Party of Regions
The Party of Regions is a pro-Russia political party of Ukraine created in late 1997 that grew to be the biggest party of Ukraine between 2006 and 2014. Since the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution, the party has not competed in elections and most of its representatives have left the party to continue their careers in other parties. Best known former party members are former Prime Minister Mykola Azarov and former President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych; the party was created on 26 October 1997, just prior to the 1998 Ukrainian parliamentary elections, under the name of Party of Regional Revival of Ukraine and led by Volodymyr Rybak. Throughout its existence the party has contained different political groups with diverging ideological outlooks; the party was reorganized in 2001 when it united with several others. According to the party's leadership in 2002, from the creation of the party to the end of 2001 the number of members jumped from 30,000 to 500,000; the party claims to ideologically defend and uphold the rights of ethnic Russians and speakers of the Russian language in Ukraine.
It supported president Leonid Kuchma and joined the pro-government For United Ukraine alliance during the parliamentary elections on 30 March 2002. Its electoral and financial base has always been located in the east and south-east of Ukraine, where it got wide popular electoral support. In the eastern Ukrainian Donetsk Oblast the party claimed in 2010 to have over 700,000 members; the party was always supported by people older than 45 years. In 2010, the party candidate Viktor Yanukovych won the presidential elections; the party won 185 seats in the Ukrainian parliament in the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election. On 12 December 2012 it formed a parliamentary faction of 210 deputies. During the 2014 Ukrainian revolution on February 20, 2014, several party members called for the disintegration of Ukraine and a union with the Russian Federation. Oleksandr Yefremov, leader of the Ukrainian parliamentary faction in full support of these proposed actions, Vladimir Konstantinov, chairman of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea went to Luhansk to support these decisive actions.
On 23 February 2014 the Party of Regions condemned and disassociated itself from Victor Yanukovych for corruption, "criminal orders", his escape, "cowardice". The following months more than 120 MPs left the party's parliamentary faction; the party did not participate in the 2014 parliamentary elections. In the following months, the majority of its representatives continued their political careers predominantly with Opposition Bloc, Revival or Our Land; the founding congress of the Party of Regional Revival of Ukraine was held on 26 October 1997 in Kiev. The first leader of the party was the mayor of Volodymyr Rybak. On 6 November 1997, the Party of Regional Revival of Ukraine was registered at the Ukrainian Ministry of Justice. On 27 November 1997 there took place the 1st Party Congress, which adopted the electoral party list and platform for the next elections. On 13 January 1998 a parliamentary faction was created in the parliament of Ukraine, the Party of Regional Revival of Ukraine. During the 1998 parliamentary elections the Party of Regional Revival of Ukraine won 0.90% of the votes.
A single party representative was elected to the Ukrainian Parliament by winning one constituency at the regular elections. The party was among the top 10 in Donetsk Oblasts. Volodymyr Rybak was the winner of constituency number 45 in Donetsk Oblast. During the 2nd Party Congress that took place in two stages during the spring of 1999 it was decided to support the presidential candidate Leonid Kuchma for the next presidential elections, it was recommended that the candidate include in his election campaign propositions of the Party of Regional Revival of Ukraine, including one on granting the Russian language official status. In the summer of 1999, the party entered the electoral bloc "Our choice - Leonid Kuchma", consisting of 23 parties and led by Yevhen Kushnaryov, who endorsed incumbent President Leonid Kuchma in the presidential election of 1999. On 17 November 2000, the 3rd Extraordinary Party Congress adopted the merger of five political parties, For Beautiful Ukraine, All-Ukrainian Party of Pensioners, Party of Labor, Party of Solidarity of Ukraine, Party of Regional Revival of Ukraine, into a new one under the name of Party of Regional Revival "Labor Solidarity of Ukraine".
The co-leaders of the new political polity became Valentyn Landyk, Petro Poroshenko, Volodymyr Rybak. Prior to the merger the Party of Solidarity of Ukraine was abandoned by its base party of Serhiy Dovhan, the Peasant Party of Ukraine, which dissolved its union with Solidarity. On February 21, 2001, the Ministry of Justice registered the newly established Party of Regional Revival "Labour Solidarity of Ukraine". On March 3, 2001, at the 3rd Party Congress, the party changed its name to Party of Regions. At the congress Mykola Azarov, who at that time was chairman of the State Tax Administration of Ukraine, was elected the party leader, but soon resigned in December 2001, being replaced by his deputy and at that time Vice Prime Minister Volodymyr Semynozhenko. In an interview with the newspaper Den on 6 March 2001, Azarov said that he agreed to become the chairman for a brief period "until the party nominated a leader who will claim the office of the President of Ukraine in 2004". In December 2001 the Party of Regions member Ihor Yushchko was appointed Minister of Finance of Uk
Luhansk People's Republic
The Luhansk People's Republic known as Lugansk People's Republic abbreviated as LPR or LNR, is a landlocked proto-state in the Donbass region, in eastern Ukraine. Along with the Donetsk People's Republic, the LPR declared independence from Ukraine in the aftermath of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. An armed conflict with Ukraine followed its declaration of independence, during which the LPR and DPR received military and humanitarian assistance from Russia; this conflict is still ongoing as of April 2019. LPR remains unrecognized by any UN member state, including Russia—although Russia recognizes documents issued by the LPR government, such as identity documents, diplomas and marriage certificates and vehicle registration plates. Ukraine's legislation describes the LPR's area as a "temporarily occupied territory" and its government as an "occupying administration of the Russian Federation". Ukraine's prosecutor general said that the LPR is a terrorist organisation, although LPR is not considered as such by any other country than Ukraine.
The LPR is landlocked and borders Ukraine to the north, the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic to the west, Russia to the east. The LPR extends to half of the Luhansk Oblast, including its densely populated areas, the regional capital Lugansk, as well as the major cities Alchevsk and Krasnodon. 64.4% of the population of the Oblast lives in the LPR. The northern part of Luhansk Oblast, predominantly Ukrainian-speaking, has remained under Ukrainian control; the territory controlled by the LPR is but not coincident with the right bank of the Donets. The highest point of the LPR is Grave Mechetna hill, located in the vicinity of the city of Petrovske; the population of the republic is estimated by the LPR's bureau of statistics at 1.5 million people, although the exactness of this estimate is questionable due to war-time migration and a lack of independent sources. 435,000 of the republic's population live in Luhansk, where the republic has its administration. Lugansk and Donetsk People's republics are located in the historical region of Donbass, added to Ukraine in 1922.
The majority of the population speak Russian as their first language. Attempts by various Ukrainian governments to question the legitimacy of the Russian culture in Ukraine had since the Declaration of Independence of Ukraine resulted in political conflict. In the Ukrainian national elections, a remarkably stable pattern had developed, where Donbass and the Western Ukrainian regions had voted for the opposite candidates since the presidential election in 1994. Viktor Yanukovych, a Donetsk native, had been elected as a president of Ukraine in 2010, his overthrow in the 2014 Ukrainian revolution led to protests in Eastern Ukraine, which escalated into an armed conflict between the newly formed Ukrainian government and the local armed militias. On 5 March 2014, 12 days after the protesters in Kiev seized the president's office, a crowd of people in front of the Luhansk Oblast State Administration building proclaimed Aleksandr Kharitonov as "People's Governor" in Luhansk region. On 9 March 2014 Luganskaya Gvadiya of Kharitonov stormed the government building in Luhansk and forced the newly appointed Governor of Luhansk Oblast, Mykhailo Bolotskykh, to sign a letter of resignation.
One-thousand pro-Russian activists seized and occupied the Security Service of Ukraine building in the city of Luhansk on 6 April 2014, following similar occupations in Donetsk and Kharkiv. The activists demanded that separatist leaders, arrested in previous weeks be released. In anticipation of attempts by the government to retake the building, barricades were erected to reinforce the positions of the activists, it was proposed by the activists that a "Lugansk Parliamentary Republic" be declared on 8 April 2014, but this did not occur. By 12 April, the government had regained control over the SBU building with the assistance of local police forces. Several thousand protesters gathered for a'people's assembly' outside the regional state administration building in Luhansk city on 21 April; these protesters called for the creation of a'people's government', demanded either federalisation of Ukraine or incorporation of Luhansk into the Russian Federation. They elected Valery Bolotov as'People's Governor' of Luhansk Oblast.
Two referendums were announced by the leadership of the activists. One was scheduled for 11 May, was meant to determine whether the region would seek greater autonomy, or retain its previous constitutional status within Ukraine. Another referendum, meant to be held on 18 May in the event that the first referendum favoured autonomy, was to determine whether the region would join the Russian Federation, or become independent. During a gathering outside the RSA building on 27 April 2014, pro-Russian activists proclaimed the "Luhansk People's Republic"; the protesters issued demands, which said that the Ukrainian government should provide amnesty for all protesters, include the Russian language as an official language of Ukraine, hold a referendum on the status of Luhansk Oblast. They warned the Ukrainian government that if it did not meet these demands by 14:00 on 29 April, they would launch an armed insurgency in tandem with that of the Donetsk People's Republic; as the Ukrainian government did
Urban sprawl or suburban sprawl refers to the unrestricted growth in many urban areas of housing, commercial development, roads over large expanses of land, with little concern for urban planning. In addition to describing a particular form of urbanization, the term relates to the social and environmental consequences associated with this development. In Continental Europe the term "peri-urbanisation" is used to denote similar dynamics and phenomena, although the term urban sprawl is being used by the European Environment Agency. There is widespread disagreement about how to quantify it. For example, some commentators measure sprawl only with the average number of residential units per acre in a given area, but others associate it with decentralization, segregation of uses, so forth. The term urban sprawl is politicized, always has negative connotations, it is criticized for causing environmental degradation, intensifying segregation and undermining the vitality of existing urban areas and attacked on aesthetic grounds.
Due to the pejorative meaning of the term, few support urban sprawl as such. The term has become a rallying cry for managing urban growth. Definitions of sprawl vary. Batty et al. defined sprawl as "uncoordinated growth: the expansion of community without concern for its consequences, in short, incremental urban growth, regarded unsustainable." Bhatta et al. wrote in 2010 that despite a dispute over the precise definition of sprawl there is a "general consensus that urban sprawl is characterized by unplanned and uneven pattern of growth, driven by multitude of processes and leading to inefficient resource utilization." Reid Ewing has shown that sprawl has been characterized as urban developments exhibiting at least one of the following characteristics: low-density or single-use development, strip development, scattered development, and/or leapfrog development. He argued that a better way to identify sprawl was to use indicators rather than characteristics because this was a more flexible and less arbitrary method.
He proposed using "accessibility" and "functional open space" as indicators. Ewing's approach has been criticized for assuming that sprawl is defined by negative characteristics. What constitutes sprawl may be considered a matter of degree and will always be somewhat subjective under many definitions of the term. Ewing has argued that suburban development does not, per se constitute sprawl depending on the form it takes, although Gordon & Richardson have argued that the term is sometimes used synonymously with suburbanization in a pejorative way. Metropolitan Los Angeles for example, despite popular notions of being an sprawling city, is the densest metropolitan region in the US, being denser than the New York metropolitan area and the San Francisco Bay Area. Most of metropolitan Los Angeles is built at more uniform low to moderate density, leading to a much higher overall density for the entire region; this is in contrast to cities such as New York, San Francisco or Chicago which have compact, high-density cores but are surrounded by large areas of low density.
The international cases of sprawl draw into question the definition of the term and what conditions are necessary for urban growth to be considered sprawl. Metropolitan regions such Greater Mexico City, Delhi National Capital Region and Beijing, are regarded as sprawling despite being dense and mixed use. Despite the lack of a clear agreed upon description of what defines sprawl most definitions associate the following characteristics with sprawl; this refers to a situation where commercial, residential and industrial areas are separated from one another. Large tracts of land are devoted to a single use and are segregated from one another by open space, infrastructure, or other barriers; as a result, the places where people live, work and recreate are far from one another to the extent that walking, transit use and bicycling are impractical, so all these activities require a car. The degree to which different land uses are mixed together is used as an indicator of sprawl in studies of the subject.
Job sprawl is another land use symptom of urban car-dependent communities. It is defined as low-density, geographically spread-out patterns of employment, where the majority of jobs in a given metropolitan area are located outside of the main city's central business district, in the suburban periphery, it is the result of urban disinvestment, the geographic freedom of employment location allowed by predominantly car-dependent commuting patterns of many American suburbs, many companies' desire to locate in low-density areas that are more affordable and offer potential for expansion. Spatial mismatch is related to economic environmental justice. Spatial mismatch is defined as the situation where poor urban, predominantly minority citizens are left without easy access to entry-level jobs, as a result of increasing job sprawl and limited transportation options to facilitate a reverse commute to the suburbs. Job sprawl has been measured in various ways, it has been shown to be a growing trend in America's metropolitan areas.
The Brookings Institution has published multiple articles on the topic. In 2005, author Michael Stoll defined job sprawl as jobs located more than 5-mile radius from the CBD, measured the concept based on year 2000
The Seversky Donets, Siverskyi Donets simply called the Donets, is a river on the south of the East European Plain. It originates in the Central Russian Upland, north of Belgorod, flows south-east through Ukraine and again through Russia to join the Don River, about 100 km from the Sea of Azov; the Donets is the biggest in the Eastern Ukraine. It is an important source of fresh water in the east of the country, it gives its name to the Donets Basin, known as the Donbass, an important coal mining region in Ukraine. The name Don and its diminutive, Donets are derived from Iranic, Sarmatian Dānu "the river". According to V. Abaev the name Don derives from Iranic, Scythian-Sarmatian Dānu Scytho-Sarmatians inhabited the areas to the north of the Black Sea from 1100 BC into the early medieval times. In the 2nd century CE Ptolemy knew the Don River, into which the Donets flows, as Tanais, Western Europeans recognized that the Don had a significant tributary which they called either the small Tanais or Donetz.
The Slavic name of Seversky Donets derived from the fact that the river originates from the land of Severians. As the Italian-Polish chronicler Alexander Guagnini wrote: "There is another, small Tanais, which originates in the Seversky Principality and flows into the large Tanais above Azov"; the Donets is the largest tributary of the Don. Its total length is 1,053 km and the basin area is 98,900 km2. Most of the river's length 950 km stretches across Ukraine; the average annual flow is 200 m3 at the confluence to the Don. The Donets originates on the Central Russian Upland, near Podolkhi village, Prokhorovka area, north of Belgorod, at an elevation of 200 m above sea level, its basin contains over 3000 rivers, of which 425 are longer than 10 km and 11 are longer than 100 km. These rivers are fed by melting snow, thus the water supply is uneven during the year; the spring flood lasts about two months, from February to April - during this period the water level rises by 3 to 8 m. Excessive flooding is rare due to abundant artificial water reservoirs constructed along the river.
The width of the river ranges between 30 and 70 m, sometimes reaching 100–200 m and 4 km in the reservoir area. The river bottom is sandy and uneven, with the depth varying between 0.3 and 10 m and the average value of 2.5 m. The river is covered by 20 -- 50 cm thick ice, it flows at an elevation of 5.5 m above sea level. Right bank: Babka River, Udy River, Mozh River, Bereka River, Oskol River, Kazenny Torets, Bakhmutka River, Luhan River, Luhanchyk River, Great Kamianka, Kondryucha River Left bank: Vovcha River, Khotimlia River, Velykyi Burluk, Hnylytsia River, Balakliyka River, Izyumets River, Netryus River, Zherebets River, Krasna River, Borova River, Aidar River, Nezhegol River Water reservoirs: Belgorod water reservoir, Pechenihy water reservoir The flow is slow, between 0.15 m/s at Chuhuiv and 1.41 m/s near Lysychansk. The river valley is wide: from 8–10 km in the upper part and up to 20–26 km downstream, is asymmetrical; the right bank is high, sometimes with chalk cliffs, is dissected by gullies.
The left bank is more flat, contains numerous swamps and oxbow lakes, the largest of, lake Lyman. The river is curvy above the tributary river Oskol. In the upstream, above Belgorod, the river contains small reservoirs. In the downstream, after the confluence of the Wolf River, there is Pechenihy Reservoir which supplies water to the city of Kiev. Below Pechenga Reservoir, Donets is fed by its largest tributary Oskol. There the valley contains numerous oxbow lakes in its floodplain. Within Ukraine, the river flows between the Cisdesna plateau and the Donets lowland. In its middle, the river is fed by the Dnieper River waters which are brought though the Dnieper–Donbas–Seversky Donets channels which provide water to the coal industry of the Donets Basin called the Donbass. Near the Russian city of Donetsk, the river crosses the Donets Ridge and flows in a narrow valley with steep and rocky slopes. In the lower part of Donets lowland, the flow is slow. At the delta it splits into three distributaries.
The river played a crucial role for its ancient settlers as a source of water and food, means of transportation and trade route. The first archaeological evidence of settlers relates to Cheulean and Acheulean periods of Lower Paleolithic through stone tools found on the river banks near Izium city of Kharkiv Oblast and in Luhansk Oblast. Over the ages, the river banks were populated by tribals of various cultures, including Mousterian, Catacomb, Alan and Slavic cultures. Many of the related tribals had nomadic lifestyle characteristic of Kipchak people, Golden Horde and of Cossacks; the river flows through the historic lands of Sloboda Ukraine as well as the lands of Don River Host. The many Cossacks became a
Horlivka known by its Russian name Gorlovka or Gorlowka, is a city of regional significance in the Donetsk Oblast of eastern Ukraine. In 2001, the city's population was 292,000, which declined to 256,714 by 2013. Economic activity is predominantly the chemical industry; the Horlivka State Pedagogical Institute of Foreign Languages has a two building campus in the city centre. The city was damaged during the War in Donbass and has since been under control of pro-Russian forces. Suburbs of Horlivka stayed under Ukrainian army control. In 1779 the city was founded as Gosudarev Posad and in 1869 it was renamed after Pyotr Gorlov as Gorlovka; the workers' town provided basic services to and organization of a series of mining camps. During the Russian Revolution of 1905, it was the scene of an armed uprising. In April 1918 troops loyal to the Ukrainian People's Republic took control of Horlivka. Subsequently, under Soviet control, by the 1930s it had expanded and become a major center for mining operations in the Ukrainian SSR.
The city was occupied by German troops from 1941-1943. During World War II retreating Nazis perpetrated mass shootings. Nonetheless, the city's population had risen to over 400,000 by the end of the war. In recent years many mines have closed; the population fell by more than ten percent during the 1990s. In the middle of April, 2014, shortly thereafter, pro-Russian separatists captured several towns in Donetsk Oblast. A group of separatists seized the police station in Horlivka on April 14; the mayor of the city, Yevhen Klep, was detained by the separatists on June 11, not released until July 18. Local chief of police Andriy Kryschenko was badly beaten by the insurgents. A Horlivka city council deputy, Volodymyr Rybak, was kidnapped by the pro-Russian militants on 17 April, his body was found in a river on 22 April. The city administration building was seized on 30 April, solidifying separatist control over Horlivka. Self-proclaimed mayor of Horlivka Volodymyr Kolosniuk was arrested by the SBU on suspicion of participation in "terrorist activities" on 2 July.
On July 21 and 22, 2014, the city saw heavy fighting. The Ukrainian army retook parts of Horlivka on July 21. After the Ukrainian army had retaken Lysychansk on July 25, 2014, the recapture of Horlivka became a priority, for the city was seen as "a direct path to the regional center - Donetsk"; as of 28 July, the city was reported to be surrounded by Ukrainian troops, with rebels holding their positions inside. However, Horlivka continued to be controlled by separatist forces; as of June 2015 it was situated 10 kilometers from the war front. Suburbs of Horlivka stayed under Ukrainian army control. In November 2017 they regained control of the villages of Hladosove north of Horlivka; as reported by the city administration, from the beginning of the conflict till late January 2015 274 local civilians were wounded and 92 killed, including 9 children. Because of the conflict the city's population shrank to 180,000. Ethnic composition as of the Ukrainian Census of 2001: First language as of the Ukrainian Census of 2001: Russian 85.1% Ukrainian 13.9% Belarusian 0.1% Armenian 0.1% Despite the fall of communism a statue of Lenin still stands in a central square bearing his name.
Horlivka is well served by CNG-buses, but much of the city's Soviet-era infrastructure shows signs of deterioration. By contrast, a number of modern shops and a new cathedral in the town center indicate some rejuvenation. On the eastern side of Horlivka there is an abandoned chemical plant which used to produce toxic explosives and has been reported to be in a dangerous condition. Mining activity has resulted in large spoil tips being visible around the city, but a tree-planting project and ongoing forestry maintenance has revitalised an area to the north; the city was damaged during the War in Donbass. The city is divided into three city districts: Mykytivka and City Center; the city municipality includes several towns and villages. Most of populated places belongs to the City Center district, while Hladosove and Zaitseve is part of Mykytivka district. Towns: Holmivsky, Panteleymonivka villages: Mykhailivka, Ryasne hamlets: Hladosove, Piatykhatky, Fedorivka, Shyroka Balka Sergei Baranov, Russian volleyball player Yuriy Boyko, Ukrainian politician Valeriy Horbunov and Soviet football player Nikolai Kapustin, Russian composer and pianist Ihor Petrov, Ukrainian professional football coach and a former player Aleksandr Ponomarev, Soviet Ukrainian football player and manager Ruslan Ponomariov, Ukrainian chess player Serhiy Rebrov, Ukrainian footballer Oleksandr Savanchuk, Ukrainian football striker Arkady Shevchenko, Soviet defector Mykyta Shevchenko, Ukrainian football goalkeeper Evgeny Ukhanov, Ukrainian-Australian pianist Alexander Volkov, Soviet-Russian cosmonaut Horlivka is twinned with: Barnsley, United Kingdom, since 1987 Pensacola, United States Buffalo, United States, since 2007 Gorlovka Portal Gorlovka Vedi Video of Gorlovka Yellow Pages of Horlivka Things to do in Horlivka
2014 pro-Russian unrest in Ukraine
From the end of February 2014, demonstrations by pro-Russian and anti-government groups took place in major cities across the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine, in the aftermath of the Euromaidan movement and the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. During the first stage of the unrest, Crimea was annexed by the Russian Federation after a Russian military intervention, an internationally criticized Crimean referendum. Protests in Donetsk and Luhansk regions escalated into an armed pro-Russian separatist insurgency. From late 2014, cities outside of the Donbass combat zone, such as Kharkiv, Odessa and Mariupol, were struck by bombings that targeted pro-Ukrainian unity organizations. To maintain control over southeastern territories Ukraine's government started "antiterrorist operation" sending armed forces to suppress separatists. Armed conflict between Ukraine's government forces and pro-Russian rebels is known as War in Donbass. Ukraine became gripped by unrest when President Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign an association agreement with the European Union on 21 November 2013.
An organized political movement known as'Euromaidan' demanded closer ties with the European Union, the ousting of Yanukovych. This movement was successful, culminating in the February 2014 revolution, which removed Yanukovych and his government. However, some people in Russophone eastern and southern Ukraine, the traditional bases of support for Yanukovych and his Party of the Regions, did not approve of the revolution, began to protest in favour of closer ties with Russia. Various demonstrations were held in Crimea in favour of leaving Ukraine and accession to the Russian Federation, leading to the 2014 Crimean crisis. On 1 March, regional state administration buildings in various eastern Ukrainian oblasts were occupied by pro-Russian activists. By 11 March, all occupations had ended, after units of the local police and the Security Service of Ukraine re-took the buildings. In Donetsk, protests escalated into violence on multiple occasions, including on 13 March, when a pro-Ukrainian protester was stabbed to death.
In Kharkiv, Patriots of Ukraine militants killed an anti-Maidan protester and a passer-by on the night of 15 March, when anti-Maidan protesters attacked the Right Sector headquarters in the city. The attendees of the protests included Russian citizens from across the border who came to support the efforts of pro-Russian activists in Ukraine. Donetsk oblast governor Serhiy Taruta said that rallies in Donetsk contained ex-convicts and others who travelled from Crimea. Ukraine's police and border guards had denied more than 8,200 Russians entry into Ukraine between 4 and 25 March. On 27 March, National Security and Defence Council Secretary Andriy Parubiy said that between 500 and 700 Russians were being denied entry daily. On 17 April, during the twelfth Direct Line with Vladimir Putin programme, the use of the Russian Armed Forces in Crimea, along with Crimean self-defence troops, was avowed by the Russian president, but he denied claims by the Ukrainian government, the European Union, the United States, that Russian Special Forces were fomenting unrest in eastern Ukraine.
A poll conducted by Kiev International Institute of Sociology from 8–18 February 2014 assessed support for union with Russia throughout Ukraine. It found. 68.0% of those from the four regions surveyed agreed that Ukraine should remain independent, with friendly relations maintained between Russia and Ukraine. Support for a union between Russia and Ukraine was found to be much higher in certain areas: 41.0% Crimea 33.2% Donetsk Oblast 24.1% Luhansk Oblast 24.0% Odessa Oblast 16.7% Zaporizhia Oblast 15.1% Kharkov Oblast 13.8% Dnepropetrovsk OblastIn an opinion poll conducted from 14–26 March by the International Republican Institute, 26–27% of those polled in southern and eastern Ukraine viewed the Euromaidan protests as a coup d'état. Only 5% of respondents in eastern Ukraine felt that Russian-speakers were'definitely' under pressure or threat. 43% of ethnic Russians supported the decision of the Russian Federation to send its military to protect Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine. In the poll, 22% of those in southern Ukraine, 26% of those in eastern Ukraine supported the idea of federalization for the country.
59% of those polled in eastern Ukraine would like to join the Russian-led customs union, while only 22% were in favour of joining the European Union. 37% of southerners would prefer to join this customs union, while 29% were in favour of joining the EU. 90% of those polled in western Ukraine wanted to enter an economic union with EU, while only 4% favoured the customs union led by Russia. Among all the Ukrainians polled overall, 34% favour joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, while 44% are against joining it. In eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine, only 14% and 11% of the respondents favour joining NATO, while 67% in eastern Ukraine and 52% in southern Ukraine oppose joining it. 72% of people polled in eastern Ukraine thought that the country was going in the wrong direction, compared with only 36% in western Ukraine. A poll conducted by the Institute of Social Research and Policy Analysis analysed the identities of Donetsk inhabitants. While support for separatism was low, just over a third of polled Donetsk inhabitants identified themselves as "citizens of Ukraine".
More preferred "Russian-speaking residents of Ukraine" or "residents of Donbass". The same poll determined that 66% of Donetsk residents that were polled supported remaining in a
Ukrainians are an East Slavic ethnic group native to Ukraine, by total population the seventh-largest nation in Europe. The Constitution of Ukraine applies the term'Ukrainians' to all its citizens; the people of Ukraine have been known as "Rusyns" and "Cossacks", among others. According to most dictionary definitions, a descriptive name for the "inhabitants of Ukraine" is Ukrainian or Ukrainian people; the ethnonym Ukrainians became accepted only in the 20th century after their territory obtained distinctive statehood in 1917. From the 14th to the 16th centuries, the Western portions of the European part of what is now known as Russia, the territories of northern Ukraine and Belarus were known as Rus', continuing the tradition of Kievan Rus'. People of these territories were called Rus or Rusyns; the Ukrainian language appeared in the 14th – 16th centuries, but at that time, it was known as Ruthenian, like its brothers. In the 16th – 17th centuries, with the establishment of the Zaporizhian Sich, the notion of Ukraine as a separate country with a separate ethnic identity came into being.
However, the ethnonym Ukrainians and the linguonym Ukrainian were used only and the people of Ukraine continued to call themselves and their language Ruthenian. After the decline of the Zaporizhian Sich and the establishment of Imperial Russian hegemony in Ukraine, Ukrainians became more known by the Russian regional name, Little Russians, with the majority of Ukrainian élites espousing Little Russian identity; this official name did not spread among the peasantry which constituted the majority of the population. Ukrainian peasants still referred to their country as Ukraine and to themselves and their language as Ruthenians/Ruthenian. With the publication of Ivan Kotliarevsky's Eneyida in 1798, which established the modern Ukrainian language, with the subsequent Romantic revival of national traditions and culture, the ethnonym Ukrainians and the notion of a Ukrainian language came into more prominence at the beginning of the 19th century and replaced the words "Rusyns" and "Ruthenian". In areas outside the control of the Russian/Soviet state until the mid-20th century, Ukrainians were known by their pre-existing names for much longer.
The appellation Ukrainians came into common usage in Central Ukraine and did not take hold in Galicia and Bukovyna until the latter part of the 19th century, in Transcarpathia until the 1930s, in the Prešov Region until the late 1940s. The modern name ukrayintsi derives from Ukrayina, a name first documented in 1187. Several scientific theories attempt to explain the etymology of the term. According to the traditional theory, it derives from the Proto-Slavic root *kraj-, which has two meanings, one meaning the homeland as in "nash rodnoi kraj", the other "edge, border", had the sense of "periphery", "borderland" or "frontier region" etc. According to some new alternative Ukrainian historians such as Hryhoriy Pivtorak, Vitaly Sklyarenko and other scholars, translate the term "u-kraine" as "in-land", "home-land" or "our-country"; the name in this context derives from the word "u-kraina" in the sense of "domestic region", "domestic land" or "country". In the last three centuries the population of Ukraine experienced periods of Polonization and Russification, but preserved a common culture and a sense of common identity.
Most ethnic Ukrainians live in Ukraine. The largest population of Ukrainians outside of Ukraine lives in Russia where about 1.9 million Russian citizens identify as Ukrainian, while millions of others have some Ukrainian ancestry. The inhabitants of the Kuban, for example, have vacillated among three identities: Ukrainian, "Cossack". 800,000 people of Ukrainian ancestry live in the Russian Far East in an area known as "Green Ukraine". According to some previous assumptions, an estimated number of 2.4 million people of Ukrainian origin live in North America. Large numbers of Ukrainians live in Brazil, Moldova, Italy, Uzbekistan, the Czech Republic and Romania. There are large Ukrainian communities in such countries as Latvia, France, Paraguay, the UK, Slovakia, Austria and the former Yugoslavia; the Ukrainian diaspora is present in more than one hundred and twenty countries of the world. The number of Ukrainians in Poland amounted to some 51,000 people in 2011. Since 2014, the country has experienced a large increase in immigration from Ukraine.
More recent data put the number of Ukrainian workers at 1.2 – 1.3 million in 2016. In the last decades of the 19th century, many Ukrainians were forced by the Tsarist autocracy to move to the Asian regions of Russia, while many of their counterpart Slavs under Austro-Hungarian rule emigrated to the New World seeking work and better economic opportunities. Today