Economic sanctions are commercial and financial penalties applied by one or more countries against a targeted self-governing state, group, or individual. Economic sanctions may include various forms of trade barriers and restrictions on financial transactions. An embargo is similar, but implies a more severe sanction. Economic sanctions aim to change the behavior of elites in the target country. However, the efficacy of sanctions is debatable and sanctions can have unintended consequences. Economic sanctions are not imposed because of economic circumstances—they may be imposed for a variety of political and social issues. Economic sanctions can be used for achieving international purposes. An embargo is the partial or complete prohibition of commerce and trade with a particular country/state or a group of countries. Embargoes are considered strong diplomatic measures imposed in an effort, by the imposing country, to elicit a given national-interest result from the country on which it is imposed.
Embargoes are considered legal barriers to trade, not to be confused with blockades, which are considered to be acts of war. Embargoes can mean limiting or banning export or import, creating quotas for quantity, imposing special tolls, banning freight or transport vehicles, freezing or seizing freights, bank accounts, limiting the transport of particular technologies or products for example CoCom during the cold-war. In response to embargoes, a closed economy or autarky develops in an area subjected to heavy embargo. Effectiveness of embargoes is thus in proportion to the extent and degree of international participation. Embargo can be an opportunity to some countries to develop faster a self-sufficiency. Economic sanctions are used as a tool of foreign policy by many governments. Economic sanctions are imposed by a larger country upon a smaller country for one of two reasons. —either the latter is a threat to the security of the former nation or that country treats its citizens unfairly. They can be used as a coercive measure for achieving particular policy goals related to trade or for humanitarian violations.
Economic sanctions are used as an alternative weapon instead of going to war to achieve desired outcomes. Some policy analysts believe imposing. According to the data of Hufbauer et al. regime change, the most frequent foreign-policy objective of economic sanctions, accounts for just over 39 percent of cases of their imposition. Researchers debate the effectiveness of economic sanctions in their ability to achieve their stated purpose. Hufbauer et al. claimed. When Robert A. Pape examined their study, he claimed that only five of their forty so-called "successes" stood up, reducing economic sanctions' success rate to 4% in his analysis. Success of sanctions as a form of measuring effectiveness has been debated by scholars of economic sanctions. Success of a single sanctions-resolution does not automatically lead to effectiveness, unless the stated objective of the sanctions regime is identified and reached. Imposing sanctions on an opponent affects the economy of the imposing country to some degree.
If import restrictions are promulgated, consumers in the imposing country may have restricted choices of goods. If export restrictions are imposed or if sanctions prohibit companies in the imposing country from trading with the target country, the imposing country may lose markets and investment opportunities to competing countries. British diplomat Jeremy Greenstock suggests that the reason sanctions are popular is not that they are known to be effective, but "that there is nothing else between words and military action if you want to bring pressure upon a government". Companies must be aware of embargoes. Embargo check is difficult for both exporters to follow. Before exporting or importing to other countries, they must be aware of embargoes or risk facing unintended punitive measures for violating sanctions. Subsequently, firms need to make sure that they are not dealing with embargoed countries by checking those related regulations, they need a license in order to ensure a smooth export or import business.
Sometimes the situation becomes more complicated with the changing of politics of a country. Embargoes keep changing. In the past, many companies relied on spreadsheets and manual process to keep track of compliance issues related to incoming and outgoing shipments, which takes risks of these days help companies to be compliant on such regulations if they are changing on a regular basis. If an embargo situation exists, the software blocks the transaction for further processing; the United States Embargo of 1807 involved a series of laws passed by the U. S. Congress 1806–1808, during the second term of President Thomas Jefferson. Britain and France were engaged in a major war. S. wanted to remain neutral and to trade with both sides, but neither side wanted the other to import American supplies. American policy aimed to use the new laws to avoid war and to force both France and Britain to respect American rights; the embargo failed to achieve its aims, Jefferson repealed the embargo legislation in March 1809.
One of the most comprehensive attempts at an embargo occurred during the Napoleonic Wars of 1803-1815. In an att
Unfree labour is a generic or collective term for those work relations in modern or early modern history, in which people are employed against their will with the threat of destitution, violence, compulsion, or other forms of extreme hardship to themselves or members of their families. Unfree labour includes all forms of slavery, related institutions. Many of these forms of work may be covered by the term forced labour, defined by the International Labour Organization as all involuntary work or service exacted under the menace of a penalty. However, under the ILO Forced Labour Convention of 1930, the term forced or compulsory labour shall not include: any work or service exacted in virtue of compulsory military service laws for work of a purely military character. If payment occurs, it may be in one or more of the following forms: The payment does not exceed subsistence or exceeds it. Unfree labour is more instituted and enforced on migrant workers, who have traveled far from their homelands and who are identified because of their physical, linguistic, or cultural differences from the general population, since they are unable or unlikely to report their conditions to the authorities.
According to the Marxian economics, under capitalism, workers never keep all of the wealth they create, as some of it goes to the profit of capitalists. By contrast with modern subjective theory of value, the wages offered represent the marginal utility of the labour, any profit is due to other inputs provided, such as capital, time value of money, or risk. Unfree labor re-emerged as an issue in the debate about rural development during the years following the end of the Second World War, when a political concern of Keynesian theory was not just economic reconstruction but planning. A crucial aspect of the ensuing discussion concerned the extent to which different relational forms constituted obstacles to capitalist development, why. During the 1960s and 1970s unfree labor was regarded as incompatible with capitalist accumulation, thus an obstacle to economic growth, an interpretation advanced by exponents of the then-dominant semi-feudal thesis. From the 1980s onwards, however and different Marxist view emerged, arguing that evidence from Latin America and India suggested agribusiness enterprises, commercial farmers and rich peasants reproduced, introduced or reintroduced unfree relations.
However, recent contributions to this debate have attempted to exclude Marxism from the discussion. These contributions maintain that, because Marxist theory failed to understand the centrality of unfreedom to modern capitalism, a new explanation of this link is needed; this claim has been questioned by Tom Brass, ‘Debating Capitalist Dynamics and Unfree Labour: A Missing Link?’, The Journal of Development Studies, 50:4, 570–82. He argues that many of these new characteristics are in fact no different from those identified earlier by Marxist theory and that the exclusion of the latter approach from the debate is thus unwarranted; the International Labour Organization estimates that at least 12.3 million people are victims of forced labour worldwide. Other 2.5 million are forced to work by rebel military groups. From an international law perspective, countries that allow forced labor are violating international labour standards as set forth in the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, one of the fundamental conventions of the ILO.
According to the ILO Special Action Programme to Combat Forced Labour, global profits from forced trafficked labour exploited by private agents are estimated at US$44,3 billion per year. About 70% of this value come from trafficked victims. At least the half of this sum comes from industrialized countries. Trafficking is a term to define the recruiting, harbouring and transportation of a person by use of force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of subjecting them to involuntary acts, such as acts related to commercial sexual exploitation
Nationality is a legal relationship between an individual person and a state. Nationality affords the state jurisdiction over the person and affords the person the protection of the state. What these rights and duties are varies from state to state. By custom and international conventions, it is the right of each state to determine who its nationals are; such determinations are part of nationality law. In some cases, determinations of nationality are governed by public international law—for example, by treaties on statelessness and the European Convention on Nationality. Nationality differs technically and from citizenship, a different legal relationship between a person and a country; the noun national can include both non-citizens. The most common distinguishing feature of citizenship is that citizens have the right to participate in the political life of the state, such as by voting or standing for election. However, in most modern countries all nationals are citizens of the state, full citizens are always nationals of the state.
In older texts, the word nationality rather than ethnicity used to refer to an ethnic group. This older meaning of nationality is not defined by political borders or passport ownership and includes nations that lack an independent state. Individuals may be considered nationals of groups with autonomous status that have ceded some power to a larger government. Nationality is the status that allows a nation to grant rights to the subject and to impose obligations upon the subject. In most cases, no rights or obligations are automatically attached to this status, although the status is a necessary precondition for any rights and obligations created by the state. In European law, nationality is the status or relationship that gives a nation the right to protect a person from other nations. Diplomatic and consular protection are dependent upon this relationship between the person and the state. A person's status as being the national of a country is used to resolve the conflict of laws. Within the broad limits imposed by few treaties and international law, states may define who are and are not their nationals.
However, since the Nottebohm case, other states are only required to respect claim by a state to protect an alleged national if the nationality is based on a true social bond. In the case of dual nationality, states may determine the most effective nationality for a person, to determine which state's laws are most relevant. There are limits on removing a person's status as a national. Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "Everyone has the right to a nationality," and "No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality." Nationals have the right to enter or return to the country they belong to. Passports are issued to nationals of a state, rather than only to citizens, because the passport is the travel document used to enter the country. However, nationals may not have the right of abode in the countries passports. Conceptually, citizenship is focused on the internal political life of the state and nationality is a matter of international dealings.
In the modern era, the concept of full citizenship encompasses not only active political rights, but full civil rights and social rights. Nationality is a necessary but not sufficient condition to exercise full political rights within a state or other polity. Nationality is required for full citizenship, some people have no nationality in international law. A person, denied full citizenship or nationality is called a stateless person; the most significant difference between a national and a citizen is that the citizen has the right to vote for elected officials, to be elected. This distinction between full citizenship and other, lesser relationships goes back to antiquity; until the 19th and 20th centuries, it was typical for only a small percentage of people who belonged to a city or state to be full citizens. In the past, most people were excluded from citizenship on the basis of gender, socioeconomic class, ethnicity and other factors. However, they held a legal relationship with their government akin to the modern concept of nationality.
United States nationality law defines some persons born in U. S. outlying possessions as U. S. not citizens. British nationality law defines six classes of British national, among which "British citizen" is one class. In the Republic of China known as Taiwan, the status of national without household registration applies to people who have Republic of China nationality, but do not have an automatic entitlement to enter or reside in the Taiwan Area, do not qualify for civic rights and duties there. Under the nationality laws of Mexico and some other Latin American countries, nationals do not become citizens until they turn 18. Nationality is sometimes used as an alternative word for ethnicity or national origin, just as some people assume that citizenship and nationality are identical. In some countries, the cognate word for nationality in local language may be understood as a synonym of ethnicity or as an identifier of cultural and family-based self-determination, rather than on relations with a state or current government.
For example, some Kurds say that they have Kurdish nationality
Sociology is the scientific study of society, patterns of social relationships, social interaction, culture of everyday life. It is a social science that uses various methods of empirical investigation and critical analysis to develop a body of knowledge about social order and change or social evolution. While some sociologists conduct research that may be applied directly to social policy and welfare, others focus on refining the theoretical understanding of social processes. Subject matter ranges from the micro-sociology level of individual agency and interaction to the macro level of systems and the social structure; the different traditional focuses of sociology include social stratification, social class, social mobility, secularization, sexuality and deviance. As all spheres of human activity are affected by the interplay between social structure and individual agency, sociology has expanded its focus to other subjects, such as health, economy and penal institutions, the Internet, social capital, the role of social activity in the development of scientific knowledge.
The range of social scientific methods has expanded. Social researchers draw upon a variety of quantitative techniques; the linguistic and cultural turns of the mid-20th century led to interpretative and philosophic approaches towards the analysis of society. Conversely, the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s have seen the rise of new analytically and computationally rigorous techniques, such as agent-based modelling and social network analysis. Social research informs politicians and policy makers, planners, administrators, business magnates, social workers, non-governmental organizations, non-profit organizations, people interested in resolving social issues in general. There is a great deal of crossover between social research, market research, other statistical fields. Sociological reasoning predates the foundation of the discipline. Social analysis has origins in the common stock of Western knowledge and philosophy, has been carried out from as far back as the time of ancient Greek philosopher Plato, if not before.
The origin of the survey, i.e. the collection of information from a sample of individuals, can be traced back to at least the Domesday Book in 1086, while ancient philosophers such as Confucius wrote about the importance of social roles. There is evidence of early sociology in medieval Arab writings; some sources consider Ibn Khaldun, a 14th-century Arab Islamic scholar from North Africa, to have been the first sociologist and father of sociology. The word sociology is derived from both Greek origins; the Latin word: socius, "companion". It was first coined in 1780 by the French essayist Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès in an unpublished manuscript. Sociology was defined independently by the French philosopher of science, Auguste Comte in 1838 as a new way of looking at society. Comte had earlier used the term social physics, but that had subsequently been appropriated by others, most notably the Belgian statistician Adolphe Quetelet. Comte endeavoured to unify history and economics through the scientific understanding of the social realm.
Writing shortly after the malaise of the French Revolution, he proposed that social ills could be remedied through sociological positivism, an epistemological approach outlined in The Course in Positive Philosophy and A General View of Positivism. Comte believed a positivist stage would mark the final era, after conjectural theological and metaphysical phases, in the progression of human understanding. In observing the circular dependence of theory and observation in science, having classified the sciences, Comte may be regarded as the first philosopher of science in the modern sense of the term. Comte gave a powerful impetus to the development of sociology, an impetus which bore fruit in the decades of the nineteenth century. To say this is not to claim that French sociologists such as Durkheim were devoted disciples of the high priest of positivism, but by insisting on the irreducibility of each of his basic sciences to the particular science of sciences which it presupposed in the hierarchy and by emphasizing the nature of sociology as the scientific study of social phenomena Comte put sociology on the map.
To be sure, beginnings can be traced back well beyond Montesquieu, for example, to Condorcet, not to speak of Saint-Simon, Comte's immediate predecessor. But Comte's clear recognition of sociology as a particular science, with a character of its own, justified Durkheim in regarding him as the father or founder of this science, in spite of the fact that Durkheim did not accept the idea of the three states and criticized Comte's approach to sociology. Both Auguste Comte and Karl Marx set out to develop scientifically justified systems in the wake of European industrialization and secularization, informed by various key movements in the philosophies of history and science. Marx rejected Comtean positivism but in attempting to develop a science of society came to be recognized as a founder of sociology as the word gained wider meaning. For Isaiah Berlin, Marx may be regarded as the "true father" of modern sociology, "in so far as anyone can claim the title."To have given clear and unified answers in familiar empirical terms to those theor
Serfdom is the status of many peasants under feudalism relating to manorialism. It was a condition of debt bondage, which developed during the Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages in Europe and lasted in some countries until the mid-19th century; as with slaves, serfs could be bought, sold, or traded, abused with no rights over their own bodies, could not leave the land they were bound to. Serfs who occupied a plot of land were required to work for the lord of the manor who owned that land. In return they were entitled to protection and the right to cultivate certain fields within the manor to maintain their own subsistence. Serfs were required not only to work on the lord's fields, but in his mines and forests and to labor to maintain roads; the manor formed the basic unit of feudal society, the lord of the manor and the villeins, to a certain extent serfs, were bound legally: by taxation in the case of the former, economically and in the latter. The decline of serfdom in Western Europe has sometimes been attributed to the widespread plague epidemic of the Black Death, which reached Europe in 1347 and caused massive fatalities, disrupting society.
The decline had begun before that date. Serfdom became rare in most of Western Europe after the medieval renaissance at the outset of the high Middle Ages. But, conversely it grew stronger in Central and Eastern Europe, where it had been less common. In Eastern Europe the institution persisted until the mid-19th century. In the Austrian Empire serfdom was abolished by the 1781 Serfdom Patent. Serfdom was abolished in Russia in the 1860s. In Finland and Sweden, feudalism was never established, serfdom did not exist. According to medievalist historian Joseph R. Strayer, the concept of feudalism can be applied to the societies of ancient Persia, ancient Mesopotamia, Muslim India and Japan during the Shogunate. James Lee and Cameron Campbell describe the Chinese Qing dynasty as maintaining a form of serfdom. Melvyn Goldstein described Tibet as having had serfdom until 1959, but whether or not the Tibetan form of peasant tenancy that qualified as serfdom was widespread is contested by other scholars.
Bhutan is described by Tashi Wangchuk, a Bhutanese civil servant, as having abolished serfdom by 1959, but he believes that less than or about 10% of poor peasants were in copyhold situations. The United Nations 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery prohibits serfdom as a practice similar to slavery; the word serf was derived from the Latin servus. In Late Antiquity and most of the Middle Ages, what are now called serfs were designated in Latin as coloni; as slavery disappeared and the legal status of servi became nearly identical to that of the coloni, the term changed meaning into the modern concept of "serf". Serfdom was coined in 1850. Serfs had a specific place in feudal society, as did barons and knights: in return for protection, a serf would reside upon and work a parcel of land within the manor of his lord, thus the manorial system exhibited a degree of reciprocity. One rationale held that a serf "worked for all" while a knight or baron "fought for all" and a churchman "prayed for all".
The serf was the worst fed and rewarded, but at least he had his place and, unlike slaves, had certain rights in land and property. A lord of the manor could not sell his serfs. On the other hand, if he chose to dispose of a parcel of land, the serfs associated with that land stayed with it to serve their new lord; this unified system preserved for the lord long-acquired knowledge of practices suited to the land. Further, a serf could not abandon his lands without permission, nor did he possess a saleable title in them. A freeman became a serf through force or necessity. Sometimes the greater physical and legal force of a local magnate intimidated freeholders or allodial owners into dependency. A few years of crop failure, a war, or brigandage might leave a person unable to make his own way. In such a case he could strike a bargain with a lord of a manor. In exchange for gaining protection, his service was required: in labour, produce, or cash, or a combination of all; these bargains became formalized in a ceremony known as "bondage", in which a serf placed his head in the lord's hands, akin to the ceremony of homage where a vassal placed his hands between those of his overlord.
These oaths bound the lord and his new serf in a feudal contract and defined the terms of their agreement. These bargains were severe. A 7th-century Anglo Saxon "Oath of Fealty" states: By the Lord before whom this sanctuary is holy, I will to N. be true and faithful, love all which he loves and shun all which he shuns, according to the laws of God and the order of the world. Nor will I with will or action, through word or deed, do anything, unpleasing to him, on condition that he will hold to me as I shall deserve it, that he will perform everything as it was in our agreement when I submitted myself to him and chose his will. To become a serf was a commitment
Religion is a cultural system of designated behaviors and practices, worldviews, sanctified places, ethics, or organizations, that relates humanity to supernatural, transcendental, or spiritual elements. However, there is no scholarly consensus over what constitutes a religion. Different religions may or may not contain various elements ranging from the divine, sacred things, faith, a supernatural being or supernatural beings or "some sort of ultimacy and transcendence that will provide norms and power for the rest of life". Religious practices may include rituals, commemoration or veneration, festivals, trances, funerary services, matrimonial services, prayer, art, public service, or other aspects of human culture. Religions have sacred histories and narratives, which may be preserved in sacred scriptures, symbols and holy places, that aim to give a meaning to life. Religions may contain symbolic stories, which are sometimes said by followers to be true, that have the side purpose of explaining the origin of life, the universe, other things.
Traditionally, faith, in addition to reason, has been considered a source of religious beliefs. There are an estimated 10,000 distinct religions worldwide, but about 84% of the world's population is affiliated with one of the five largest religion groups, namely Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism or forms of folk religion; the religiously unaffiliated demographic includes those who do not identify with any particular religion and agnostics. While the religiously unaffiliated have grown globally, many of the religiously unaffiliated still have various religious beliefs; the study of religion encompasses a wide variety of academic disciplines, including theology, comparative religion and social scientific studies. Theories of religion offer various explanations for the origins and workings of religion, including the ontological foundations of religious being and belief. Religion is derived from the ultimate origins of which are obscure. One possible interpretation traced to Cicero, connects lego read, i.e. re with lego in the sense of choose, go over again or consider carefully.
The definition of religio by Cicero is cultum deorum, "the proper performance of rites in veneration of the gods." Julius Caesar used religio to mean "obligation of an oath" when discussing captured soldiers making an oath to their captors. The Roman naturalist Pliny the Elder used the term religio on elephants in that they venerate the sun and the moon. Modern scholars such as Tom Harpur and Joseph Campbell favor the derivation from ligare bind, connect from a prefixed re-ligare, i.e. re + ligare or to reconnect, made prominent by St. Augustine, following the interpretation given by Lactantius in Divinae institutiones, IV, 28; the medieval usage alternates with order in designating bonded communities like those of monastic orders: "we hear of the'religion' of the Golden Fleece, of a knight'of the religion of Avys'". In the ancient and medieval world, the etymological Latin root religio was understood as an individual virtue of worship in mundane contexts. In general, religio referred to broad social obligations towards anything including family, neighbors and towards God.
Religio was most used by the ancient Romans not in the context of a relation towards gods, but as a range of general emotions such as hesitation, anxiety, fear. The term was closely related to other terms like scrupulus which meant "very precisely" and some Roman authors related the term superstitio, which meant too much fear or anxiety or shame, to religio at times; when religio came into English around the 1200s as religion, it took the meaning of "life bound by monastic vows" or monastic orders. The compartmentalized concept of religion, where religious things were separated from worldly things, was not used before the 1500s; the concept of religion was first used in the 1500s to distinguish the domain of the church and the domain of civil authorities. In the ancient Greece, the Greek term threskeia was loosely translated into Latin as religio in late antiquity; the term was sparsely used in classical Greece but became more used in the writings of Josephus in the first century CE. It was used in mundane contexts and could mean multiple things from respectful fear to excessive or harmfully distracting practices of others.
It was contrasted with the Greek word deisidaimonia which meant too much fear. The modern concept of religion, as an abstraction that entails distinct sets of beliefs or doctrines, is a recent invention in the English language; such usage began with texts from the 17th century due to events such the splitting of Christendom during the Protestant Reformation and globalization in the age of exploration, which involved contact with numerous foreign cultures with non-European languages. Some argue that regardless of its definition, it is not appropriate to apply the term religion to non-Western cultures. Others argue that using religion on non-western cultures distorts what people believe; the concept of religion was formed in the 16th and 17th centuries, despite the fact that ancient sacred texts like the Bible, the Quran, others did not have a word or a concept of religion in the original languages and neither did the peopl
Race (human categorization)
A race is a grouping of humans based on shared physical or social qualities into categories viewed as distinct by society. First used to refer to speakers of a common language and to denote national affiliations, by the 17th century the term race began to refer to physical traits. Modern scholarship regards race as a social construct, an identity, assigned based on rules made by society. While based on physical similarities within groups, race is not an inherent physical or biological quality. Social conceptions and groupings of races vary over time, involving folk taxonomies that define essential types of individuals based on perceived traits. Scientists consider biological essentialism obsolete, discourage racial explanations for collective differentiation in both physical and behavioral traits. Though there is a broad scientific agreement that essentialist and typological conceptualizations of race are untenable, scientists around the world continue to conceptualize race in differing ways, some of which have essentialist implications.
While some researchers use the concept of race to make distinctions among fuzzy sets of traits or observable differences in behaviour, others in the scientific community suggest that the idea of race is used in a naive or simplistic way, argue that, among humans, race has no taxonomic significance by pointing out that all living humans belong to the same species, Homo sapiens, subspecies, Homo sapiens sapiens. Since the second half of the 20th century, the association of race with the ideologies and theories of scientific racism has led to the use of the word race itself becoming problematic. Although still used in general contexts, race has been replaced by less ambiguous and loaded terms: populations, ethnic groups, or communities, depending on context. Modern scholarship views racial categories as constructed, that is, race is not intrinsic to human beings but rather an identity created by dominant groups, to establish meaning in a social context; this involves the subjugation of groups defined as racially inferior, as in the one-drop rule used in the 19th-century United States to exclude those with any amount of African ancestry from the dominant racial grouping, defined as "white".
Such racial identities reflect the cultural attitudes of imperial powers dominant during the age of European colonial expansion. This view rejects the notion. Although commonalities in physical traits such as facial features, skin color, hair texture comprise part of the race concept, the latter is a social distinction rather than an inherently biological one. Other dimensions of racial groupings include shared history and language. For instance, African-American English is a language spoken by many African Americans in areas of the United States where racial segregation exists. Furthermore, people self-identify as members of a race for political reasons; when people define and talk about a particular conception of race, they create a social reality through which social categorization is achieved. In this sense, races are said to be social constructs; these constructs develop within various legal and sociopolitical contexts, may be the effect, rather than the cause, of major social situations.
While race is understood to be a social construct by many, most scholars agree that race has real material effects in the lives of people through institutionalized practices of preference and discrimination. Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering within disadvantaged racial groups. Racial discrimination coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of an outgroup as both racially defined and morally inferior; as a result, racial groups possessing little power find themselves excluded or oppressed, while hegemonic individuals and institutions are charged with holding racist attitudes. Racism has led to many instances including slavery and genocide. In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects; this use of racial categories is criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable.
As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, social institutions. Scholars continue to debate the degrees to which racial categories are biologically warranted and constructed. For example, in 2008, John Hartigan, Jr. argued for a view of race that focused on culture, but which does not ignore the potential relevance of biology or genetics. Accordingly, the racial paradigms employed in different disciplines vary in their emphasis on biological reduction as contrasted with societal construction. In the social sciences, theoretical frameworks such as racial formation theory and critical race theory investigate implications of race as social construction by exploring how the images and assumptions of race are expressed in everyday life. A large body of scholarship has traced the relationships between the historical, social production of race in legal and criminal language, their effects on the policing and disproportionate incarceration of certain groups.
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural and global. These features a