Parkin Archeological State Park
Parkin Archeological State Park known as Parkin Indian Mound, is an archeological site and state park in Parkin, Cross County, Arkansas. Around 1350–1650 CE an aboriginal palisaded village existed at the site, at the confluence of the St. Francis and Tyronza rivers. Artifacts from this site are on display at the site museum; the Parkin Site is the type site for the Parkin phase, an expression of the Mississippian culture from the Late Mississippian period. Many archeologists believe it to be part of the province of Casqui, documented as visited by Spanish explorer Hernando de Soto in 1542. Archeological artifacts from the village of the Parkin people are dated to 1400–1650 CE; the Parkin site was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1964 for its significance as a type site of the Parkin Phase. In 1966, the Parkin Indian Mound was listed in the National Register of Historic Places. Parkin Archeological State Park is located at 60 Arkansas Highway 184 North, Arkansas; the Parkin Site is the type site for an important Late Mississippian cultural component, the Parkin phase, which dates from about 1400–1700 CE.
The Parkin phase was a collection of villages along the St. Tyronza rivers; this culture is contemporary with the Caborn-Welborn culture and Menard, Tipton and the Nodena phases. It has been determined. In the early 1540s, the Spanish Hernando de Soto expedition is believed to have visited several sites in the Parkin Phase, identified as the Province of Casqui, with the Nodena Phase being identified as the province of Pacaha; the province was named by the De Soto Expedition for the chieftain Casqui, who ruled the tribe from its primary village. The De Soto chroniclers indicate that political provinces were the major political institutions of this area; the Parkin phase is a series of twenty-one villages of varying sizes along the St. Francis and Tyronza rivers, most of them 2.5 miles apart from each other. These sites include the Rose Mound, Neeleys Ferry, Barton Ranch. During the preceding periods and small villages had developed throughout the area, but by this time endemic warfare had forced the populations to consolidate into the palisaded villages.
They would leave their villages during the day to farm their fields, collect wood, hunt, but at night return to the safety of their well-defended villages. The people of the Parkin phase were isolated and protected from people of other phases to their east and southeast by swamps, which the Spanish chroniclers described as some of the worst they had crossed; the swamps acted as buffer zones between the hostile phases. As time went on, the people of the Parkin phase developed a material culture that diverged from that of the surrounding phases. Among other indicators, this distinction was characterized by changes in pottery designs and mortuary practices; the cultural changes show that the peoples of the Parkin phase were becoming isolated from their neighbors not only culturally but physically. Motifs on artifacts found at the Parkin phase sites show that the people were part of the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex, an extensive religious and trade network that brought Mill Creek chert, whelk shells, other exotic goods to the Parkin phase sites.
The people of Parkin were intensely involved in maize agriculture, as well as cultivating other food crops originating in the Americas, such as beans, gourds and sunflowers. Women managed most of the cultivation and processing, including developing varieties of maize and other vegetables. After the harvest, maize was stored in large above ground cribs for consumption during the remainder of the year; the women gathered wild foodstuffs such as pecans and persimmons. The De Soto chroniclers described the area as being intensely cultivate, as the most populous they had seen in La Florida, they said there were groves of wild fruit and nut-bearing trees, implying that the Parkin phase peoples must have chosen to retain them while clearing other trees for the cultivation of maize and their other crops. The men hunted such game as whitetail deer, rabbit and mallard, as well as fishing for alligator gar, drum and mussels; the two rivers and the moat must have been a productive source of fish, as the De Soto chroniclers mentioned receiving "gifts of fish" from the residents of Casqui.
The people of Parkin were Tunican or Siouan speaking. It is known; the related group of phases present in the region may have all been Tunica peoples, with Caddoan speakers to their west and south. By the time of European contact in the 1670s and the beginning of the historic period, the area was occupied by the Quapaw, who spoke a Dhegiha Siouan language. Unsuccessful attempts have been made to connect pottery styles and words from the de Soto narratives with the Quapaw; this town was a good one well stockaded. The chief of Casqui came to the Christians when they were entering the village and they entertained him bravely. In Aquixo, Casqui, Pacaha, they saw the best villages seen up to that time, better stockaded and fortified, the people were of finer quality, excepting those of Cofitachequi; the site was a 17 acres palisaded village at the confluence of the St. Tyronza rivers. All other sites of the Parkin Phase ar
Dickson Mounds is a Native American settlement site and burial mound complex near Lewistown, Illinois. It is located in Fulton County on a low bluff overlooking the Illinois River, it is a large burial complex containing at least two cemeteries, ten superimposed burial mounds, a platform mound. The Dickson Mounds site was founded by 800 CE and was in use until after 1250 CE; the site is named in honor of chiropractor Don Dickson, who began excavating it in 1927 and opened a private museum that operated on the site. Its exhibition of the 237 uncovered skeletons uncovered and displayed by Dickson was closed in 1992 by then-Gov. Jim Edgar. Don Dickson discovered the burial mounds on his family farm. Instead of removing the bones, he only removed the dirt, he covered his excavation with a tent. He replaced his tent with a building and set up a private museum; the Dickson Mounds Museum is a museum erected on the site in 1972 by the U. S. state of Illinois. The museum is part of the Illinois State Museum system.
While the members of most hunter-gatherer cultures travel extensively or practice a nomadic lifestyle, the exceptional productivity of the Illinois River valley in fish and game made it possible for semi-permanent settlements to develop. Archaeological examination of these sites have generated significant insights into the living conditions of Native Americans over time and the levels of technology they possessed. A large parcel of the adjacent river bottomland is undergoing preservation and ecosystem restoration as part of the Emiquon Project; the Emiquon wetlands generated much of the food eaten by the people who lived on or near this blufftop site. In 2009, an excavation by Michigan State University turned up sherds of pottery and the foundations of houses and other structures that date back to about 1300 CE; some of the people who lived here were buried in Dickson Mounds itself. Their skeletons were excavated and displayed to the public from the 1930s until 1992, when in a controversial move the burial display was resealed due to Native American concerns.
It is estimated. The earlier burials were in mounds that were still being built as late as the ninth century, while burials were in cemeteries; this exemplifies the shift away from the earlier focus on burial mounds as the monumental foci of communities lacking large settlements to the emphasis on platform mounds at the center of towns. Mississippians decentralized cemeteries, making their communities rather than their burial places the center of their lives. "One group of four Mississippian people buried together appear to have been sacrificed at the Dickson Site". Their heads were replaced by pots; this was not a practice earlier. After the sealing, the museum was renovated as a series of galleries that attempt to portray the history of the site. For example, the River Valley Gallery exhibition attempts to depict indigenous life patterns here since the close of the last Ice Age, while the "Reflections on Three Worlds" Gallery exhibition attempts to describe how scholars have used archeological findings to generate inductive evidence on the residents' life and culture.
Excavators left 248 burials in place after exposure, these were long displayed inside a specially built museum enclosure. The American Indian objections to the display led to its closure in 1992. After that, three excavated dwellings now remain open to visitors at the site and the museum displays chronicle prehistoric life in the region. Combined, the various burial sites at Dickson Mounds comprehensively represent all of the known eras of Native American culture in Illinois. Excavation and analysis of over eight hundred Native American skeletons from these burial sites indicate a transition from hunting and gathering to an agrarian economy and significant health changes in the population as a result of this transition. Earlier settlements at Dickson Mounds indicate an economy based on hunting and gathering. Hunting and gathering provided this population with a mixed and balanced diet. At this time, the population was small and autonomous, traded little with outsiders, maintained only seasonal camps.
From 1050-1175, Dickson Mounds underwent a transitional phase, moving towards a mixed economy of hunting and gathering combined with agriculture the cultivation of maize. The population was developing more permanent settlements and trade networks. From 1175 onward to about 1350, the population size expanded and developed complex permanent settlements; these changes can be attributed to the increased reliance on agriculture and expansion of long-distance trade during this period. The significant lifestyle changes from a small, hunter-gatherer society to a large, agrarian society resulted in major health changes among the population. After analyzing trends in bone growth, enamel development and mortality, archaeologists determined that there was a major decline in health following the adoption and intensification of agriculture. Compared to the hunter-gatherers before them, skeletons of farmers at Dickson Mounds indicate a significant increase in enamel defects, iron-deficiency anemia, bone lesions, degenerative spinal conditions.
The decline in health of Dickson Mounds’ population over time can be attributed to the increased reliance on agriculture, which led to a less varied and less nutritious diet, more strenuous physical labor in the fields, more crowded permanent settlements that facilitated the spread of infectious diseases. Some say the
Millstone Bluff is a natural bluff in Pope County, United States, located near the community of Glendale. Listed on the National Register of Historic Places because of its archaeological significance, Millstone Bluff is one of three National Register sites in Pope County, along with the Golconda Historic District and part of the Kincaid Mounds State Historic Site; the bluff is home to a prehistoric Native American settlement used by Mississippian cultures. The settlement site is little more than depressions sitting atop the bluff, which lies within the Shawnee National Forest; the United States Forest Service controls an interpretive trail to the site. Aside from the remains of the Mississippian settlement, the bluff contains a prehistoric stone box cemetery, a rock art site, a Late Woodland stone fort. Petroglyphs at this site include two thunderbirds, axes, a spider-like creature, turkey tracks, a humanoid form, the cross and circle motif common to other petroglyph sites in southern Illinois.
List of archaeological sites on the National Register of Historic Places in Illinois Millstone Bluff
Wickliffe Mounds is a prehistoric, Mississippian culture archaeological site located in Ballard County, just outside the town of Wickliffe, about 3 miles from the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Archaeological investigations have linked the site with others along the Ohio River in Illinois and Kentucky as part of the Angel Phase of Mississippian culture. Wickliffe Mounds is controlled by the State Parks Service, which operates a museum at the site for interpretation of the ancient community. Listed on the National Register of Historic Places, it is a Kentucky Archeological Landmark and State Historic Site; the town at Wickliffe Mounds is located on a bluff above the Ohio River, was both a ceremonial and administrative center of an important chiefdom in the Mississippian culture. At its peak it had a population reaching into the hundreds; the site is dominated by two large platform mounds, with at least eight smaller mounds scattered around a central plaza area. Agriculture was based on the cultivation of maize as a staple, stored and supported denser populations and stratification of society.
The Mississippian culture peoples had trade with societies as far away as North Carolina and the Gulf of Mexico. As in most other Mississippian chiefdoms, the community of Wickliffe had a social hierarchy ruled by a hereditary chief; the site was inhabited between 1000 CE and 1350 CE. When Wickliffe began to be abandoned around 1300, the population had been relocating to the Twin Mounds Site, several miles to the northeast near the confluence of the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers. Amateur and semi-professional excavations first began in the site around 1913 and continued sporadically for several decades. In 1932, Fain W. King, a lumberman, amateur archaeologist, Indian artifact collector from Paducah, a member of the Board of Regents of the Alabama Museum of Natural History, Tuscaloosa requested and paid for the Alabama Museum archaeology staff to conduct the excavations of the center portions of three mounds at the Wickliffe site including the cemetery, Mound C; the excavations were done under the direction of Dr. Walter B, Alabama State Geologist, David L. DeJarnette, the crew chief.
The first publicity flyer about the excavations was co-authored by TMN Lewis and Fain King and the first two separate journal articles about the excavations by each author said the work was undertaken as both a scientific and educational enterprise through which the public was enabled to examine a page of unwritten history. To defray the cost of operating the site a one dollar admission was charged for the one hour guided tour during the King era. In cooperation with his wife, Blanche Busey King, he opened the site for tourists under the name "Ancient Buried City"; the Kings' venture was controversial because they used sensational and misleading advertising, altered the site to make it more visually appealing, made dubious and exaggerated interpretations of the site. These actions put them directly in opposition to professional archaeologists who studied the site and did not want it disturbed; the Kings deeded the site to the Western Baptist Hospital in Paducah in 1946, that agreed to pay them a monthly stipend until both of their deaths.
The hospital continued to operate the site as a tourism business until 1983 the year Mrs. King died; that year the hospital donated the site to Murray State University, to be used for research and training students. In 1984 the site's historic importance was recognized and it was added to the National Register of Historic Places. In 2004, the site became the 11th State Historical Site of Kentucky and entered the control of the Kentucky State Parks. In addition to the freestanding Mound A, the major ceremonial mound, the museum park encloses three excavated mounds with archaeological features, to aid in their interpretation for visitors, it displays the outstanding collection of pottery and artifacts excavated on site. A mural with a birds-eye view of the Mississippian village on the bluff shows how the entire complex would have looked. Ceremonial Mound was the location of ceremonial structures; this would have been religious center of the community. Excavated in 1932 and in 1984–85, it has been determined that there are six phases of development.
The Architecture Building covers a mound, residential. You can see several layers of habitation revealed in this cut-away mound; this mound was built up over 200 years. Inside, visitors can look into the layers of this mound, it shows the evidence which archeologists used to identify this as a residential area, such as the layers of charred materials from cooking fires and the postholes for the poles that held the wattle and daub siding. The Cemetery Building covers the area used as the community's burial ground. Native American practices prohibit the display of the dead; the original remains were reinterred and artificial skeletons were placed to show the original burials. The exterior of the excavation has curtains with traditional designs to cover those remains that could not be removed; the burials are from the 13th century. They included many infants, as well as people with identifiable medical problems, including arthritis and various injuries; the Lifeways Building is the excavation of an early village/residential portion of the community.
The early homes were replaced by an elongated mound. The excavation shows the arrangement including numerous infant burials. In the lower Ohio River valley in Illinois and Indiana, the Mississippian-culture towns of Kincaid, Wickliffe and Angel Moun
McCune Mound and Village Site
The McCune Mound and Village Site is a prehistoric archaeological site located in Whiteside County, Illinois near the city of Sterling. The site consists of a single mound, 3 metres high and 23 metres in diameter, five depressions that may have been housing sites; the site was occupied by Upper Mississippian peoples from 1200 to 1500 A. D.. Modern archaeologists first documented the site in 1961; as a intact site with a single-component habitation, the site was considered to have the potential to provide significant information on the Langford tradition. The site was added to the National Register of Historic Places on August 16, 1979
St. Francis River
The St. Francis River is a tributary of the Mississippi River, about 426 miles long, in southeastern Missouri and northeastern Arkansas in the United States; the river drains a rural area and forms part of the Missouri-Arkansas state line along the western side of the Missouri Bootheel. The river rises in a region of granite mountains in Iron County and flows southwardly through the Ozarks and the St. Francois Mountains near Missouri's highest point Taum Sauk, it forms the Missouri-Arkansas border in the Bootheel and exits the state at Missouri's lowest point in the "toe" at 241 feet above sea level. It passes through Lake Wappapello, formed by a dam constructed in 1941. Below the dam the river meanders through cane forests and willow wetlands or forested swamp, transitioning from a clear stream into a slow and silt-laden muddy river as it enters the flat lands of the Mississippi embayment. In its lower course the river parallels Crowleys Ridge and is part of a navigation and flood-control project that encompasses a network of diversion channels and ditches along it and the Castor and Little rivers.
Below the mouth of the Little River in Poinsett County, the St. Francis is navigable by barge, it joins the Mississippi River in Phillips County, about 7 miles north of Helena. Along its course in Missouri, the river flows through the Mark Twain National Forest and past Sam A. Baker State Park and the towns of Farmington and Fisk. In Arkansas it passes the towns of St. Francis, Lake City, Marked Tree and Parkin, continues through two additional namesakes of the river — St. Francis County, St. Francis Township in northeastern Phillips County — ending its course adjoining the St. Francis National Forest. In addition to the Little River, tributaries of the St. Francis include the Little St. Francis River, which joins it along its upper course in Missouri. General overview and logistics: The most popular section of the St. Francis River for whitewater boating is divided into two sections, the Upper and the Lower; the Upper section's put-in is near Fredericktown, off HW 72 just after it crosses the river.
The put is located just upstream of where Stouts Creek joins in with the St. Francis River; the take out for the upper St. Francis is at Millstream Gardens Conservation Area or downstream of that at Tiemann Shut-ins, which serves as the usual put-in for the lower St. Francis; the total five-mile stretch that encompasses both the upper and the Lower St. Francis River ends at Silver Mines Recreation Area. Upper St. Francis: The upper section of the river is much less technical than the lower and has extensive flat water sections between rapids; the upper section is the longer of the two sections at 3.2 miles. At the put-in for the upper section, the water is calm and is a great place for beginner paddlers to practice skills and rolling. Following the calm pool, the river constricts as it makes a large right turn and a great eddy line is formed to practice in; the first rapid encountered on the upper is Entrance Rapid. Entrance is a long, wide rapid with a series of ledges, steeper on the right, which provide good play waves for more technical boaters at lower levels.
At flood levels, Entrance Rapid can be hazardous due to the willows growing along the sides and can present a challenge greater than the whitewater! The second rapid on the upper is Kitten's Crossing and consists of a series of 3 drops with the third having a sizable surfing, wave/hole and a service eddy on the left; the final rapid for the upper is Land of Oz and has two back-to-back surfing waves on the left but the drop just below that collects wood and debris, so be cautious. After a several pools, the river makes a bend to the right before the take-out at Fisherman's Access in Millstream Gardens Conservation Area. Lower St. Francis: The lower section is the much more exciting half of the river and contains the largest rapids, but is the shorter section of the river at 2.3 miles in length. "This is Missouri's premier whitewater run. 80% of the whitewater paddling in Missouri occurs on this section of the St. Francis River with the other 20% taking place either on the Upper St. Francis, on the whitewater creeks close to the St. Francis, on the Mississippi River Chain of Rocks at St. Louis, or at park-and-play spots around the state."
The put-in at in Millstream Gardens Conservation Area, marks the beginning of a granite gorge with the river dropping 60 feet per mile. The whitewater action picks up and continues through four major drops known as Big Drop, Cat's Paw, Double Drop, Rickety-Rack. Throughout the lower St. Francis there are numerous play-spots with surfing waves/holes found everywhere. Downstream of Rickety-Rack, a high bluff can be seen on the right where Mud Creek enters on river right; the entrance of mud creek onto the Lower St. Francis is a good place to stretch you legs and take a small hike up the creek; the creek can be floated down at high water, but an inner-tube would work best. After mud creek and a slow section, Turkey Creek enters on the left at Turkey Creek Picnic Area, part of the USFS Silver Mine Recreation Area. Following this the river bends to the right and is divided by a forest of willow trees; this section contains some small happy white water and higher levels can produce some small surfing waves.
The left rout in the Willow jungle contains a small squeeze between two rocks
Big Eddy Site
The Big Eddy Site is an archaeological site located in Cedar County, first excavated in 1997 and is now threatened due to erosion by the Sac River. The Sac River has created a cut bank, some 5.2 meters high, revealing a rare site similar to the Rodgers Formation of the neighboring Pomme de Terre valley. Haynes describes the deposits in the area of Rodgers Cave as flood plain deposits which have accumulated through annual flooding. Periodically, the river would downcut enough to prevent further flooding, only to change its course and restart the process; this leaves a series of identified layers, separated by periods of no deposits. Big Eddy was formed in a similar way. For some 14,000 years, the Sac River has flooded, covering over this site with thick, well stratified, alluvial silt; this detailed stratigraphy has preserved a record of a nearly continuous human occupation from recent prehistory back to the earliest Clovis, pre-Clovis residents. Recovered artifacts show a continuum from Paleoindian through Archaic and Mississippian, including important evidence for the transition from the Clovis to Dalton cultures.
Making the site more valuable is the clear separation of deposits. The site was periodically sealed by gravel layers and paleosols, ancient soils preserved by burial under more recent sedimentation; these layers of hard material seal the layers, preventing intrusion into the lower layers by material. The paleosols are valuable as they were formed by environmental changes that create a change in the soil forming a hard shell over the lower material. Investigations at the Big Eddy site are quite recent, having been first excavated in 1997, this area of the state has seen little previous investigation; the only other extensive study of the region took place in the 1960s and 1970s in the neighboring lower Pomme de Terre Valley. These studies provided a geologic history for the region reaching back some 100,000 years. A long sequence of human occupation was found, but no evidence of Paleoindian sites. In the 1970s, with the construction of the Stockton hydroelectric dam, the Sac River, which had for so long preserved the site, began to erode the bank.
This exposed the alluvial layers and began to wash out artifacts from the nearly 14,000 year occupation. Local collectors recovered some of these artifacts, which drew the attention of professional archaeologists. In 1986, the site was discovered by professional archaeologists surveying the Sac River valley when they spotted artifacts eroding out of the river bank. No formal investigation of Big Eddy was conducted until 1997. At this time, the Kansas City District US Army Corps of Engineers came to realize that this site was in imminent danger of destruction by the water releases from the Stockton dam; the Corps hired the Missouri State University's Center for Archaeological Research to excavate the site, funding three years of work at the site. The CAR team, led by Ray and Lopinot, came to the site with modest expectations. Excavations began with the use of a road grader to remove the plow zone from the site; this material was screened and flotation was used to look for cultural remains. Two test trenches were dug to a depth of four meters, four blocks were excavated in 5–10 cm layers to a depth of 2.5 meters.
Eighteen deep, continuous sedimentary cores were taken around the site. This work revealed a much more valuable site than had first been expected and tedious hand excavation techniques were used to investigate the lower levels to maintain contextual information; the 1997 excavations terminated near the base of the Paleoindian deposits at about 3.5 meters below the original surface. Exploratory tests, revealed deeper artifacts and charcoal down to depths of four meters. Dating of these finds were between 12,700 and 13,000 years BP. After a hiatus during which they examined the previous years findings, work at the site resumed in the summer of 1999. Hand excavations were made an additional 1.3 meters into the pre-Clovis deposits reaching a paleo-gravel bar. It was during these excavations that some of the most exciting discoveries were made, possible pre-Clovis artifacts. If confirmed, these finds could be the oldest in North America. In total, the US Army Corps of Engineers has now funded five years of excavations, CAR has returned to the site through summer of 2006.
The team hopes to continue their work through private funding. One of the most important aspects of Big Eddy is that the stratigraphy of the site is clear and has remained undisturbed for over 14,000 years; as a result, the deposits from different periods have been separated vertically from each other. The stratigraphy of Big Eddy has been compared to the geology of Rodgers Cave in the neighboring Pomme de Terre Valley. Big Eddy has thus been divided into three distinct alluvial members; the Late Rodgers layer represents the most recent deposits. Most of this layer has been disturbed by the plow zone at the east end of the site; the west end of the site retains some undisturbed deposits. Missi