International Standard Serial Number
An International Standard Serial Number is an eight-digit serial number used to uniquely identify a serial publication, such as a magazine. The ISSN is helpful in distinguishing between serials with the same title. ISSN are used in ordering, interlibrary loans, other practices in connection with serial literature; the ISSN system was first drafted as an International Organization for Standardization international standard in 1971 and published as ISO 3297 in 1975. ISO subcommittee TC 46/SC 9 is responsible for maintaining the standard; when a serial with the same content is published in more than one media type, a different ISSN is assigned to each media type. For example, many serials are published both in electronic media; the ISSN system refers to these types as electronic ISSN, respectively. Conversely, as defined in ISO 3297:2007, every serial in the ISSN system is assigned a linking ISSN the same as the ISSN assigned to the serial in its first published medium, which links together all ISSNs assigned to the serial in every medium.
The format of the ISSN is an eight digit code, divided by a hyphen into two four-digit numbers. As an integer number, it can be represented by the first seven digits; the last code digit, which may be 0-9 or an X, is a check digit. Formally, the general form of the ISSN code can be expressed as follows: NNNN-NNNC where N is in the set, a digit character, C is in; the ISSN of the journal Hearing Research, for example, is 0378-5955, where the final 5 is the check digit, C=5. To calculate the check digit, the following algorithm may be used: Calculate the sum of the first seven digits of the ISSN multiplied by its position in the number, counting from the right—that is, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, respectively: 0 ⋅ 8 + 3 ⋅ 7 + 7 ⋅ 6 + 8 ⋅ 5 + 5 ⋅ 4 + 9 ⋅ 3 + 5 ⋅ 2 = 0 + 21 + 42 + 40 + 20 + 27 + 10 = 160 The modulus 11 of this sum is calculated. For calculations, an upper case X in the check digit position indicates a check digit of 10. To confirm the check digit, calculate the sum of all eight digits of the ISSN multiplied by its position in the number, counting from the right.
The modulus 11 of the sum must be 0. There is an online ISSN checker. ISSN codes are assigned by a network of ISSN National Centres located at national libraries and coordinated by the ISSN International Centre based in Paris; the International Centre is an intergovernmental organization created in 1974 through an agreement between UNESCO and the French government. The International Centre maintains a database of all ISSNs assigned worldwide, the ISDS Register otherwise known as the ISSN Register. At the end of 2016, the ISSN Register contained records for 1,943,572 items. ISSN and ISBN codes are similar in concept. An ISBN might be assigned for particular issues of a serial, in addition to the ISSN code for the serial as a whole. An ISSN, unlike the ISBN code, is an anonymous identifier associated with a serial title, containing no information as to the publisher or its location. For this reason a new ISSN is assigned to a serial each time it undergoes a major title change. Since the ISSN applies to an entire serial a new identifier, the Serial Item and Contribution Identifier, was built on top of it to allow references to specific volumes, articles, or other identifiable components.
Separate ISSNs are needed for serials in different media. Thus, the print and electronic media versions of a serial need separate ISSNs. A CD-ROM version and a web version of a serial require different ISSNs since two different media are involved. However, the same ISSN can be used for different file formats of the same online serial; this "media-oriented identification" of serials made sense in the 1970s. In the 1990s and onward, with personal computers, better screens, the Web, it makes sense to consider only content, independent of media; this "content-oriented identification" of serials was a repressed demand during a decade, but no ISSN update or initiative occurred. A natural extension for ISSN, the unique-identification of the articles in the serials, was the main demand application. An alternative serials' contents model arrived with the indecs Content Model and its application, the digital object identifier, as ISSN-independent initiative, consolidated in the 2000s. Only in 2007, ISSN-L was defined in the
Southern Drawl (album)
Southern Drawl is the twenty-third studio album by American country music group Alabama, their first album of new material since When It All Goes South in 2001. The album was released on September 18, 2015, with lead single "Wasn't Through Lovin' You Yet" released the same month; the track "One on One" appeared on lead singer Randy Owen's 2008 album of the same name. Stephen Thomas Erlewine of Allmusic gave the album 3 out of 5 stars, he criticized some tracks, including the title track, "Hillbilly Wins the Lotto Money", "I Wanna Be There", "American Farmer" as "trying too hard", but added that "Such down-the-middle numbers overshadow much subtler and nicer moments scattered throughout the record, moments that arrive in the soft, sweet ballads that give the group plenty of opportunity to showcase its gentle, interwoven harmonies. These slow tunes more than the over-pumped rockers feel the truest to old Alabama." The album debuted at No. 2 on the Top Country Albums chart, No. 14 on the Billboard 200, selling 20,900 copies in its debut week in the US.
The album has sold 68,900 copies in the US as of January 2016. AlabamaJeff Cook – lead guitar, lead vocals, backing vocals Teddy Gentry – bass, lead vocals, backing vocals Randy Owen – rhythm guitar, acoustic guitar, lead vocals, backing vocals Additional MusiciansProduction Alan Messer - photography
International Phonetic Alphabet
The International Phonetic Alphabet is an alphabetic system of phonetic notation based on the Latin alphabet. It was devised by the International Phonetic Association in the late 19th century as a standardized representation of the sounds of spoken language; the IPA is used by lexicographers, foreign language students and teachers, speech-language pathologists, actors, constructed language creators and translators. The IPA is designed to represent only those qualities of speech that are part of oral language: phones, phonemes and the separation of words and syllables. To represent additional qualities of speech, such as tooth gnashing and sounds made with a cleft lip and cleft palate, an extended set of symbols, the extensions to the International Phonetic Alphabet, may be used. IPA symbols are composed of one or more elements of two basic types and diacritics. For example, the sound of the English letter ⟨t⟩ may be transcribed in IPA with a single letter, or with a letter plus diacritics, depending on how precise one wishes to be.
Slashes are used to signal broad or phonemic transcription. Letters or diacritics are added, removed or modified by the International Phonetic Association; as of the most recent change in 2005, there are 107 letters, 52 diacritics and four prosodic marks in the IPA. These are shown in the current IPA chart, posted below in this article and at the website of the IPA. In 1886, a group of French and British language teachers, led by the French linguist Paul Passy, formed what would come to be known from 1897 onwards as the International Phonetic Association, their original alphabet was based on a spelling reform for English known as the Romic alphabet, but in order to make it usable for other languages, the values of the symbols were allowed to vary from language to language. For example, the sound was represented with the letter ⟨c⟩ in English, but with the digraph ⟨ch⟩ in French. However, in 1888, the alphabet was revised so as to be uniform across languages, thus providing the base for all future revisions.
The idea of making the IPA was first suggested by Otto Jespersen in a letter to Paul Passy. It was developed by Alexander John Ellis, Henry Sweet, Daniel Jones, Passy. Since its creation, the IPA has undergone a number of revisions. After revisions and expansions from the 1890s to the 1940s, the IPA remained unchanged until the Kiel Convention in 1989. A minor revision took place in 1993 with the addition of four letters for mid central vowels and the removal of letters for voiceless implosives; the alphabet was last revised in May 2005 with the addition of a letter for a labiodental flap. Apart from the addition and removal of symbols, changes to the IPA have consisted of renaming symbols and categories and in modifying typefaces. Extensions to the International Phonetic Alphabet for speech pathology were created in 1990 and adopted by the International Clinical Phonetics and Linguistics Association in 1994; the general principle of the IPA is to provide one letter for each distinctive sound, although this practice is not followed if the sound itself is complex.
This means that: It does not use combinations of letters to represent single sounds, the way English does with ⟨sh⟩, ⟨th⟩ and ⟨ng⟩, or single letters to represent multiple sounds the way ⟨x⟩ represents /ks/ or /ɡz/ in English. There are no letters that have context-dependent sound values, as do "hard" and "soft" ⟨c⟩ or ⟨g⟩ in several European languages; the IPA does not have separate letters for two sounds if no known language makes a distinction between them, a property known as "selectiveness". Among the symbols of the IPA, 107 letters represent consonants and vowels, 31 diacritics are used to modify these, 19 additional signs indicate suprasegmental qualities such as length, tone and intonation; these are organized into a chart. The letters chosen for the IPA are meant to harmonize with the Latin alphabet. For this reason, most letters modifications thereof; some letters are neither: for example, the letter denoting the glottal stop, ⟨ʔ⟩, has the form of a dotless question mark, derives from an apostrophe.
A few letters, such as that of the voiced pharyngeal fricative, ⟨ʕ⟩, were inspired by other writing systems. Despite its preference for harmonizing with the Latin script, the International Phonetic Association has admitted other letters. For example, before 1989, the IPA letters for click consonants were ⟨ʘ⟩, ⟨ʇ⟩, ⟨ʗ⟩, ⟨ʖ⟩, all of which were derived either from existing IPA letters, or from Latin and Greek letters. However, except for ⟨ʘ⟩, none of these letters were used among Khoisanists or Bantuists, as a result they were replaced by the more widespread symbols ⟨ʘ⟩, ⟨ǀ⟩, ⟨ǃ⟩, ⟨ǂ⟩, ⟨ǁ⟩ at the IPA Kiel Convention in 1989. Although the IPA diacritics are featural, there is little systemicity in the letter forms. A retroflex articulation is indicated with a right-swinging tail, as in ⟨ɖ ʂ ɳ⟩, implosion by a top hook, ⟨ɓ ɗ ɠ⟩, but other pseudo-featural elements are due to haphazard derivation and coincidence. For example, all nasal consonants but uvular ⟨ɴ⟩ are based on the form ⟨n⟩: ⟨m ɱ n ɳ ɲ ŋ⟩.
However, the similarity between ⟨m⟩ and ⟨n⟩ is a historical accident. Some of the new letters were ordinary Latin letters tu
The Sun Belt is a region of the United States considered to stretch across the Southeast and Southwest. Another rough definition of the region is the area south of the 36th parallel. Within the region, desert/semi-desert, humid subtropical, tropical climates can be found; the Sun Belt has seen substantial population growth since the 1960s from an influx of people seeking a warm and sunny climate, a surge in retiring baby boomers, growing economic opportunities. The advent of air conditioning created more comfortable summer conditions and allowed more manufacturing and industry to locate in the sunbelt. Since much of the construction in the sun belt is new or recent, housing styles and design are modern and open. Recreational opportunities in the sun belt are not tied to one season, many tourist and resort cities, such as Las Vegas, Los Angeles, Miami, Myrtle Beach, New Orleans, Palm Springs and San Diego support a tourist industry all year; the Sun Belt comprises the southern tier of the United States, including the states of Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, New Mexico, South Carolina, Texas two-thirds of California, parts of North Carolina and Utah.
Five of the states—Arizona, Florida and Texas—are sometimes collectively called the Sand States because of their abundance of beaches or deserts. First employed by political analyst Kevin Phillips in his 1969 book The Emerging Republican Majority, the term "Sun Belt" became synonymous with the southern third of the nation in the early 1970s. In this period and political prominence shifted from the Midwest and Northeast to the South and West. Factors such as the warmer climate, the migration of workers from Mexico, a boom in the agriculture industry allowed the southern third of the United States to grow economically; the climate spurred not only agricultural growth, but the migration of many retirees to retirement communities in the region in Florida and Arizona. Industries such as aerospace and oil boomed in the Sun Belt as companies took advantage of the low involvement of labor unions in the region and the proximity of military installations that were major consumers of their products; the oil industry helped propel states such as Texas and Louisiana forward, tourism grew in Florida and Southern California.
More high tech and new economy industries have been major drivers of growth in California, Florida and other parts of the Sun Belt. Texas and California rank among the top five states in the nation with the most Fortune 500 companies. In 2005, the U. S. Census Bureau projected that 88% of the nation's population growth between 2000 and 2030 would occur in the Sun Belt. California and Florida were each expected to add more than 12 million people during that time, which would make them by far the most populous states in America. Nevada, Arizona and Texas were expected to be the fastest-growing states. Events leading up to and including the 2008–2009 recession led some to question whether growth projections for the Sun Belt had been overstated; the economic bubble that led to the recession appeared, to some observers, to have been more acute in the Sun Belt than other parts of the country. Additionally, the traditional lure of cheaper labor markets in the region compared with America's older industrial centers has been eroded by overseas outsourcing trends.
One of the greatest threats facing the belt in the coming decades is water shortages. Communities in California are making plans to build multiple desalination plants to supply fresh water and avert near-term crises. Texas and Florida face serious shortages because of their expanding populations. Lingering effects from the Great Recession slowed down, in some places stopped, the migration from the Frost Belt to the Sun Belt, according to data tracking people's movements over the year from July 2012 – 2013. Americans remained cautious about moving to a different state over this period. However, migration to the Sun Belt from the Frost Belt resumed again, according to 2015 Census data estimates, with growing migration to the Sun Belt and out of the Frost Belt and California; the environment in the belt is valuable, not only to local and state governments, but to the federal government. Eight of the ten states have high biodiversity; the Sun Belt has the highest number of distinct ecosystems: chaparral, desert, temperate rainforest, tropical rainforest.
Some endangered species live within the belt, including: American crocodile Black-capped vireo California condor Florida panther Red-cockaded woodpecker Longleaf Pine Red Hills salamander Fraser Fir Giant Sequoia The five largest metropolitan statistical areas are Los Angeles, Houston and Atlanta. The Los Angeles area is by far the largest, with over 13 million inhabitants as of 2012; the ten largest metropolitan statistical areas are found in California, Georgia, North Carolina and Arizona. Additionally, the cross-border metropolitan areas of San Diego-Tijuana and El Paso–Juárez lie within the Sun Belt. Seven of the ten largest cities in the United States are located in the Sun Belt: Los Angeles, Phoenix, San Antonio, San Diego and San Jose. Southernization, refers to t
Great Migration (African American)
The Great Migration, sometimes known as the Great Northward Migration, or the Black Migration, was the movement of six million African Americans out of the rural Southern United States to the urban Northeast and West that occurred between 1916 and 1970. In every U. S. Census prior to 1910, more than 90 percent of the African-American population lived in the American South. In 1900, only one-fifth of African Americans living in the South were living in urban areas. By the end of the Great Migration, just over 50 percent of the African-American population remained in the South, while a little less than 50 percent lived in the North and West, the African-American population had become urbanized. By 1960, of those African Americans still living in the South, half now lived in urban areas, by 1970, more than 80 percent of African Americans nationwide lived in cities. In 1991, Nicholas Lemann wrote that: The Great Migration was one of the largest and most rapid mass internal movements in history—perhaps the greatest not caused by the immediate threat of execution or starvation.
In sheer numbers it outranks the migration of any other ethnic group—Italians or Irish or Jews or Poles—to. For blacks, the migration meant leaving what had always been their economic and social base in America, finding a new one; some historians differentiate between a first Great Migration, which saw about 1.6 million people move from rural areas in the south to northern industrial cities, a Second Great Migration, which began after the Great Depression and brought at least 5 million people—including many townspeople with urban skills—to the north and west. Since the Civil Rights Movement, a less rapid reverse migration has occurred. Dubbed the New Great Migration, it has seen a gradual increase of African American migration to the South to states and cities where economic opportunities are the best; the reasons include economic difficulties of cities in the Northeastern and Midwestern United States, growth of jobs in the "New South" and its lower cost of living and kinship ties, improved racial relations.
As early as 1975 to 1980, several southern states were net African-American migration gainers, while in 2014, African-American millennials moved in the highest numbers to Texas, Florida, North Carolina, California. African-American populations have continued to drop throughout much of the Northeast from the state of New York and northern New Jersey, as they rise in the South. James Gregory calculates decade-by-decade migration volumes in The Southern Diaspora. Black migration picked up from the start of the new century, with 204,000 leaving in the first decade; the pace continued through the 1920s. By 1930, there were 1.3 million former southerners living in other regions. The Great Depression wiped out job opportunities in the northern industrial belt for African Americans, caused a sharp reduction in migration. In the 1930s and 1940s, increasing mechanization of agriculture brought the institution of sharecropping that had existed since the Civil War to an end in the United States causing many landless black farmers to be forced off of the land.
As a result 1.4 million black southerners moved north or west in the 1940s, followed by 1.1 million in the 1950s, another 2.4 million people in the 1960s and early 1970s. By the late 1970s, as deindustrialization and the Rust Belt crisis took hold, the Great Migration came to an end. But, in a reflection of changing economics, as well as the end of Jim Crow laws in the 1960s and improving race relations in the South, in the 1980s and early 1990s, more black Americans were heading South than leaving that region. African Americans moved from the 14 states of the South Alabama, Louisiana and Georgia. Census figures show that African Americans went from 52.2% of the population in 1920 to 45.3% of the population in 1950 in Mississippi, from 41.7% in 1920 to 30.9% of the population in 1950 in Georgia, from 38.9% in 1920 to 32.9% of the population in 1950 in Louisiana, from 38.4% in 1920 to 32.0% of the population in 1950 in Alabama, 36.0% in 1920 to 31.0% of the population in Texas. Based on the total populations in each of the four states, only Georgia showed a net decrease in its African American population in 1950 compared to 1920.
Louisiana, Texas and Mississippi showed net increases in their African American populations in 1950 compared to 1920, with the percentage decreasing due to the white population increasing more. Big cities were the principal destinations of southerners throughout the two phases of the Great Migration. In the first phase, eight major cities attracted two-thirds of the migrants: New York and Chicago, followed in order by Philadelphia, St. Louis, Detroit and Indianapolis; the Second great black migration increased the populations of these cities while adding others as destinations, including the Western states. Western cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, Phoenix and Portland attracted African Americans in large numbers. There were clear migratory patterns that linked particular states and cities in the South to corresponding destinations in the North and West. Half of those who migrated from Mississippi during the first Great Migration, for example, ended up in Chicago, while those from Virginia tended to move to Philadelphia.
For the most part, these patterns were related to geography, with the closest cities attracting the most migrants. When multiple destinations
Older Southern American English
Older Southern American English was a set of American English dialects of the Southern United States spoken by White Southerners up until the American Civil War, moving towards a state of decline by the turn of the nineteenth century, further accelerated after World War II and again by the Civil Rights Movement. These dialects have since given way, on a larger regional level, to a more unified and younger Southern American English, notably recognized today by a unique vowel shift and certain other vocabulary and accent characteristics; some features unique to older Southern U. S. English persist today, though in only localized dialects or speakers; this group of American English dialects evolved over a period of several hundred years from older varieties of British English spoken by those who settled the area. Given that language is an entity, changing, the English of the colonists was quite different from any variety of English being spoken today; the colonists who settled the Tidewater area spoke a variety of Early Modern English, which itself was varied.
The older Southern dialects thus originated in large part from a mix of the speech of immigrants from the British Isles, who moved to the South in the 17th and 18th centuries, the creole or post-creole speech of African slaves. The earliest English settlers of the colonies of Virginia and Massachusetts were people from Southern England. However, Virginia received more colonists from the English West Country, bringing with them a distinctive dialect and vocabulary; the Boston, Massachusetts. Thus, the colonists and their descendants defined "social class" according to England's connotations; as the upper class English dialect changed, the dialects of the upper class Americans in these areas changed. Two examples are the "r-dropping" of the late 18th and early 19th century, resulting in the similar r-dropping found in Boston and parts of Virginia during the cultural "Old South," as well as the trap–bath split, which came to define these same two areas but no other region of the United States. Given that there are over 2.8 million people in the area, it is difficult to account for all variants of the local accent, which have been supplanted by newer Southern features.
The area is home to several large military bases such as Naval Station Norfolk, Little Creek Amphibious Base, Oceana Naval Station, Dam Neck Naval Base. Since a significant portion of the area's inhabitants are natives of other areas, there is constant linguistic exposure to other dialects; this exposure could be a reason why the younger generations do not exhibit most of the traditional features. The growth of timber, railroad, steel and tobacco mill industries throughout the South after the Civil War, along with the whole country's migration changes as a result, may have contributed to the expansion of a more unified Southern accent, which ousted nineteenth-century Southern accents. Before World War II, the demographic tendency of the South was out-migration, but after the war, a counter-tendency emerged. Now, a high in-migration of Northerners toward urban areas of the South, may have been another motivation for the abandonment of older Southern accent features; the Civil Right Movement seems to have led white and black Southerners alike to resist accent features associated with the other racial group, develop newly distinguishing features, which may explain the sudden embracement of rhoticity among all white Southerners since the middle of the twentieth century onwards.
The phonologies of early Southern English in the United States were diverse. The following pronunciation features were generally characteristic of the older Southern region as a whole: Lack of Yod-dropping: Pairs like do and due, or toon and tune, were distinct in these dialects because words like due, new, etc. contained a diphthong similar to /juː/. but Labov et al. report that the only Southern speakers who make a distinction today use a diphthong /ɪu/ in such words. They further report that speakers with the distinction are found in North Carolina and northwest South Carolina, in a corridor extending from Jackson to Tallahassee. For most of the South, this feature began disappearing after World War II. Yod-coalescence: Words like dew were pronounced as "Jew", Tuesday as "choose day." Wine–whine distinction: distinction between "w" and "wh" in words like "wine" and "whine", "witch and "which", etc. Horse–hoarse distinction: distinction between pairs of words like "horse" and "hoarse", "for" and "four", etc.
Rhoticity and non-rhoticity: The pronunciation of the r sound only before or between vowels, but not after vowels, is known as non-rhoticity and was associated with the major plantation regions of the South: the entire Piedmont and most of the South's Atlantic Coast in a band going west towards the Mississippi River, as well as all of the Mississippi Embayment and some of the western Gulf Coastal Plain. This was influenced by the non-rhotic East Anglia and London England pronunciation. Additionally, some older Southern dialects were "variably non-rhotic in intra-word intervocalic contexts, as in carry." Rhotic accents of the older Southern dialects, which pronounce all historical r sounds, were somewhat rarer and spoken in