Peru the Republic of Peru, is a country in western South America. It is bordered in the north by Ecuador and Colombia, in the east by Brazil, in the southeast by Bolivia, in the south by Chile, in the west by the Pacific Ocean. Peru is a megadiverse country with habitats ranging from the arid plains of the Pacific coastal region in the west to the peaks of the Andes mountains vertically extending from the north to the southeast of the country to the tropical Amazon Basin rainforest in the east with the Amazon river. Peruvian territory was home to several ancient cultures. Ranging from the Norte Chico civilization in the 32nd century BC, the oldest civilization in the Americas and one of the five cradles of civilization, to the Inca Empire, the largest state in pre-Columbian America, the territory now including Peru has one of the longest histories of civilization of any country, tracing its heritage back to the 4th millennia BCE; the Spanish Empire conquered the region in the 16th century and established a viceroyalty that encompassed most of its South American colonies, with its capital in Lima.
Peru formally proclaimed independence in 1821, following the military campaigns of José de San Martín and Simón Bolívar, the decisive battle of Ayacucho, Peru secured independence in 1824. In the ensuing years, the country enjoyed relative economic and political stability, which ended shortly before the War of the Pacific with Chile. Throughout the 20th century, Peru endured armed territorial disputes, social unrest, internal conflicts, as well as periods of stability and economic upswing. Alberto Fujimori was elected to the presidency in 1990. Fujimori left the presidency in 2000 and was charged with human rights violations and imprisoned until his pardon by President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski in 2017. After the president's regime, Fujimori's followers, called Fujimoristas, have caused political turmoil for any opposing faction in power causing Pedro Pablo Kuczynski to resign in March 2018; the sovereign state of Peru is a representative democratic republic divided into 25 regions. It is classified as an emerging market with a high level of human development and an upper middle income level with a poverty rate around 19 percent.
It is one of the region's most prosperous economies with an average growth rate of 5.9% and it has one of the world's fastest industrial growth rates at an average of 9.6%. Its main economic activities include mining, manufacturing and fishing; the country forms part of The Pacific Pumas, a political and economic grouping of countries along Latin America's Pacific coast that share common trends of positive growth, stable macroeconomic foundations, improved governance and an openness to global integration. Peru ranks high in social freedom. Peru has a population of 32 million, which includes Amerindians, Europeans and Asians; the main spoken language is Spanish, although a significant number of Peruvians speak Quechua or other native languages. This mixture of cultural traditions has resulted in a wide diversity of expressions in fields such as art, cuisine and music; the name of the country may be derived from Birú, the name of a local ruler who lived near the Bay of San Miguel, Panama City, in the early 16th century.
When his possessions were visited by Spanish explorers in 1522, they were the southernmost part of the New World yet known to Europeans. Thus, when Francisco Pizarro explored the regions farther south, they came to be designated Birú or Perú. An alternative history is provided by the contemporary writer Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, son of an Inca princess and a conquistador, he said the name Birú was that of a common Indian happened upon by the crew of a ship on an exploratory mission for governor Pedro Arias de Ávila, went on to relate more instances of misunderstandings due to the lack of a common language. The Spanish Crown gave the name legal status with the 1529 Capitulación de Toledo, which designated the newly encountered Inca Empire as the province of Peru. Under Spanish rule, the country adopted the denomination Viceroyalty of Peru, which became Republic of Peru after independence; the earliest evidences of human presence in Peruvian territory have been dated to 9,000 BC. Andean societies were based on agriculture, terracing.
Organization relied on reciprocity and redistribution because these societies had no notion of market or money. The oldest known complex society in Peru, the Norte Chico civilization, flourished along the coast of the Pacific Ocean between 3,000 and 1,800 BC; these early developments were followed by archaeological cultures that developed around the coastal and Andean regions throughout Peru. The Cupisnique culture which flourished from around 1000 to 200 BC along what is now Peru's Pacific Coast was an example of early pre-Incan culture; the Chavín culture that developed from 1500 to 300 BC was more of a religious than a political phenomenon, with their religious centre in Chavín de Huantar. After the decline of the Chavin culture around the beginning of the 1st century AD, a series of localized and specialized cultures rose and fell
Import substitution industrialization
Import substitution industrialization is a trade and economic policy which advocates replacing foreign imports with domestic production. ISI is based on the premise that a country should attempt to reduce its foreign dependency through the local production of industrialized products; the term refers to 20th-century development economics policies, although it has been advocated since the 18th century by economists such as Friedrich List and Alexander Hamilton. ISI policies were enacted by countries in the Global South with the intention of producing development and self-sufficiency through the creation of an internal market. ISI works by having the state lead economic development through nationalization, subsidization of vital industries, increased taxation, protectionist trade policies. Import substitution industrialization was abandoned by developing countries in the 1980s and 1990s due to the insistence of the IMF and World Bank on their structural adjustment programs of global market-driven liberalization aimed at the Global South.
In the context of Latin American development, the term "Latin American structuralism" refers to the era of import substitution industrialization in many Latin American countries from the 1950s until the 1980s. The theories behind Latin American structuralism and ISI were organized in the works of Raúl Prebisch, Hans Singer, Celso Furtado, other structural economic thinkers, gained prominence with the creation of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. While the theorists behind ISI or Latin American structuralism were not homogeneous and did not belong to one particular school of economic thought, ISI and Latin American structuralism and the theorists who developed its economic framework shared a basic common belief in a state-directed, centrally planned form of economic development. In promoting state-induced industrialization through governmental spending through the infant industry argument, ISI and Latin American structuralist approaches to development are influenced by a wide range of Keynesian and socialist economic thought.
ISI is associated and linked with dependency theory, although the latter has traditionally adopted a much broader Marxist sociological framework in addressing what are perceived to be the origins of underdevelopment through the historical effects of colonialism and neoliberalism. Though ISI is a development theory, its political implementation and theoretical rationale are rooted in trade theory: it has been argued that all or all nations that have industrialized have followed ISI. Import substitution was practiced during the mid-20th century as a form of developmental theory that advocated increased productivity and economic gains within a country; this was an inward-looking economic theory practiced by developing nations after WW2. Many economists at the time considered the ISI approach as a remedy to mass poverty: bringing a third-world country to first-world status through national industrialization. Mass poverty is defined thusly: "the dominance of agricultural and mineral activities – in the low-income countries, in their inability, because of their structure, to profit from international trade,".
Mercantilist economic theory and practices of the 16th, 17th, 18th centuries advocated building up domestic manufacturing and import substitution. In the early United States, the Hamiltonian economic program the third report and the magnum opus of Alexander Hamilton, the Report on Manufactures, advocated for the U. S. to become self-sufficient in manufactured goods. This formed the basis of the American School in economics, an influential force in the United States during its 19th-century industrialization. Werner Baer contends that all countries that have industrialized after the United Kingdom went through a stage of ISI, in which the large part of investment in industry was directed to replace imports. Going farther, in his book Kicking Away the Ladder, Korean economist Ha-Joon Chang argues, based on economic history, that all major developed countries, including the United Kingdom, used interventionist economic policies to promote industrialization and protected national companies until they had reached a level of development in which they were able to compete in the global market, after which those countries adopted free market discourses directed at other countries to obtain two objectives: open their markets to local products and prevent them from adopting the same development strategies that led to the developed nations' industrialization.
As a set of development policies, ISI policies are theoretically grounded on the Prebisch–Singer thesis, on the infant industry argument, on Keynesian economics. From these postulates, it derives a body of practices, which are commonly: an active industrial policy to subsidize and orchestrate production of strategic substitutes, protective barriers to trade, an overvalued currency to help manufacturers import capital goods, discouragement of foreign direct investment. By placing high tariffs on imports and other protectionist, inward-looking trade policies, the citizens of any given country, using a simple supply-and-demand rationale, will substitute the less-expensive good for the more expensive; the primary industry of importance would gather its resources, such as labor from other industries in this situation. In time, a third-world country would look and behave similar to a first-world country, with a new accumulation of capital and an increase of TFP (total factor prod
Government spending or expenditure includes all government consumption and transfer payments. In national income accounting the acquisition by governments of goods and services for current use, to directly satisfy the individual or collective needs of the community, is classed as government final consumption expenditure. Government acquisition of goods and services intended to create future benefits, such as infrastructure investment or research spending, is classed as government investment; these two types of government spending, on final consumption and on gross capital formation, together constitute one of the major components of gross domestic product. Government spending can be financed by taxes. Changes in government spending is a major component of fiscal policy used to stabilize the macroeconomic business cycle. Government spending can be a useful economic policy tool for governments. Fiscal policy can be defined as the use of government spending and/or taxation as a mechanism to influence an economy.
There are two types of fiscal policy: expansionary fiscal policy, contractionary fiscal policy. Expansionary fiscal policy is an increase in government spending or a decrease in taxation, while contractionary fiscal policy is a decrease in government spending or an increase in taxes. Expansionary fiscal policy can be used by governments to stimulate the economy during a recession. For example, an increase in government spending directly increases demand for goods and services, which can help increase output and employment. On the other hand, contractionary fiscal policy can be used by governments to cool down the economy during an economic boom. A decrease in government spending can help keep inflation in check. During economic downturns, in the short run, government spending can be changed either via automatic stabilization or discretionary stabilization. Automatic stabilization is when existing policies automatically change government spending or taxes in response to economic changes, without the additional passage of laws.
A primary example of an automatic stabilizer is unemployment insurance, which provides financial assistance to unemployed workers. Discretionary stabilization is when a government takes actions to change government spending or taxes in direct response to changes in the economy. For instance, a government may decide to increase government spending as a result of a recession. With discretionary stabilization, the government must pass a new law to make changes in government spending. John Maynard Keynes was one of the first economists to advocate for government deficit spending as part of the fiscal policy response to an economic contraction. According to Keynesian economics, increased government spending raises aggregate demand and increases consumption, which leads to increased production and faster recovery from recessions. Classical economists, on the other hand, believe that increased government spending exacerbates an economic contraction by shifting resources from the private sector, which they consider productive, to the public sector, which they consider unproductive.
In economics, the potential "shifting" in resources from the private sector to the public sector as a result of an increase in government deficit spending is called crowding out. The figure to the right depicts the market for capital, otherwise known as the market for loanable funds; the downward sloping demand curve D1 represents demand for private capital by firms and investors, the upward sloping supply curve S1 represents savings by private individuals. The initial equilibrium in this market is represented by point A, where the equilibrium quantity of capital is K1 and the equilibrium interest rate is R1. If the government increases deficit spending, it will borrow money from the private capital market and reduce the supply of savings to S2; the new equilibrium is at point B, where the interest rate has increased to R2 and the quantity of capital available to the private sector has decreased to K1. The government has made borrowing more expensive and has taken away savings from the market, which "crowds out" some private investment.
The crowding out of private investment could limit the economic growth from the initial increase government spending. Government acquisition of goods and services for current use to directly satisfy individual or collective needs of the members of the community is called government final consumption expenditure It is a purchase from the national accounts "use of income account" for goods and services directly satisfying of individual needs or collective needs of members of the community. GFCE consists of the value of the goods and services produced by the government itself other than own-account capital formation and sales and of purchases by the government of goods and services produced by market producers that are supplied to households—without any transformation—as "social transfers" in kind; the United States spends vastly more than other countries on national defense. The table below shows the top 10 countries with largest military expenditures as of 2015, the most recent year with publicly available data.
As the table suggests, the United States spent nearly 3 times as much on the military than China, the country with the next largest military spending. The U. S. military budget dwarfed spending by all other countries in the top 10, with 8 out of countries spending less than $100 billion in 2016. Research Australia found 91% of Australians think ‘improving hospitals and the health system’ should be the Australian Government’s first spending priority. Crowding'in' happens in university life science research Subsidies and government business or projects like this are justified on the ba
Manuel A. Odría
Manuel Arturo Odría Amoretti was a military officer who served as the 34th President of Peru ruling as a military dictator. Manuel Odría was born in 1896 in a city in the central Andes just east of Lima, he graduated first in his class from the Chorillos Military Academy in 1915. He as a Lieutenant Colonel was a war hero in the 1941 Ecuadorian-Peruvian war, he soon achieved the rank of Major General. In 1945, José Bustamante had attained the presidency with the help of the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance. Soon, major disagreements arose between Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, the founder of APRA, President Bustamante; the President disbanded his Aprista cabinet and replaced it with a military one. Odría, a fierce opponent of APRA, was appointed Minister of Police. In 1948, Odría and other right-wing elements urged Bustamante to ban APRA; when the President refused, Odría resigned his post. On October 27, 1948, he led a successful military coup against the government and took over as president.
After two years, he resigned and had one of his colleagues, Zenón Noriega, take office as a puppet president so he could run for president as a civilian. He was duly elected a month as the only candidate. Odría came down hard on APRA, momentarily pleasing all others on the right. Like Juan Perón, he followed a populist course that won him great favor with the poor and lower classes. A thriving economy allowed him to indulge in crowd-pleasing social policies. At the same time, civil rights in the nation were restricted and corruption was rampant throughout his régime. People feared, he did not run for office. He was succeeded by Manuel Prado; when national elections were held again in 1962, Odría ran as a right-wing candidate for the Unión Nacional Odriista party. None of the three major candidates - Odría, Haya de la Torre and Fernando Belaúnde - received the required one third of the vote to win with a plurality, it appeared that Odría would win the Presidency in Congress, after having made a deal with Haya de la Torre, but a military coup removed President Prado from office a few days before his term ended.
Elections were held again with the same three major candidates. This time Belaúnde won with 39% of the vote. During the Belaúnde administration, Odría made an alliance with Haya de la Torre to create a single opposition block in Parliament, which became known as the APRA-UNO Coalition; as a political force, they managed to create strong parliamentary opposition to President Belaúnde, forced to make important concessions to the Coalition in order to get most of his party-sponsored legislation enacted. The Coalition suffered a setback after losing the elections for mayor in Lima. After the military coup that overthrew Belaúnde in 1968, Odría kept a low profile in Peruvian politics until his death in 1974. Enrique Odría Sotomayor
The Peru–Bolivian Confederation was a short-lived state that existed in South America between 1836 and 1839. The country was a loose confederation between the states of Peru, divided into the Republic of North Peru and the Republic of South Peru, Bolivia, with the capital located in Tacna; the Peru–Bolivian Confederation's formation was influenced by Marshal Andrés de Santa Cruz, the President of Bolivia, who served as the first and only head of state under the title "Supreme Protector". The Peru–Bolivian Confederation was opposed by neighboring countries from its inception Chile and Argentina, as a potential military and economic threat, for its support for dissidents in exile; the War of the Confederation was triggered shortly after its formation when Chile and Argentina independently invaded the country. Argentina was defeated in 1837, but a combined force of Chile and North Peruvian dissidents known as the United Restoration Army were victorious at the Battle of Yungay in January 1839, which de facto ended the confederation as Peru and Bolivia were restored as independent states, Santa Cruz fled into exile.
The Peru–Bolivian Confederation was declared dissolved on August 25, 1839, by General Agustín Gamarra after his appointment as President of Peru. During colonial times, the territory comprising the Audiencia de Charcas known as Alto Perú, now Bolivia, was an integral territory of the Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru from its creation. In 1776, it was administratively severed and became a province of the newly created Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. Still, for geographical and historical reasons, it always remained closer to Lima than to its administrative capital, Buenos Aires, in present-day Argentina; the Peru–Bolivian Confederation was the only effective attempt to unite them. This territory achieved independence in 1825. At this point in time, a union with Peru was supported. Nonetheless Simón Bolívar, who had liberated the territory and destroyed the last remnants of the Spanish army; the new Republic of Bolivia was born, with Bolívar as its first president. Political unrest and turmoil forced Bolívar to return to Colombia soon thereafter, leaving Antonio José de Sucre in charge.
The plan for reuniting Peru and Bolivia did not fade away. Marshal Sucre was elected president of Bolivia in 1826, but political pressure from Peru and internal turmoil made it impossible for him to organize the new state; the next year, an armed uprising in Chuquisaca was used by Peru as an excuse to invade Bolivia. General Agustín Gamarra marched with an army of nearly 5,000 Peruvian soldiers, he had two clear orders: force the Colombian army to withdraw and promote the creation of a new constitution for that country. The Peruvian army entered La Paz, Bolivia, on May 28, 1828. Under these circumstances, Sucre was forced to resign in September. Marshal Andres de Santa Cruz was elected president of Bolivia in 1829 to replace him, a position that he would hold for the next ten years. Both Gamarra and Santa Cruz agreed that the separation of Peru and Bolivia was a mistake that should be corrected, their plan for a federation, or at least a confederation, was accepted by the legislative branches of both countries, but they disagreed on other issues.
Gamarra was in favor of a Peruvian-led union, while Santa Cruz wanted to give more political power to Bolivia. Bolívar did not agree with either Gamarra or Santa Cruz, since Gran Colombia was his own project of federation to unite most of the former Spanish colonies. Furious about the news in Bolivia, he resolved to declare war against Peru on June 3, 1828. Marshal Sucre was soon afterwards murdered. After Bolívar's death in 1830, the Colombian troops withdrew, the war came to an end. During the war, with the Peruvian army holding off the Colombian offensive, Gamarra deposed Peruvian President José de la Mar and proclaimed himself the new head of state, titled president. A parliament was assembled, with a majority of the members in favor of his government, he was able to legalize his position, his rule was difficult. A new parliament was formed in 1833. Since his term as president was over and there was no time to call for elections, it was resolved to turn the presidency over to General Luis Orbegoso.
Gamarra did not recognize the new government, prepared himself to challenge Orbegoso. However, popular opinion and most of the army rallied against him, he was frustrated in his effort to seize power again. General Orbegoso had to deal with General Felipe Salaverry, who rebelled and overthrew him in 1835. Orbegoso, did not lose the support of southern Peru and called in to his help the president of Bolivia, it was the opportunity that himself a former president of Peru, was waiting for. The Bolivian army promptly proceeded to invade Peru. With Bolivian help, General Orbegoso regained his leadership throughout the country and had Salaverry executed; as a reward for the support he had received from Santa Cruz, he agreed to the formation of the new Peru–Bolivian Confederation. Santa Cruz assumed the supreme protectorship of the confederation and Orbegoso maintained only the presidency of the newly created Nor-Peruvian state. Marshal Andrés de Santa Cruz promoted a project to reunite the two territories on the basis of a confederacy.
The Peru–Bolivian Confederation was a plan that attempted to reunite the Alto Perú and Bajo Perú into a single political and economic entity. This integration was based not only on histo
Alan Gabriel Ludwig García Pérez is a Peruvian politician who served as President of Peru from 1985 to 1990 and again from 2006 to 2011. He was the leader of the Peruvian Aprista Party and the only party member to have served as President, he was the second member of the party to be elected president after the founder of the party. His first term was marked by social unrest and violence, he ran unsuccessfully for the Presidency in 2001. He ran again in 2006 and was elected to a second term though his first term in the 1980s was considered by many to have been disastrous. During García's second term, due to the increase in metal prices, Peru averaged seven percent GDP growth a year, held inflation below three percent annually and collated Peru's foreign exchange reserves at US$47 billion. Born in the American Clinic of the Barranco District into a middle-class family, García met his father for the first time when he was 5 years old, due to his father's imprisonment for being a member of the Peruvian Aprista Party.
His mother founded the party's base in the Camaná Province of the Arequipa Region. Since young, he accompanied his father in party meetings and began acquainted with future leaders of the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance, such as Luis Alva Castro and Mercedes Cabanillas. At the age of 14, he was an immensely talented orator when he first gave a speech in honor of patriarch Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, who he admired and followed until his death. García studied law, first at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, earned his law degree at the National University of San Marcos in 1971. A year he left Peru for Spain, where he studied for a PhD. in law, for years Alan Garcia claimed to have earned a PhD, however in 2014, documents from the university proved he never finished his PhD. In 1974, he travelled to France with other members of the APRA to study at the prestigious University of Paris I. After earning a degree in sociology, he was called by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre to come back to Peru in order to run for the Constituent Assembly election in 1978.
García was elected for public office as Member of the Assembly, impressing his colleagues with his oratory and skillful rhetoric. As Secretary of Organization of the APRA, he was assigned to conduct the party's public affairs during the wake of Haya de la Torre's death. From his first marriage, he has one daughter, active in Peruvian politics. From his current wife Pilar Nores, with whom he separated from in 2010, Garcia has four children, he has another child from an extramarital affair with a woman named Roxanne Cheesman. Recognized as a young leader with a bright future for the country, he was elected Member of Congress in 1980. Two years he was elected General Secretary of the Peruvian Aprista Party, the highest position achieved by a member of the party, he was elected as presidential nominee for the 1985 general elections. Alan García won the presidential election on April 1985 with 45 % of the votes. Since he did not receive the 50% of the votes required to win the presidency, García had to enter a run-off against Alfonso Barrantes of the United Left party.
Barrantes, however and decided not to enter the run-off, saying he did not want to prolong the political uncertainty of the country. García was thus declared President on 1 June and took power on 28 July 1985. For the first time in its sixty-year history, the APRA party came to power in Peru. Aged 36, García was dubbed "Latin America's Kennedy", becoming the region's youngest president at the time, the second youngest president in Peruvian history. Despite his initial popularity among Peruvian voters, García's term in office was marked by bouts of hyperinflation, which reached 7,649% in 1990 and had a cumulative total of 2,200,200% over the five years, thereby profoundly destabilising the Peruvian economy. Owing to such chronic inflation, the Peruvian currency, the sol, was replaced by the Inti in mid-1985, which itself was replaced by the nuevo sol in July 1991, at which time the new sol had a cumulative value of one billion old soles. During García's administration, the per capita annual income of Peruvians fell to $720 and Peru's GDP dropped 20%.
By the end of his term, national reserves were negative $900 million. According to studies of the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics and the United Nations Development Programme, around the start of his presidency, 41.6% of Peruvians lived in poverty. During his presidency, this percentage increased by 13% in 1991. García made an attempt to nationalise the banking and insurance industries; the International Monetary Fund and the financial community retracted after the presidency unilaterally declared a limit on debt repayment equal to 10% of the Gross National Product, thereby isolating Peru from the international financial markets. The economic turbulence exacerbated social tensions in Peru and contributed in part to the rise of the violent rebel movement known as the Shining Path, which launched the internal conflict in Peru and began attacking electrical towers, causing a number of blackouts in Lima; the García administration unsuccessfully sought a military solution to the growing terrorism committing human rights violations, which are still under investigation.
These include the Accomarca ma
The Communist Party of Peru – Shining Path, more known as the Shining Path, is a communist revolutionary organization in Peru, espousing Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. When it first launched the internal conflict in Peru in 1980, its goal was to overthrow the state by guerrilla warfare and replace it with a "New Democracy"; the Shining Path believed that by establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat, inducing a cultural revolution, sparking a world revolution, they could arrive at full communism. Their representatives stated that existing socialist countries were revisionist, the Shining Path was the vanguard of the world communist movement; the Shining Path's ideology and tactics have been influential among other Maoist insurgent groups, notably the Communist Party of Nepal and other Revolutionary Internationalist Movement-affiliated organizations. Condemned for its brutality, including violence deployed against peasants, trade union organizers, elected officials and the general civilian population, the Shining Path is regarded by Peru as a terrorist organization.
Japan, the United States, the European Union, Canada classify the group as a terrorist organization and prohibit funding and other financial support. Since the capture of its leader Abimael Guzmán in 1992, the Shining Path has declined in activity; the common name of this group, Shining Path, distinguishes it from several other Peruvian communist parties with similar names. The name is derived from a maxim of José Carlos Mariátegui, the founder of the original Peruvian Communist Party in the 1920s: "El Marxismo-Leninismo abrirá el sendero luminoso hacia la revolución"; this maxim was featured on the masthead of the newspaper of a Shining Path front group. Due to the number of Peruvian groups that refer to themselves as the Communist Party of Peru, groups are distinguished by the names of their publications; the followers of this group are called senderistas. All documents and other materials produced by the organization are signed by the Communist Party of Peru. Academics refer to them as PCP-SL.
The Shining Path was founded in 1969 by Abimael Guzmán, a former university philosophy professor, a group of 11 others. His teachings created the foundation of its militant Maoist doctrine, it was an offshoot of the Communist Party of Peru — Bandera Roja, which in turn split from the original Peruvian Communist Party, a derivation of the Peruvian Socialist Party founded by José Carlos Mariátegui in 1928. The Shining Path first established a foothold at San Cristóbal of Huamanga University, in Ayacucho, where Guzmán taught philosophy; the university had reopened after being closed for about half a century, many students of the newly educated class adopted the Shining Path's radical ideology. Between 1973 and 1975, Shining Path members gained control of the student councils in the Universities of Huancayo and La Cantuta, they developed a significant presence at the National University of Engineering in Lima and the National University of San Marcos. Sometime it lost many student elections in the universities, including Guzmán's San Cristóbal of Huamanga.
It decided to abandon recruiting at reconsolidate. Beginning on March 17, 1980, the Shining Path held a series of clandestine meetings in Ayacucho, known as the Central Committee's second plenary, it formed a "Revolutionary Directorate", political and military in nature and ordered its militias to transfer to strategic areas in the provinces to start the "armed struggle", despite the revisionism instituted in China by Deng Xiaoping and its economic success since 1978. The group held its "First Military School" where members were instructed in military tactics and the use of weapons, they engaged in "Criticism and Self-criticism", a Maoist practice intended to purge bad habits and avoid the repetition of mistakes. During the existence of the First Military School, members of the Central Committee came under heavy criticism. Guzmán did not, he emerged from the First Military School as the clear leader of the Shining Path. In 1992, Guzman and other leaders of the Shining Path received life imprisonment sentences for their role in the Lucanamarca massacre, among other charges.
When Peru's military government allowed elections for the first time in a dozen years in 1980, the Shining Path was one of the few leftist political groups that declined to take part. It chose to begin guerrilla war in the highlands of the Ayacucho Region. On May 17, 1980, on the eve of the presidential elections, it burned ballot boxes in the town of Chuschi, it was the first "act of war" by the Shining Path. The perpetrators were caught and additional ballots were shipped to Chuschi; the elections proceeded without further problems, the incident received little attention in the Peruvian press. Throughout the 1980s, the Shining Path grew, both in terms of the territory it controlled, in the number of militants in its organization in the Andean highlands, it gained support from local peasants by filling the political void left by the central government and providing what they called "popular justice", public trials that disregard any legal and human rights that deliver swift and brutal sentences including public executions.
This caused the peasantry of some Peruvian villages to express some sympathy for the Shining Path in the impoverished and neglected regions of Ayacucho, Apurímac, Huancavelica. At times, the civilian population of small