The Paris Institute of Political Studies referred to as Sciences Po, is the primary institution of higher learning for French political and administrative elite, one of the most prestigious and selective European schools in the social sciences. It was founded in 1872 to promote a new class of French politicians in the aftermath of the French defeat in the Franco-Prussian War of 1871, has since educated, among others, 32 heads of state or government, 7 of the past 8 French Presidents, 3 past heads of the International Monetary Fund, heads of international organizations, 6 of sitting CAC 40 CEOs; the school is the alma mater of numerous intellectual and cultural figures, such as Marcel Proust, René Rémond, Paul Claudel, Raymond Aron. In 2019, it was ranked as the world's 3rd best school for international relations. Sciences Po undertook an ambitious reform agenda starting in the mid-1990s, which broadened its focus to prepare students for the private sector, put an emphasis on the internationalization of the school's curriculum and student body, established a special admission process for underprivileged applicants.
It expanded outside Paris by establishing additional campuses in Dijon, Le Havre, Nancy and Reims. The institution is a member of the Association of Professional Schools of International Affairs and the Global Public Policy Network. Sciences Po was established in February 1872 as the École Libre des Sciences Politiques by a group of French intellectuals and businessmen led by Émile Boutmy, including Hippolyte Taine, Ernest Renan, Albert Sorel and Paul Leroy Beaulieu; the creation of the school was in response to widespread fears that the inadequacy of the French political and diplomatic corps would further diminish the country’s international stature, as France grappled with the aftermath of a series of crises including the defeat in the 1870 Franco-Prussian War, the demise of Napoleon III, the upheaval and massacre resulting from Paris Commune. The founders of the school sought to reform the training of French politicians by establishing a new "breeding ground where nearly all the major, non-technical state commissioners were trained.".
ELSP proved successful at preparing candidates for entry into senior civil service posts, acquired an image as a major feature of France’s political system. From 1901 to 1935, 92.5% of entrants to the Grands Corps de l'État, which comprises the most powerful and prestigious administrative bodies in the French civil service, had studied there.. In August 1894, the British Association for the Advancement of Science spoke out for the need to advance the study of politics along the lines of ELSP. Sidney and Beatrice Webb used the purpose and curriculum of Sciences Po as part of their inspiration for creating the London School of Economics in 1895. Sciences Po underwent significant reforms in the aftermath of France's liberation from Nazi occupation in 1945; the humiliation of France's surrender to Nazi Germany and the collapse of the Vichy regime provided the impetus for a major restructuring of the state's institutions. Charles de Gaulle, as leader of France's Provisional Government, appointed Michel Debré to overhaul the recruiting and training of public servants.
Though eight of thirteen ministers in De Gaulle's government, including Debré himself, were Sciences Po alumni, a significant reform of the university seemed inevitable, as it had been instrumental in training the class of leaders whom many accused of complacency in face of Nazi aggression. Communist politicians including Georges Cogniot proposed abolishing the ELSP and founding a new state-run administration college on its premises. Debré proposed the compromise, adopted. First, the government established the Ecole Nationale d'Administration, an elite postgraduate college for training government officials. From on, the Grands Corps de l'Etat had to recruit new entrants from ENA; the change, had little impact on Sciences Po's central role in educating the French elite. Although it was now the ENA rather than Sciences Po that fed graduates directly into senior civil service posts, Sciences Po became the university of choice for those hoping to enter the ENA, so retained its dominant place in educating high-ranking officials.
The reforms restructured the administration of École libre des sciences politiques, by creating two separate legal entities: the Institut d'études politiques and the Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques or FNSP. Both entities were tasked by the French government to ensure "the progress and the spread, both within and outside France, of political science and sociology". FNSP manages IEP Paris, its library, budget, an administrative council assures the development of these activities. NSP, a private foundation that receives generous subsidies from the government, administers the school, IEP, owns its buildings and library; the two entities worked together in lockstep, however, as the director of the school is, by tradition the administrator of FNSP. This institutional arrangement gave Sciences Po a unique status, as FNSP continued to receive substantial government subsidies, but the school did not need to submit to many government interventions and regulations, preserved a higher level of autonomy compared to other French universities and schools.
The epithet Sciences Po is applied
The European Parliament is the only parliamentary institution of the European Union, directly elected by EU citizens aged 18 or older. Together with the Council of the European Union, which should not be confused with the European Council and the Council of Europe, it exercises the legislative function of the EU; the Parliament is composed of 751 members, that will become 705 starting from the 2019–2024 legislature, who represent the second-largest democratic electorate in the world and the largest trans-national democratic electorate in the world. It has been directly elected by the European citizens every five years and by universal suffrage since 1979. However, voter turnout at European Parliament elections has fallen consecutively at each election since that date, has been under 50% since 1999. Voter turnout in 2014 stood at 42.54% of all European voters. Although the European Parliament has legislative power, as does the Council, it does not formally possess legislative initiative, as most national parliaments of European Union member states do.
The Parliament is the "first institution" of the EU, shares equal legislative and budgetary powers with the Council. It has equal control over the EU budget; the European Commission, the executive body of the EU, is accountable to Parliament. In particular, Parliament elects the President of the Commission, approves the appointment of the Commission as a whole, it can subsequently force the Commission as a body to resign by adopting a motion of censure. The President of the European Parliament is Antonio Tajani, elected in January 2017, he presides over a multi-party chamber, the two largest groups being the Group of the European People's Party and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats. The last union-wide elections were the 2014 elections; the European Parliament has three places of work -- Luxembourg City and Strasbourg. Luxembourg City is home to the administrative offices. Meetings of the whole Parliament take place in Brussels. Committee meetings are held in Brussels; the Parliament, like the other institutions, was not designed in its current form when it first met on 10 September 1952.
One of the oldest common institutions, it began as the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community. It was a consultative assembly of 78 appointed parliamentarians drawn from the national parliaments of member states, having no legislative powers; the change since its foundation was highlighted by Professor David Farrell of the University of Manchester: "For much of its life, the European Parliament could have been justly labelled a'multi-lingual talking shop'."Its development since its foundation shows how the European Union's structures have evolved without a clear "master plan". Some, such as Tom Reid of the Washington Post, said of the union: "nobody would have deliberately designed a government as complex and as redundant as the EU"; the Parliament's two seats, which have switched several times, are a result of various agreements or lack of agreements. Although most MEPs would prefer to be based just in Brussels, at John Major's 1992 Edinburgh summit, France engineered a treaty amendment to maintain Parliament's plenary seat permanently at Strasbourg.
The body was not mentioned in the original Schuman Declaration. It was assumed or hoped that difficulties with the British would be resolved to allow the Council of Europe's Assembly to perform the task. A separate Assembly was introduced during negotiations on the Treaty as an institution which would counterbalance and monitor the executive while providing democratic legitimacy; the wording of the ECSC Treaty demonstrated the leaders' desire for more than a normal consultative assembly by using the term "representatives of the people" and allowed for direct election. Its early importance was highlighted when the Assembly was given the task of drawing up the draft treaty to establish a European Political Community. By this document, the Ad Hoc Assembly was established on 13 September 1952 with extra members, but after the failure of the proposed European Defence Community the project was dropped. Despite this, the European Economic Community and Euratom were established in 1958 by the Treaties of Rome.
The Common Assembly was shared by all three communities and it renamed itself the European Parliamentary Assembly. The first meeting was held on 19 March 1958 having been set up in Luxembourg City, it elected Schuman as its president and on 13 May it rearranged itself to sit according to political ideology rather than nationality; this is seen as the birth of the modern European Parliament, with Parliament's 50 years celebrations being held in March 2008 rather than 2002. The three communities merged their remaining organs as the European Communities in 1967, the body's name was changed to the current "European Parliament" in 1962. In 1970 the Parliament was granted power over areas of the Communities' budget, which were expanded to the whole budget in 1975. Under the Rome Treaties, the Parliament should have become elected. However, the Council was required to agree a uni
Rally for the Republic
The Rally for the Republic, was a Neo-Gaullist and conservative political party in France. Originating from the Union of Democrats for the Republic, it was founded by Jacques Chirac in 1976 and presented itself as the heir of Gaullist politics. On 21 September 2002, the RPR was merged into the Union for the Presidential Majority renamed the Union for a Popular Movement. In 1974, the divisions in the Gaullist movement permitted the election of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing to the Presidency of the French Republic. Representing the pro-European and Orleanist centre-right, he was the first non-Gaullist rising to the head of the state since the beginning of the Fifth Republic in 1958. However, the Gaullist Party remained the main force in parliament and Jacques Chirac was appointed Prime Minister. Chirac resigned in August 1976 and in December 1976 the RPR was created in order to restore the Gaullist domination over the republican institutions. Though retaining its support for the president's government, the RPR criticized the executive duo composed of President Giscard d'Estaing and Prime Minister Raymond Barre.
Its first master stroke was in March 1977 the election of Chirac as Mayor of Paris against Michel d'Ornano, a close friend of President Giscard d'Estaing. It was faced with the creation of the Union for French Democracy, a confederation of the parties supporting the presidential policies and which competed for the leadership over the right; the stake of the 1978 legislative election was not only the victory of the right over the left, but the domination of the RPR over the UDF in the parliamentary majority. Given the increasing unpopularity of the executive duo, with a view to the next presidential election, the RPR became critical. In December 1978, six months before the European Parliament election, the Call of Cochin signed by Chirac denounced the appropriation of France by "the foreign party," which sacrificed the national interests and the independence of the country in order to build a federal Europe; this accusation targeted Giscard d'Estaing. RPR leaders contrasted this as coming from the social doctrine of Gaullism as opposed to a perceived liberalism on the part of the President.
As RPR candidate at the 1981 presidential election, Chirac formulated vigorous condemnations of President Giscard d'Estaing, who ran for a second term. Eliminated in the first round, Chirac refused to give an endorsement for the second round, though he did say that he would vote for Giscard d'Estaing. In fact, the RPR was expected to work for the defeat of the incumbent president. After 1981, the RPR opposed with energy the policy of the Socialist Party President François Mitterrand and the left-wing governments; the RPR denounced the plan of nationalizations as the setting up of a "collectivist society". Impressed by the electoral success of New Right conservatives led by Ronald Reagan in the United States of America and by Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom, it abandoned the Gaullist doctrine, claiming a less control of the state in economy. During its 1983 congress, it advocated a liberal economic programme and the pursuit of the European construction, accepting the supranationality.
This new political line contributed to the reconciliation between the RPR and the UDF. In this, they presented a common list at the 1984 European Parliament election and a platform to prepare the winning 1986 legislative election. However, a rivalry appeared between Jacques Chirac and Raymond Barre who competed for the right-wing leadership with a view to the next presidential election. Furthermore, if the right-wing coalition benefited from the failures of the Socialist power, it was confronted with the emergence of the National Front in the far right; the RPR was divided about the possibility of alliance with this party. In 1986, being the leader of the main party of the new parliamentary majority and accepting the principle of the "cohabitation" with President Mitterrand, Chirac became again Prime Minister, he led a liberal economic policy inspired by Anglo-Saxon examples, selling a lot of public companies, abolishing the wealth tax. His Interior Minister Charles Pasqua led a policy of restriction of immigration.
If Chirac acceded in the second round of the 1988 presidential election despite Raymond Barre's candidacy, he was defeated by Mitterrand. While the RPR returned in the opposition, the leadership of Chirac was challenged by younger politicians who wished to renew the right. Furthermore, the abandonment of the Gaullist doctrine was criticized by Charles Pasqua and Philippe Séguin, they tried to take him the RPR lead in 1990, in vain. However, the division re-appeared with the 1992 Maastricht referendum. Chirac voted "yes" whereas Séguin and Pasqua campaigned for "no"; the "Union for France", a RPR/UDF coalition, won the 1993 legislative election. Chirac refused to re-cohabitate with Mitterrand, Edouard Balladur became prime minister. Balladur promised. Polls indicated Balladur was the favorite in the presidential race and, furthermore, he was supported by the most part of the right-wing politicians, he decided to run against Chirac. However, they claimed; the Socialists being weakened after the 14 years of Mitterrand's presidency, the main competition was within the right, between Balladur and Chirac, two Neo-Gaullists.
Balladur proposed a liberal program and took advantage of the "positive results" of his cabinet, whereas Chirac advocated Keynesian economics to reduce the "social fracture" and criticized the "dominant id
Haute-Garonne is a department in the southwest of France named after the Garonne river. Its main city and capital is Toulouse. Haute-Garonne is one of the original 83 departments created during the French Revolution on 4 March 1790, it was created from part of the former province of Languedoc. The department was larger; the reduction in its area resulted from an imperial decree dated 21 November 1808 and which established the neighbouring department of Tarn-et-Garonne, to the north. The new department, created in response to the pleadings of various locally powerful politicians, took territory from five surrounding departments including Haute-Garonne; the districts lost to Tarn-et-Garonne in 1808 were those of Castelsarrasin. Haute-Garonne is part of the current region of Occitanie and is surrounded by the departments of Hautes-Pyrénées, Tarn-et-Garonne, Tarn and Ariège, it borders Spain in the south. The department is crossed by the upper course of the Garonne River for nearly 200 kilometers; the borders of the department follow the river.
The Garonne enters France from Spain at the town of Fos, goes through Toulouse and leaves the department. The extreme south of the department lies in the Pyrenees mountain range and is mountainous; the highest elevation is the Peak of Perdiguère, at 3,222 meters above sea level. This department was the political base of former Prime Minister Lionel Jospin; the President of the General Council is Pierre Izard of the Socialist Party. The inhabitants of the department are called Haut-Garonnais; the greatest population concentration is around Toulouse. The south of the department is quite sparsely populated. More than a million people inhabited the department at the last census in 1999. Young people are well represented with 55% of the population under the age of 40 and of those, 16% are between the ages of 20 and 29; this is. The largest towns are: The department has four ski resorts. Peyragudes, 55 km of slopes Luchon-Superbagnères, 30 km of slopes Le Mourtis, 22 km of slopes Bourg-d'Oueil Cantons of the Haute-Garonne department Communes of the Haute-Garonne department Arrondissements of the Haute-Garonne department General council website Prefecture website Tourism website Photography Panoramics 360° website
An ombudsman, ombud, or public advocate is an official, charged with representing the interests of the public by investigating and addressing complaints of maladministration or a violation of rights. The ombudsman is appointed by the government or by parliament, but with a significant degree of independence. In some countries an inspector general, citizen advocate or other official may have duties similar to those of a national ombudsman, may be appointed by a legislature. Below the national level an ombudsman may be appointed by a state, local or municipal government. Unofficial ombudsmen may be appointed by, or work for, a corporation such as a utility supplier, newspaper, NGO, or professional regulatory body; the typical duties of an ombudsman are to investigate complaints and attempt to resolve them through recommendations or mediation. Ombudsmen sometimes aim to identify systematic issues leading to poor service or breaches of people's rights. At the national level, most ombudsmen have a wide mandate to deal with the entire public sector, sometimes elements of the private sector.
In some cases, there is a more restricted mandate, for example with particular sectors of society. More recent developments have included the creation of specialized Children's Ombudsman and Information Commissioner agencies. In some jurisdictions an ombudsman charged with handling concerns about national government is more formally referred to as the "Parliamentary Commissioner". In many countries where the ombudsman's responsibility includes protecting human rights, the ombudsman is recognized as the national human rights institution; the post of ombudsman had by the end of the 20th century been instituted by most governments and by some intergovernmental organizations such as the European Union. A prototype of an ombudsman may have flourished in China during the Qin Dynasty, in Korea during the Joseon Dynasty; the position of secret royal inspector, or Amhaeng-eosa was unique to the Joseon Dynasty, where an undercover official directly appointed by the king was sent to local provinces to monitor government officials and look after the populace while travelling incognito.
The Roman Tribune had some similar roles, with power to veto acts. Another precursor to the ombudsman was the Turkish Diwan-al-Mazalim which appears to go back to the second caliph and the concept of Qadi al-Qudat, they were attested in Siam, the Liao dynasty and China. An indigenous Swedish and Danish term, ombudsman is etymologically rooted in the Old Norse word umboðsmaðr meaning "representative". In the Danish Law of Jutland from 1241, the term is umbozman and means a royal civil servant in a hundred. From 1552, it is used in the other Nordic languages such as the both Icelandic and Faroese umboðsmaður, the Norwegian ombudsmann/ombodsmann and the Swedish ombudsman; the Swedish-speaking minority in Finland uses the Swedish terminology. Use of the term in modern times began in Sweden, with the Swedish Parliamentary Ombudsman instituted by the Instrument of Government of 1809, to safeguard the rights of citizens by establishing a supervisory agency independent of the executive branch; the predecessor of the Swedish Parliamentary Ombudsman was the Office of Supreme Ombudsman, established by the Swedish King, Charles XII, in 1713.
Charles XII was in exile in Turkey and needed a representative in Sweden to ensure that judges and civil servants acted in accordance with the laws and with their duties. If they did not do so, the Supreme Ombudsman had the right to prosecute them for negligence. In 1719 the Swedish Office of Supreme Ombudsman became the Chancellor of Justice; the Parliamentary Ombudsman was established in 1809 by the Swedish Riksdag, as a parallel institution to the still-present Chancellor of Justice, reflecting the concept of separation of powers as developed by Montesquieu. The Parliamentary Ombudsman is the institution that the Scandinavian countries subsequently developed into its contemporary form, which subsequently has been adopted in many other parts of the world; the word ombudsman and its specific meaning have since been adopted in various languages, such as Dutch. The German language uses Ombudsmann and Ombudsleute. Notable exceptions are Finnish, which use translations instead. Modern variations of this term include "ombud," "ombuds," "ombudsperson," or "ombudswoman," and the conventional English plural is ombudsmen.
In Nigeria, the ombudsman is known as the Public Complaints Commission or the ombudsman In general, an ombudsman is a state official appointed to provide a check on government activity in the interests of the citizen, to oversee the investigation of complaints of improper government activity against the citizen. If the ombudsman finds a complaint to be substantiated, the problem may get rectified, or an ombudsman report is published making recommendations for change. Further redress depends on the laws of the country concerned, but this involves financial compensation. Ombudsmen in most countries do not have the power to initiate legal proceedings or prosecution on the grounds of a complaint; this role is sometimes referred to as a "tribunician" role, has been traditionally fulfilled by elected representatives – the term refers to the ancient Roman "tribunes of the plebeians" (tribuni ple
National Assembly (France)
The National Assembly is the lower house of the bicameral Parliament of France under the Fifth Republic, the upper house being the Senate. The National Assembly's members are known as députés. There are 577 députés, each elected by a single-member constituency through a two-round voting system. Thus, 289 seats are required for a majority; the assembly is presided over by a president from the largest party represented, assisted by vice-presidents from across the represented political spectrum. The term of the National Assembly is five years; this measure is becoming rarer since the 2000 referendum reduced the presidential term from seven to five years: a President has a majority elected in the Assembly two months after the presidential election, it would be useless for him/her to dissolve it for those reasons. Following a tradition started by the first National Assembly during the French Revolution, the "left-wing" parties sit to the left as seen from the president's seat, the "right-wing" parties sit to the right, the seating arrangement thus directly indicates the political spectrum as represented in the Assembly.
The official seat of the National Assembly is the Palais Bourbon on the banks of the river Seine. It is guarded by Republican Guards; the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic increased the power of the executive at the expense of Parliament, compared to previous constitutions. The President of the Republic can decide to dissolve the National Assembly and call for new legislative elections; this is meant as a way to resolve stalemates where the Assembly cannot decide on a clear political direction. This possibility is exercised; the last dissolution was by Jacques Chirac in 1997, following from the lack of popularity of prime minister Alain Juppé. The National Assembly can overthrow the executive government by a motion of no confidence. For this reason, the prime minister and his cabinet are from the dominant party or coalition in the assembly. In the case of a president and assembly from opposing parties, this leads to the situation known as cohabitation. While motions de censure are periodically proposed by the opposition following government actions that it deems inappropriate, they are purely rhetorical.
Since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, there has only been one single successful motion de censure, in 1962 in hostility to the referendum on the method of election of the President, President Charles de Gaulle dissolved the Assembly within a few days. The government used to set the priorities of the agenda for the assembly's sessions, except for a single day each month. In practice, given the number of priority items, it meant that the schedule of the assembly was entirely set by the executive. This, was amended on 23 July 2008. Under the amended constitution, the government sets the priorities for two weeks in a month. Another week is designated for the assembly's "control" prerogatives, and the fourth one is set by the assembly. One day per month is set by a "minority" or "opposition" group. Members of the assembly can ask oral questions to ministers; the Wednesday afternoon 3 p.m. session of "questions to the Government" is broadcast live on television. Like Prime Minister's Questions in Britain, it is a show for the viewers, with members of the majority asking flattering questions, while the opposition tries to embarrass the government.
The history of national representation for two centuries is linked to history of the democratic principle and the uneven road that it had to go before finding in the French institutions the consecration, its own today. Although the French have periodically elected representatives since 1789, the mode of appointment and the powers of these representatives have varied according to the times, the periods of erasure of the parliamentary institution coinciding with a decline in public liberties. In this respect, the names are not innocent; the name of National Assembly, chosen in the fervor of 1789, just reappears - if we except the short parenthesis of 1848 - in 1946. In the meantime, more or less reductive appellations "Instituted by the Constitution of the year III in August 1795," Chamber of deputies of the departments "," House of Representatives "," Legislative body "," Chambers of deputies ", etc.) which show, to varying degrees, the reluctance or the declared hostility of some governments or governments to the principle
Union for a Popular Movement
The Union for a Popular Movement was a centre-right political party in France, one of the two major contemporary political parties in France along with the centre-left Socialist Party. The UMP was formed in 2002 as a merger of several centre-right parties under the leadership of President Jacques Chirac. In May 2015, the party was succeeded by The Republicans. Nicolas Sarkozy the president of the UMP, was elected President of France in the 2007 presidential election, but was defeated by PS candidate François Hollande in a run-off five years later. After the November 2012 party congress, the UMP experienced internal fractioning and was plagued by monetary scandals which forced its president, Jean-François Copé, to resign. After his re-election as UMP president in November 2014, Sarkozy put forward an amendment to change the name of the party into The Republicans, approved and came into effect on 30 May 2015; the UMP enjoyed an absolute majority in the National Assembly from 2002 to 2012 and was a member of the European People's Party, the Centrist Democrat International and the International Democrat Union.
Since the 1980s, the political groups of the parliamentary right have joined forces around the values of economic liberalism and the building of Europe. Their rivalries had contributed to their defeat in the 1988 legislative elections. Before the 1993 legislative election, the Gaullist Rally for the Republic and the centrist Union for French Democracy formed an electoral alliance, the Union for France. However, in the 1995 presidential campaign they were both divided between followers of Jacques Chirac, elected, supporters of Prime Minister Edouard Balladur. After their defeat in the 1997 legislative election, the RPR and UDF created the Alliance for France in order to coordinate the actions of their parliamentary groups. Before the 2002 presidential campaign, the supporters of President Jacques Chirac, divided in three centre-right parliamentary parties, founded an association named Union on the Move. After Chirac's re-election, in order to contest the legislative election jointly, the Union for the Presidential Majority was created.
It was as such established as a permanent organisation. The UMP was the merger of the Gaullist-conservative Rally for the Republic, the conservative-liberal party Liberal Democracy, a sizeable portion of the Union for French Democracy, more the UDF's Christian Democrats, the Radical Party and the centrist Popular Party for French Democracy. In the UMP four major French political families were thus represented: Gaullism, Christian democracy and radicalism. Chirac's close ally Alain Juppé became the party's first president at the party's founding congress at the Bourget in November 2002. Juppé won 79.42% of the vote, defeating Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, the leader of the party's Eurosceptic Arise the Republic faction, three other candidates. During the party's earlier years, it was marked by tensions and rivalries between Juppé and other chiraquiens and supporters of Nicolas Sarkozy, the then-Minister of the Interior. In the 2004 regional elections the UMP suffered a heavy blow, winning the presidencies of only 2 out of 22 regions in metropolitan France and only half of the departments in the simultaneous 2004 cantonal elections.
In the 2004 European Parliament election on 13 June 2004, the UMP suffered another heavy blow, winning 16.6% of the vote, far behind the Socialist Party, only 16 seats. Juppé resigned the party's presidency on 15 July 2004 after being found guilty in a corruption scandal in January of the same year. Nicolas Sarkozy announced that he would take over the presidency of the UMP and resign his position as finance minister, ending months of speculation. On 28 November 2004, Sarkozy was elected to the party's presidency with 85.09% of the votes against 9.1% for Dupont-Aignan and 5.82% for Christine Boutin, the leader of the UMP's social conservatives. Having gained control of what had been Chirac's party, Sarkozy focused the party machinery and his energies on the 2007 presidential election; the failure of the referendum on the European Constitution on 25 May 2005 led to the fall of the government of Jean-Pierre Raffarin and to the formation of a new cabinet, presided by another UMP politician, Dominique de Villepin.
However, during this time, the UMP under Sarkozy gained a record number of new members and rejuvenated itself in preparation of the 2007 election. On 14 January 2007, Sarkozy was nominated unopposed as the UMP's presidential candidate for the 2007 election. On the issues, the party under Sarkozy publicly disapproved of Turkey's proposed membership in the European Union, which Chirac had endorsed several times publicly, took a more right-wing position. On 22 April 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy won the plurality of votes in the first round of the 2007 presidential election. On 6 May he faced the Socialist Party candidate Ségolène Royal in the second round and won, taking 53.06% of the vote. As a consequence, he resigned from the presidency of the UMP on 14 May 2007, two days before becoming President of the French Republic. François Fillon was appointed Prime Minister. On 17 June 2007, at a