Cultural economics is the branch of economics that studies the relation of culture to economic outcomes. Here, ` culture' is defined by shared preferences of respective groups. Programmatic issues include whether and how much culture matters as to economic outcomes and what its relation is to institutions; as a growing field in behavioral economics, the role of culture in economic behavior is being demonstrate to cause significant differentials in decision-making and the management and valuation of assets. Applications include the study of social norms. Social identity, beliefs in redistributive justice, hatred, trust, family ties, long-term orientation, the culture of economics. A general analytical theme is how ideas and behaviors are spread among individuals through the formation of social capital, social networks and processes such as social learning, as in the theory of social evolution and information cascades. Methods include case studies and theoretical and empirical modeling of cultural transmission within and across social groups.
In 2013 Said E. Dawlabani added the value systems approach to the cultural emergence aspect of macroeconomics. Cultural economics develops from how wants and tastes are formed in society; this is due to nurture aspects, or what type of environment one is raised in, as it is the internalization of one’s upbringing that shapes their future wants and tastes. Acquired tastes can be thought of as an example of this, as they demonstrate how preferences can be shaped socially. A key thought area that separates the development of cultural economics from traditional economics is a difference in how individuals arrive at their decisions. While a traditional economist will view decision making as having both implicit and explicit consequences, a cultural economist would argue that an individual will not only arrive at their decision based on these implicit and explicit decisions but based on trajectories; these trajectories consist of regularities, which have been built up throughout the years and guide individuals in their decision-making process.
Economists have started to look at cultural economics with a systems thinking approach. In this approach, the economy and culture are each viewed as a single system where "interaction and feedback effects were acknowledged, where in particular the dynamic were made explicit". In this sense, the interdependencies of culture and the economy can be combined and better understood by following this approach. Said E. Dawlabani's book MEMEnomics: The Next-Generation Economic System combines the ideas of value systems and systems thinking to provide one of the first frameworks that explores the effect of economic policies on culture; the book explores the intersections of multiple disciplines such as cultural development, organizational behavior, memetics all in an attempt to explore the roots of cultural economics. The advancing pace of new technology is transforming how the public shares culture; the cultural economic field has seen great growth with the advent of online social networking which has created productivity improvements in how culture is consumed.
New technologies have lead to cultural convergence where all kinds of culture can be accessed on a single device. Throughout their upbringing, younger persons of the current generation are consuming culture faster than their parents did, through new mediums; the smartphone is a blossoming example of this where books, talk and more can all be accessed on a single device in a matter of seconds. This medium and the culture surrounding it is beginning to have an effect on the economy, whether it be increasing communication while lowering costs, lowering the barriers of entry to the technology economy, or making use of excess capacity; this field has seen growth through the advent of new economic studies that have put on a cultural lens. For example, a recent study on Europeans living with their families into adulthood was conducted by Paola Sapienza, a professor at Northwestern University; the study found that those of Southern European descent tend to live at home with their families longer than those of Northern European descent.
Sapienza added cultural critique to her analysis of the research, revealing that it is Southern European culture to stay at home longer and related this to how those who live at home longer have fewer children and start families thus contributing to Europe's falling birthrates. Sapienza's work is an example of how the growth of cultural economics is beginning to spread across the field. An area that cultural economics has a strong presence in is sustainable development. Sustainable development has been defined as "...development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs...". Culture plays an important role in this as it can determine how people view preparing for these future generations. Delayed gratification is a cultural economic issue that developed countries are dealing with. Economists argue that to ensure that the future is better than today, certain measures must be taken such as collecting taxes or "going green" to protect the environment.
Policies such as these are hard for today's politicians to promote who want to win the vote of today's voters who are concerned with the present and not the future. People want to see the benefits now, not in the future. Economist David Throsby has proposed the idea of culturally sustainable development which compasses both the cultural industries and culture, he has created a set of criteria in regards to for which policy prescriptions can be compared to in order to ensure growth for future generations. The
Public economics is the study of government policy through the lens of economic efficiency and equity. At its most basic level, public economics provides a framework for thinking about whether or not the government should participate in economic markets and to what extent it should do so. In order to do this, microeconomic theory is utilized to assess whether the private market is to provide efficient outcomes in the absence of governmental interference. Inherently, this study involves the analysis of government taxation and expenditures; this subject encompasses a host of topics including market failures and the creation and implementation of government policy. Public economics builds on the theory of welfare economics and is used as a tool to improve social welfare. Broad methods and topics include: the theory and application of public finance analysis and design of public policy distributional effects of taxation and government expenditures analysis of market failure and government failure.
Emphasis is on analytical and scientific methods and normative-ethical analysis, as distinguished from ideology. Examples of topics covered are tax incidence, optimal taxation, the theory of public goods; the Journal of Economic Literature classification codes are one way categorizing the range of economics subjects. There, Public Economics, one of 19 primary classifications, has 8 categories, they are listed below with JEL-code links to corresponding available article-preview links of The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics Online and with similar footnote links for each respective subcategory if available: JEL: H – Public Economics JEL: H0 – General JEL: H1 – Structure and Scope of Government JEL: H2 – Taxation and Revenue JEL: H3 – Fiscal Policies and Behavior of Economic Agents JEL: H4 – Publicly Provided Goods JEL: H5 – National Government Expenditures and Related Policies JEL: H6 – National Budget and Debt JEL: H7 – State and Local Government. In 1971, Peter A. Diamond and James A. Mirrlees published a seminal paper which showed that when lump-sum taxation is not available, production efficiency is still desirable.
This finding is known as the Diamond–Mirrlees efficiency theorem, it is credited with having modernized Ramsey's analysis by considering the problem of income distribution with the problem of raising revenue. Joseph E. Stiglitz and Partha Dasgupta have criticized this theorem as not being robust on the grounds that production efficiency will not be desirable if certain tax instruments cannot be used. One of the achievements for which the great English economist A. C. Pigou is known, was his work on the divergences between marginal private costs and marginal social costs. In his book, The Economics of Welfare, Pigou describes how these divergences come about:...one person A, in the course of rendering some service, for which payment is made, to a second person B, incidentally renders services or disservices to other persons, of such a sort that payment cannot be extracted from the benefited parties or compensation enforced on behalf of the injured parties. In particular, Pigou is known for his advocacy of what are known as corrective taxes, or Pigouvian taxes: It is plain that divergences between private and social net product of the kinds we have so far been considering cannot, like divergences due to tenancy laws, be mitigated by a modification of the contractual relation between any two contracting parties, because the divergence arises out of a service or disservice to persons other than the contracting parties.
It is, possible for the State, if it so chooses, to remove the divergence in any field by "extraordinary encouragements" or "extraordinary restraints" upon investments in that field. The most obvious forms which these encouragements and restraints may assume are, of course, those of bounties and taxes. Externalities arise when consumption by individuals or production by firms affect the utility or production function of other individuals or firms. Positive externalities are education, public health and others while examples of negative externalities are air pollution, noise pollution, non-vaccination and more; the government can intervene in the market, using an emission tax for example to create a more efficient outcome. Pigou describes as positive externalities, examples such as resources invested in private parks that improve the surrounding air, scientific research from which discoveries of high practical utility grow. Alternatively, he describes negative externalities, such as the factory that destroys a great part of the amenities of neighboring sites.
In 1960, the economist Ronald H. Coase proposed an alternative scheme whereby negative externalities are dealt with through the appropriate assignment of property rights; this result is known as the Coase theorem. Public goods, or collective consumption goods, exhibit two properties. Something is non-rivaled if one person's consumption of it does not deprive another person, a firework display is non-rivaled - since one person watching a firework display does not prevent another person from doing so. Something is non-excludable. Again, since one cannot prevent people from viewing a firework display it is non-excludable. Conceptually, another example of public good is the service, provided by law enforcement organizations, such as sheriffs and police. Cities and towns are served by only one
Economic growth is the increase in the inflation-adjusted market value of the goods and services produced by an economy over time. It is conventionally measured as the percent rate of increase in real gross domestic product, or real GDP. Growth is calculated in real terms - i.e. inflation-adjusted terms – to eliminate the distorting effect of inflation on the price of goods produced. Measurement of economic growth uses national income accounting. Since economic growth is measured as the annual percent change of gross domestic product, it has all the advantages and drawbacks of that measure; the economic growth rates of nations are compared using the ratio of the GDP to population or per-capita income. The "rate of economic growth" refers to the geometric annual rate of growth in GDP between the first and the last year over a period of time; this growth rate is the trend in the average level of GDP over the period, which ignores the fluctuations in the GDP around this trend. An increase in economic growth caused by more efficient use of inputs is referred to as intensive growth.
GDP growth caused only by increases in the amount of inputs available for use is called extensive growth. Development of new goods and services creates economic growth; the economic growth rate is calculated from data on GDP estimated by countries' statistical agencies. The rate of growth of GDP per capita is calculated from data on GDP and people for the initial and final periods included in the analysis of the analyst. In national income accounting, per capita output can be calculated using the following factors: output per unit of labor input, hours worked, the percentage of the working age population working and the proportion of the working-age population to the total population. "The rate of change of GDP/population is the sum of the rates of change of these four variables plus their cross products."Economists distinguish between short-run economic changes in production and long-run economic growth. Short-run variation in economic growth is termed the business cycle. Economists attribute the ups and downs in the business cycle to fluctuations in aggregate demand.
In contrast, economic growth is concerned with the long-run trend in production due to structural causes such as technological growth and factor accumulation. Increases in labor productivity have been the most important source of real per capita economic growth. "In a famous estimate, MIT Professor Robert Solow concluded that technological progress has accounted for 80 percent of the long-term rise in U. S. per capita income, with increased investment in capital explaining only the remaining 20 percent."Increases in productivity lower the real cost of goods. Over the 20th century the real price of many goods fell by over 90%. Economic growth has traditionally been attributed to the accumulation of human and physical capital and the increase in productivity and creation of new goods arising from technological innovation. Further division of labour is fundamental to rising productivity. Before industrialization technological progress resulted in an increase in the population, kept in check by food supply and other resources, which acted to limit per capita income, a condition known as the Malthusian trap.
The rapid economic growth that occurred during the Industrial Revolution was remarkable because it was in excess of population growth, providing an escape from the Malthusian trap. Countries that industrialized saw their population growth slow down, a phenomenon known as the demographic transition. Increases in productivity are the major factor responsible for per capita economic growth – this has been evident since the mid-19th century. Most of the economic growth in the 20th century was due to increased output per unit of labor, materials and land; the balance of the growth in output has come from using more inputs. Both of these changes increase output; the increased output included more of the same goods produced and new goods and services. During the Industrial Revolution, mechanization began to replace hand methods in manufacturing, new processes streamlined production of chemicals, iron and other products. Machine tools made the economical production of metal parts possible, so that parts could be interchangeable.
See: Interchangeable parts. During the Second Industrial Revolution, a major factor of productivity growth was the substitution of inanimate power for human and animal labor. There was a great increase in power as steam powered electricity generation and internal combustion supplanted limited wind and water power. Since that replacement, the great expansion of total power was driven by continuous improvements in energy conversion efficiency. Other major historical sources of productivity were automation, transportation infrastructures, new materials and power, which includes steam and internal combustion engines and electricity. Other productivity improvements included mechanized agriculture and scientific agriculture including chemical fertilizers and livestock and poultry management, the Green Revolution. Interchangeable parts made with machine tools powered by electric motors evolved into mass production, universally used today. Great sources of productivity improvement in the late 19th century were railroads, steam ships, horse-pulled reapers and combine harvesters, steam-powered factories.
The invention of processes for making cheap steel were important for many forms
Economics is the social science that studies the production and consumption of goods and services. Economics focuses on the behaviour and interactions of economic agents. Microeconomics analyzes basic elements in the economy, including individual agents and markets, their interactions, the outcomes of interactions. Individual agents may include, for example, firms and sellers. Macroeconomics analyzes the entire economy and issues affecting it, including unemployment of resources, economic growth, the public policies that address these issues. See glossary of economics. Other broad distinctions within economics include those between positive economics, describing "what is", normative economics, advocating "what ought to be". Economic analysis can be applied throughout society, in business, health care, government. Economic analysis is sometimes applied to such diverse subjects as crime, the family, politics, social institutions, war and the environment; the discipline was renamed in the late 19th century due to Alfred Marshall, from "political economy" to "economics" as a shorter term for "economic science".
At that time, it became more open to rigorous thinking and made increased use of mathematics, which helped support efforts to have it accepted as a science and as a separate discipline outside of political science and other social sciences. There are a variety of modern definitions of economics. Scottish philosopher Adam Smith defined what was called political economy as "an inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations", in particular as: a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people... to supply the state or commonwealth with a revenue for the publick services. Jean-Baptiste Say, distinguishing the subject from its public-policy uses, defines it as the science of production and consumption of wealth. On the satirical side, Thomas Carlyle coined "the dismal science" as an epithet for classical economics, in this context linked to the pessimistic analysis of Malthus. John Stuart Mill defines the subject in a social context as: The science which traces the laws of such of the phenomena of society as arise from the combined operations of mankind for the production of wealth, in so far as those phenomena are not modified by the pursuit of any other object.
Alfred Marshall provides a still cited definition in his textbook Principles of Economics that extends analysis beyond wealth and from the societal to the microeconomic level: Economics is a study of man in the ordinary business of life. It enquires how he uses it. Thus, it is on the one side, the study of wealth and on the other and more important side, a part of the study of man. Lionel Robbins developed implications of what has been termed "erhaps the most accepted current definition of the subject": Economics is a science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses. Robbins describes the definition as not classificatory in "pick out certain kinds of behaviour" but rather analytical in "focus attention on a particular aspect of behaviour, the form imposed by the influence of scarcity." He affirmed that previous economists have centred their studies on the analysis of wealth: how wealth is created and consumed. But he said that economics can be used to study other things, such as war, that are outside its usual focus.
This is because war has as the goal winning it, generates both cost and benefits. If the war is not winnable or if the expected costs outweigh the benefits, the deciding actors may never go to war but rather explore other alternatives. We cannot define economics as the science that studies wealth, crime and any other field economic analysis can be applied to; some subsequent comments criticized the definition as overly broad in failing to limit its subject matter to analysis of markets. From the 1960s, such comments abated as the economic theory of maximizing behaviour and rational-choice modelling expanded the domain of the subject to areas treated in other fields. There are other criticisms as well, such as in scarcity not accounting for the macroeconomics of high unemployment. Gary Becker, a contributor to the expansion of economics into new areas, describes the approach he favours as "combin assumptions of maximizing behaviour, stable preferences, market equilibrium, used relentlessly and unflinchingly."
One commentary characterizes the remark as making economics an approach rather than a subject matter but with great specificity as to the "choice process and the type of social interaction that analysis involves." The same source reviews a range of definitions included in principles of economics textbooks and concludes that the lack of agreement need not affect the subject-matter that the texts treat. A
Education economics or the economics of education is the study of economic issues relating to education, including the demand for education, the financing and provision of education, the comparative efficiency of various educational programs and policies. From early works on the relationship between schooling and labor market outcomes for individuals, the field of the economics of education has grown to cover all areas with linkages to education. Economics distinguishes in addition to physical capital another form of capital, no less critical as a means of production – human capital. With investments in human capital, such as education, three major economic effects can be expected: increased expenses as the accumulation of human capital requires investments just as physical capital does, increased productivity as people gain characteristics that enable them to produce more output and hence return on investment in the form of higher incomes. Investments in human capital entail an investment cost.
In European countries most education expenditure takes the form of government consumption, although some costs are borne by individuals. These investments can be rather costly. EU governments spent between 3% and 8% of GDP on education in 2005, the average being 5%. However, measuring the spending this way alone underestimates the costs because a more subtle form of costs is overlooked: the opportunity cost of forgone wages as students cannot work while they study, it has been estimated that the total costs, including opportunity costs, of education are as much as double the direct costs. Including opportunity costs investments in education can be estimated to have been around 10% of GDP in the EU countries in 2005. In comparison investments in physical capital were 20% of GDP, thus the two are of similar magnitude. Human capital in the form of education shares many characteristics with physical capital. Both require an investment to create and, once created, both have economic value. Physical capital earns a return because people are willing to pay to use a piece of physical capital in work as it allows them to produce more output.
To measure the productive value of physical capital, we can measure how much of a return it commands in the market. In the case of human capital calculating returns is more complicated – after all, we cannot separate education from the person to see how much it rents for. To get around this problem, the returns to human capital are inferred from differences in wages among people with different levels of education. Hall and Jones have calculated from international data that on average that the returns on education are 13.4% per year for first four years of schooling, 10.1% per year for the next four years and 6.8% for each year beyond eight years. Thus someone with 12 years of schooling can be expected to earn, on average, 1.1344 × 1.1014 × 1.0684 = 3.161 times as much as someone with no schooling at all. Economy-wide, the effect of human capital on incomes has been estimated to be rather significant: 65% of wages paid in developed countries is payments to human capital and only 35% to raw labor.
The higher productivity of well-educated workers is one of the factors that explain higher GDPs and, higher incomes in developed countries. A strong correlation between GDP and education is visible among the countries of the world, as is shown by the upper left figure, it is less clear, how much of a high GDP is explained by education. After all, it is possible that rich countries can afford more education. To distinguish the part of GDP explained with education from other causes, Weil has calculated how much one would expect each country’s GDP to be higher based on the data on average schooling; this was based on the above-mentioned calculations of Jones on the returns on education. GDPs predicted by Weil’s calculations can be plotted against actual GDPs, as is done in the figure on the left, demonstrating that the variation in education explains some, but not all, of the variation in GDP; the matter of externalities should be considered. When speaking of externalities one thinks of the negative effects of economic activities that are not included in market prices, such as pollution.
These are negative externalities. However, there are positive externalities – that is, positive effects of which someone can benefit without having to pay for it. Education bears with it major positive externalities: giving one person more education raises not only his or her output but the output of those around him or her. Educated workers can bring new technologies and information to the consideration of others, they can act as an example. The positive externalities of education include the effects of personal networks and the roles educated workers play in them. Positive externalities from human capital are one explanation for why governments are involved in education. If people were left on their own, they would not take into account the full social benefit of education – in other words the rise in the output and wages of others – so the amount they would choose to obtain would be lower than the social optimum. A 2013 study assesses demand- and supply-side factors that affect educational access and attainment in development countries, it shows that addressing demand-side factors, such as geographic gaps between rural and urban areas, higher levels of population growth and child labour, can have greater impact on increasing levels of education in developing countries than supply-side factors, such as constructing additional school facilities, hiring more teachers etc.
The dominant model of th
An economic system is a system of production, resource allocation and distribution of goods and services within a society or a given geographic area. It includes the combination of the various institutions, entities, decision-making processes and patterns of consumption that comprise the economic structure of a given community; as such, an economic system is a type of social system. The mode of production is a related concept. All economic systems have three basic questions to ask: what to produce, how to produce and in what quantities and who receives the output of production; the study of economic systems includes how these various agencies and institutions are linked to one another, how information flows between them and the social relations within the system. The analysis of economic systems traditionally focused on the dichotomies and comparisons between market economies and planned economies and on the distinctions between capitalism and socialism. Subsequently, the categorization of economic systems expanded to include other topics and models that do not conform to the traditional dichotomy.
Today the dominant form of economic organization at the world level is based on market-oriented mixed economies. Economic systems is the category in the Journal of Economic Literature classification codes that includes the study of such systems. One field that cuts across them is comparative economic systems, which include the following subcategories of different systems: Planning and reform. Productive enterprises. Public economics. National income and expenditure. International trade, finance and aid. Consumer economics. Performance and prospects. Natural resources. Political economy. There are multiple components to economic system. Decision-making structures of an economy determine the use of economic inputs, distribution of output, the level of centralization in decision-making and who makes these decisions. Decisions might be carried out by a government agency, or by private owners. An economic system is a system of production, resource allocation and distribution of goods and services in a society or a given geographic area.
In one view, every economic system represents an attempt to solve three fundamental and interdependent problems: What goods and services shall be produced and in what quantities? How shall goods and services be produced? That is, by whom and with what resources and technologies? For whom shall goods and services be produced? That is, to enjoy the benefits of the goods and services and how is the total product to be distributed among individuals and groups in the society? Every economy is thus a system that allocates resources for exchange, production and consumption; the system is stabilized through a combination of threat and trust, which are the outcome of institutional arrangements. An economic system possesses the following institutions: Methods of control over the factors or means of production: this may include ownership of, or property rights to, the means of production and therefore may give rise to claims to the proceeds from production; the means of production may be owned by the state, by those who use them, or be held in common.
A decision-making system: this determines, eligible to make decisions over economic activities. Economic agents with decision-making powers can enter into binding contracts with one another. A coordination mechanism: this determines how information is obtained and used in decision-making; the two dominant forms of coordination are planning and markets. An incentive system: this induces and motivates economic agents to engage in productive activities, it can be based on moral suasion. The incentive system may encourage the division of labor. Organizational form: there are two basic forms of organization: actors and regulators. Economic actors include households, work gangs and production teams, joint-ventures and cartels. Economically regulative organizations are represented by the market authorities. A distribution system: this allocates the proceeds from productive activity, distributed as income among the economic organizations and groups within society, such as property owners and non-workers, or the state.
A public choice mechanism for law-making, establishing rules and standards and levying taxes. This is the responsibility of the state, but other means of collective decision-making are possible, such as chambers of commerce or workers’ councils. There are several basic questions that must be answered in order for an economy to run satisfactorily; the scarcity problem, for example, requires answers to basic questions, such as what to produce, how to produce it and who gets what is produced. An economic system is a way of answering these basic questions and different economic systems answer them differently. Many different objectives may be seen as desirable for an economy, like efficiency, growth and equality. Economic systems are segmented by their property rights regime for the means of production and by their dominant resource allocation mechanism. Economies that combi