafia-like violence."In the early 2000s, struggle over control of matatu routes by informal groups led to violence, contemporary headlines highlight the fact that matatu were perceived as unsafe. These include a 2002 article titled "riding in Kenya's taxi vans is death-defying experience" and another from 1999 proclaiming that the "menace of deadly matatus to be curbed." Mistreatment of passengers has been reported and includes: "verbal and physical abuse, hijacking...sexual harassment and rape."
Explicitly deemed legal in 1973, it wasn't until 1984 that the most basic regulatory framework was constructed for matatu, when licensing and inspections were mandated. Today, the Kenyan regime has been described as having extensive regulatory controls, in this country a matatu worker can be pulled from the streets for sporting too loud a shirt; some basic safety equipment is required. It's unclear, however. Present regulation may not be a sufficient deterrent to prevent small infractions as decoration may be prohibited. Laws prohibiting flashy paint-jobs and eye-searing colors were removed in 2015, as of 2016 matatu in Kenya are brightly decorated with some operators paying upwards of US$2,000 for custom, decorative paint. In the 1990s and 2000s, informal groups emerged managing routes and requiring matatu drivers to pay fees. At times, competition over control of routes precipitated violence. Today, an individual matatu must be associated with one of over 600 independent, government-registered groups known as a SACCOs.
As of late 2010, Kenyan government policy is to phase out minibus matatu in the capital city Nairobi in favour of larger buses seating twenty five or more. No new matatu vehicles can operate in Nairobi, while the existing ones will be allowed to continue serving passengers until they become inoperable, it could take ten years or more to ease the congestion caused by more-popular smaller minibuses, however. As of 2008, Uganda, has no independent transport authority. In the Netflix series Sense8, who lives in Nairobi and is one of the main characters, drives the matatu Van Damn, a tribute to Capheus' favorite action star, Jean-Claude Van Damme. Dala dala, Tanzania Tro tro, Ghana Jeepney, Philippines Colectivo, South America "Ma3, a band inspired by matatu". Network Africa. BBC World Service. 27 February 2012
The Mall at 163rd Street
The Mall at 163rd Street is an enclosed shopping mall and power center in North Miami Beach, Florida. From its opening as an open-air shopping center in 1956, it has been converted into an enclosed mall, but was redeveloped as a combination of both formats; the mall's anchors are The Home Depot, Marshalls and Wal-Mart Supercenter. The mall opened on November 1, 1956, as The 163rd Street Shopping Center, anchored by a Raymond Loewy-designed Burdines and Richard's. In addition, it sported forty-nine outlets, including Food Fair, JCPenney, M and M Cafeteria and Woolworth. Wometco 163rd Street Theatre served as an outparcel, by 1961, was doubled as the 163rd Street & Patio Theater. In February 1971, Jordan Marsh opened a three-story location at the shopping center's east wing; until the late 1970s, the center court fronting Burdines had provided countless kiddie rides, which were all encircled by a train track. A go-kart track existed in the north parking lot, but was destroyed by Hurricane Cleo and never rebuilt.
From 1980 to October 1982, the shopping center was converted into a climate-controlled enclosed mall. Colossal metal arches were flanked over the main plaza that the stores resided along, a white, Teflon-coated canvas was placed over them. Richard's, which closed on January 11, 1980, as part of a chain-wide closure, was fashioned into a three-floor atrium; the upper level became a food court while the lower level allowed for the expansion of Spec's Music as Spec's Metro. It was at this time the mall was rebranded to its current name, however the mall's transformation was called The Miracle on 163rd Street; when Aventura Mall opened in 1983, JCPenney moved to the new mall, in effect closing its 163rd Street store. Unable to lure a replacement anchor, the Penney's space was divided into six specialty store spaces, while the basement became an Oshman's sporting goods store. Pantry Pride closed in 1984, Service Merchandise opened as its replacement, creating a mall entrance that Pantry Pride didn't possess.
The third and most significant change involved the food court's closure due to a lack of significant foot traffic. However, it was relocated downstairs to the second floor of the atrium, while the third floor converted to a Marshalls. An extra-long escalator was installed to shuttle shoppers directly up to the third floor Marshalls. However, in 2017, the escalator stopped service; the decline of the mall began in 1991. Although a Mervyns department store took over the lower two floors of the three story structure, it closed in 1995; the biggest hit however took place in 1999, when Burdines relocated to Aventura Mall. Vacancies increased throughout the late 1990s, leaving only Marshalls and a few smaller inline stores; the conversion of the mall into a power center began in 1996, when the movie theater outparcel was demolished to make way for The Home Depot. A major change to the enclosed mall itself occurred in October 2003, when the Jordan Marsh building, its adjoining parking structure, about ⅓ of the mall was demolished and replaced with a Wal-Mart Supercenter that opened in September, 2005.
The remaining mall was reworked to include big-box stores, including Ross. Steve & Barry's opened on the upper level of the former Burdines in 2007, but closed in 2009 after a nationwide liquidation. In 2015, the anchor store, office depot store closed, temporarily replaced by a Halloween City store in 2017. Mall at 163rd Street property website Deadmalls.com feature
Jeepneys, sometimes called jeeps, are buses and the most popular means of public transportation ubiquitous in the Philippines. They are known for their crowded seating and kitsch decorations, which have become a wide spread symbol of Philippine culture and art. A Sarao jeepney was exhibited at the Philippine pavilion at the 1964 New York World's Fair as a national image for the Filipinos. Jeepneys were made from U. S. military jeeps left over from World War II. The word jeepney is a portmanteau word – a combination of "jeep" and "jitney", both words common slang in the popular vernacular of the era: "jitney" being a popular term for an American taxicab, a "jeep" a newly coined term to describe a type of military vehicle. Other sources favor the far less explanation that it is a portmanteau of "jeep" and "knee", because the passengers sit in close proximity to each other. Most jeepneys are used as public utility vehicles; some are used as personal vehicles. Jeepneys are used less for commercial or institutional use.
When American troops began to leave the Philippines at the end of World War II, hundreds of surplus Jeeps were sold or given to the Filipinos. An American soldier named Harry Stonehill was involved in the disposal of military surplus, created a black market for the surplus including jeeps; the Jeeps were stripped down and altered locally: metal roofs were added for shade. The back part was reconfigured with two long parallel benches with passengers facing each other to accommodate more passengers; the size and passenger capacity has increased as it evolved through the years. These were classified as passenger-type jeeps; the non-extended, original-seat configuration jeeps were labeled owners, short for owner-type jeeps, are used non-commercially. The original Jeepneys were refurbished military Jeeps by Ford. Modern jeepneys are now produced with other parts coming from Japan; the Jeepney emerged as a popular and creative way to re-establish inexpensive public transportation, much of, destroyed during World War II.
Recognizing the widespread use of these vehicles, the Philippine government began to regulate their use. Drivers now must have special driver's licenses. Routes are regulated and prices are fixed fares. Illegal operators are referred to as "colorum" operations, from the colour of the vehicle plate, which denotes a private rather than public registration. Jeepney have been reported to be exported to Papua New Guinea to replace buses and vans that are too costly to import. 4,000 jeepneys were exported to Papua New Guinea in 2004. The Jeepney industry has faced threats to its survival. Most of the larger builders have gone bankrupt or have switched to manufacturing other products, with the smaller builders forced to go out of business. Passenger jeepneys are facing increasing restrictions and regulations for pollution control, as they consume lots of fuel. A recent study published in a Metro Manila newspaper compared the fuel use of a 16-passenger jeepney to a 54-passenger air-conditioned bus and found that the fuel consumption for both was the same.
The planned construction of bus rapid transit systems in Manila and Cebu might lead to the removal of jeepneys. In 2016, the Department of Transportation and Communications imposed an age limit on jeepneys of 15 years, with older jeepneys starting to be phased out. Many jeepney operators oppose the phase-out, George San Mateo, leader of the "No to Jeepney Phaseout" Coalition, called the modernization program "corrupt". Leyte Representative Martin Romualdez urged the Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board to drop its jeepney modernization program; as part of the PUV modernization program all new and existing vehicles must be fitted with a tap card system which allows commuters to pay for their trip. After multiple failed attempts at implementation and crippling technical issues surrounding the existing Beep Card many of the proposed systems were rejected by the Department of Transportation. In 2018, Panta Transportation partnered with the DOTr to developing the Panta Transportation Network which utilises advanced RFID card technology in the form of Panta Cards.
The cards enable value to be loaded onto the card, as well as allowing the journey details to be recorded and the appropriate fare deducted from the stored value on the card. It is designed so that passengers can tap on and off any services whenever they travel through the public transport network; the system received positive media coverage and reviews from jeepney operators calling the system "The future of transportation in the Philippines". The Panta Transportation Network has since been contracted by Isuzu and Kia to be installed on over 75,000 jeepneies by the end of 2018 with further plans to have rolled out the system on over 250,000 vehicles across Metro Manila by early 2019. Further talks with the DOTr have suggested that the Panta Transportation Network will be the exclusive contactless fare collection system for public transport services in Metro Manila. In the central island of Cebu, the bulk of jeepneys are built from second-hand Japanese trucks intended for cargo; these are euphemistically known as "surplus trucks".
Popular jeepney manufacturers in Cebu are Chariot and RDAK, known for its "flat-nosed" jeepneys made from surplus Suzuki minivans and Isuzu Elf trucks, which are no longer in use in Japan owing to road tax and obsolescence in their country of origin. These are equipped with high-powered sound systems, racing themes, are said to be b
Price gouging is a term referring to when a seller spikes the prices of goods, services or commodities to a level much higher than is considered reasonable or fair, is considered exploitative to an unethical extent. This event occurs after a demand or supply shock: common examples include price increases of basic necessities after hurricanes or other natural disasters. In precise, legal usage, it is the name of a crime that applies in some jurisdictions of the United States during civil emergencies. In less precise usage, it can refer either to prices obtained by practices inconsistent with a competitive free market, or to windfall profits. In the former Soviet Union, it was included under the single definition of speculation; the term is similar to profiteering but can be distinguished by being short-term and localized, by a restriction to essentials such as food, shelter and equipment needed to preserve life and property. In jurisdictions where there is no such crime, the term may still be used to pressure firms to refrain from such behavior.
The term is not in widespread use in mainstream economic theory, but is sometimes used to refer to practices of a coercive monopoly which raises prices above the market rate that would otherwise prevail in a competitive environment. Alternatively, it may refer to suppliers' benefiting to excess from a short-term change in the demand curve; as a criminal offense, Florida's "state of emergency" law is an example. Price gouging may be charged when a supplier of essential goods or services raises the prices asked in anticipation of or during a civil emergency, or when it cancels or dishonors contracts in order to take advantage of an increase in prices related to such an emergency; the model case is a retailer who increases the price of existing stocks of milk and bread when a hurricane is imminent. In Florida, it is a defense to show that the price increase reflects increased costs, such as running an emergency generator, or hazard pay for workers, while California places a ten percent cap on any increases.
In the United States, state laws against price gouging have been held as constitutional at the state level as a valid exercise of the police power to preserve order during an emergency, may be combined with anti-hoarding measures. As of January 2019, 34 states have laws against price-gouging. If you are concerned about price-gouging, you should refer to your individual state's law. Price-gouging is defined in terms of the three criteria listed below: Period of emergency: The majority of laws apply only to price shifts during a declared state of emergency or disaster. Necessary items: Most laws apply to items essential to survival, such as food and housing. Price ceilings: Laws limit the maximum price that can be charged for given goods. Statutory prohibitions on price gouging become effective, thus protecting people from exploitative increases in the costs of essential goods, once a state of emergency has been declared. States have legislated different requirements for who must declare a state of emergency for the price protections to go into effect.
Some state statutes that prohibit price gouging--including those of Alabama, Florida and Ohio--protect against price increases only once the President of the United States or the state's governor has declared a state of emergency in the impacted region. California permits emergency proclamations by officials and other governing bodies of cities and counties to trigger the state's price gouging law. State laws vary on. California has set a 10 percent ceiling on price increases. Florida prohibits a price increase “that grossly exceeds the average price” of that same item in the 30 days leading up to the emergency declaration; some state laws do not define what constitutes a “gross disparity,” making it difficult for either affected residents or law enforcement to determine when price gouging has occurred, while others limit vendors and landlords to price increases of less than 25 percent. Laws include exceptions for price increases that can be justified in terms of increased cost of supply, demand or storage.
Enforcement of anti-price gouging statutes can be difficult because of the exceptions contained within the statutes and the lack of oversight mechanisms. Statutes give wide discretion not to prosecute. In 2004, Florida determined that one-third of complaints were unfounded, a large fraction of the remainder was handled by consent decrees, rather than prosecution. California Penal Code 396 prohibits price gouging defined as anything greater than a 10 percent increase in price, once a state of emergency has been declared. Unlike other states that require the President of the United States or the state’s governor to declare a state of emergency, California permits emergency proclamations by officials and other governing bodies of cities and counties to trigger C. P. C. § 396. The price protection may be renewed as necessary. Since October 2017, then-California Governor Jerry Brown extended the price-gouging ban for counties impacted by the October 2017 wildfires and subsequently for the counties impacted by the 2018 wildfires.
One of his last acts as governor was to extend the price protections until May 31, 2019. Though California prohibits price hikes after an emergency is declared, the state, like many others, has no price monitoring structure for oversight. Attorneys and law enforcement rely on news reports and word of mouth to learn about exploitative pricing practices; the District Attorney of Sonoma County has attempted to remedy this by creating its ow
Atlantic City Jitney Association
The Atlantic City Jitney Association is an association of operators of minibus service in Atlantic City, New Jersey, providing service at all times on 3 fixed routes, daytime service on a fourth fixed route, bus-to-rail connections from the Atlantic City Rail Terminal, providing connections to Atlantic City Line trains. The jitney service in Atlantic City started in 1915; the type of vehicle used has changed every few years. The classic International Harvester Metro Van was used in the 1960s. In 2010, the service switched to a fleet of bright green and white Ford E-450 vehicles powered by compressed natural gas. In 2012, the association reached an agreement with the advertising firm Blue Outdoor to allow advertising on all of its 190 jitneys, including inside, full side and/or back panels, full vehicle wraps; the ACJA operates service on four routes. The one-way fare for the jitney is $2.25. These routes run to and from the Atlantic City Rail Terminal, fare-free; these lines were operated by New Jersey Transit.
List of New Jersey Transit bus routes - other local routes within Atlantic City and Atlantic County List of New Jersey Transit bus routes - long distance service from the Atlantic City Bus Terminal Atlantic City Jitney Association
George Washington Bridge Bus Station
The George Washington Bridge Bus Station is a commuter bus terminal located at the east end of the George Washington Bridge in the Washington Heights area of Manhattan in New York City, New York. The bus station is operated by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey. On a typical weekday 20,000 passengers on about 1,000 buses use the station; the building, an example of 1960s urban renewal, has been described as a blight on its surrounding environment and "a brutal assault on the senses". Its upper-level bus ramps cross Fort Washington Avenue, blocking light and the view of the George Washington Bridge. Major renovations, including an expansion of retail space from 30,000 to 120,000 square feet, began in late 2013 and were expected to cost more than US$183 million. Although scheduled to be completed in early 2015, the renovated station reopened on May 16, 2017, two years behind schedule, $17 million over budget, still unfinished; the station is built over the Trans-Manhattan Expressway between 178th and 179th Streets and Fort Washington and Wadsworth Avenues, features direct bus ramps on and off the upper level of the bridge.
The building was designed by noted Italian engineer Pier Luigi Nervi and is one of only a few buildings he designed outside of Italy. It opened January 13, 1963 as a replacement for a series of sidewalk bus loading areas that existed between 166th and 167th streets further south; the building is constructed of huge steel-reinforced concrete trusses, fourteen of which are cantilevered from supports in the median of the Trans-Manhattan Expressway, which it straddles. The building contains murals as well as busts of George Washington and Othmar Amman, the civil engineer who designed the bridge; the building received the 1963 Concrete Industry Board’s Award. The building's roof trusses have been described as resembling butterflies. A renovation of the terminal began after years of delays, it was expected to cost US$183 million. The project was a partnership between the Port Authority and a private company known as GWBBS Development Venture, LLC. Tutor Perini received a $100 million construction contract in August 2013.
The renovated building was to be improved with better access to local subway stops, displays of bus departure and arrival times, central air conditioning, full ADA-compliant accessibility to those with disabilities. It will increase retail space from 30,000 to 120,000 square feet, with large tenants like Marshalls, Key Food, Blink Fitness; the renovated station reopened on May 16, 2017, two years behind schedule, $17 million over budget, still unfinished. The entire facility is wheelchair- accessible. In addition, the New York City Bus M4 route provides wheelchair-accessible service to Fort Tryon Park, accessing the bus stop one block south of the station, continuing inside the park to the Cloisters Museum when open; the complex is served by the 175th Street station of the New York City Subway, located on Fort Washington Avenue, with entrances at 175th Street and 177th Street, the latter one block south of the bus station. The subway station, operated by the New York City Transit Authority and served by the A train, was part of the Independent Subway System's first line, the IND Eighth Avenue Line, which opened in 1932.
The bus station is within walking distance of the 181st Street station of the same line, the 181st Street IRT Broadway–Seventh Avenue Line station on the 1 train. As of 2016, the bus lines detailed below serve the terminal for the New York City Transit Authority, New Jersey Transit, Coach USA and Ameribus. Service is provided by Spanish Transportation with its Express Service jitneys. On September 20, 2017, Greyhound announced that it would be providing service to the station starting September 27, while keeping the Port Authority Bus Terminal as its primary New York City location. Local buses stop on the streets outside the station. Local service includes: M4 on the Ft. Washington Av side, M5, M100 and Bx7 M98, Bx3, Bx11, Bx13, Bx35 and Bx36; the Bx13 serves Yankee Stadium. Port Authority Bus Terminal Journal Square Transportation Center George Washington Bridge Plaza, across the bridge in Fort Lee, New Jersey GW Bridge Bus Station home page NJ Transit route finder Rockland Coaches ShortLine Bus Boarding Area from Google Maps Street View Waiting Room from Google Maps Street View