Kazimierz Władysław Bartel was a Polish mathematician, scholar and politician who served as 15th, 17th and 19th Prime Minister of Poland three times between 1926 and 1930 and the Senator of Poland from 1937 until the outbreak of World War II. Bartel was appointed Minister of Railways between 1919 and 1920, in 1922–1930 he was a member of Poland's Sejm. After Józef Piłsudski's May Coup d'état in 1926, he became prime minister and held this post during three broken tenures: 1926, 1928–29, 1929–1930. Bartel was the Deputy Prime Minister between 1926–1928 and Minister of Religious Beliefs and Public Enlightenment, when Piłsudski himself assumed the premiership, Bartel was in fact "de facto" prime minister during this period as Piłsudski did not concern himself with the day-to-day functions of the cabinet and the government. In 1930 upon giving up politics, he returned to the university as professor of mathematics. In 1930 he became rector of the Lwów Polytechnic and was soon awarded an honorary doctorate and membership in the Polish Mathematical Association.
In 1937 he was appointed a Senator of Poland and held this post until World War II. After the Soviet invasion and occupation of eastern Poland, he was allowed to continue lecturing at the Technical Institute. In 1940 he was offered a seat in the Soviet parliament. On 30 June 1941, in the course of Operation Barbarossa, the German Wehrmacht entered Lwów and began persecuting the local intelligentsia. Bartel was imprisoned two days by the Gestapo and offered the top post in a Polish puppet government, his ultimate refusal of the German terms was taken as an act of treason by the Germans. By order of Heinrich Himmler, Bartel was murdered on 26 July 1941, shortly after the Massacre of Lwów professors had ended. Kazimierz Władysław Bartel was born on 3 March 1882 in Lwów, Austria-Hungary as the son of Michał Bartel and Amalia Chadaczek, he graduated from elementary school in Stryj and after completing secondary school Bartel studied at the Lwów Polytechnic in the Mechanical Engineering Department. He soon became an assistant in Descriptive Geometry.
In 1909 he received his doctoral of technical sciences and subsequently became one of the first title holders of such doctoral within Austria-Hungary. In addition, he studied mathematics and philosophy at the Franciscan University and at the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich. Bartel employed himself at the University as an assistant in the Department of Geometry. In 1913 he received the title of associate professor and became the head of the Department and in 1917 received the title of professor of mathematics at the Lwów Polytechnic. Conscripted into the Austro-Hungarian army during World War I, after the collapse of the empire in 1918 he returned to Lwów, which became part of the newly established Second Polish Republic. In 1919, as commander of railway troops, he fought in the defense of the city against the Ukrainian siege initiated by the Bolsheviks and the communists of the former Russian Empire, who believed that Lwów should be incorporated into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Soviet Union and were determined to enhance the Polish peasants in the east to rise against the Sejm and support the soviet dictator Vladimir Lenin instead.
They were keen to introduce the socialist government in the Polish Republic. During this period Bartel befriended and supported Poland's future leader and commander-in-chief, Józef Piłsudski. Since May 1919 he served as the manager of the Armoured Trains Construction Management and Association, his numerous successes in this field led to Prime Minister Leopold Skulski appointing him the Minister of the Railway system of the Republic of Poland. During this time Bartel met other significant and influential politicians and diplomats, most notably Prime Minister Wincenty Witos and Prime Minister Władysław Grabski. Following the Polish–Soviet War of 1920, Bartel was nominated as a lieutenant colonel and was left in charge of the railway reserve officers and the Lwów militia. In 1922 Bartel was elected a member of Poland's Sejm and held this position until 1929, he was a member of the party PSL "Liberation", but he was not satisfied with the radicalization of the group. In March 1925 at the Congress of the Polish People's Party he decided to adopt, among others, a reform without compensation.
Bartel left the party and the organisation in April 1925, along with Marian Zyndram-Kościałkowski and Bolesław Wysłouch and founded the parliamentary "Labour Club". This organization came under the direct influence of commander-in-chief Józef Piłsudski. Just before the May Coup of 1926 Kazimierz Bartel received an order from Marshal Piłsudski to prepare for a take over as prime minister after the expected collapse of President Stanisław Wojciechowski and his government. On 15 May 1926, after the resignation of the government led by Wincenty Witos and president Wojciechowski following the May Coup, Bartel was appointed by Marshal of the Sejm and the acting head of state Maciej Rataj as the prime minister of the Second Polish Republic, Bartel stated in his inauguration speech that he would only be the head of government until the election of a new president, his decision was influenced by the fact that he suffered from kidney and stomach problems and was in pain. One member of the parliament stated that "He was ambitious man, but always in pain.
His opponents in the Sejm admitted that in personal relationships, it is hard not to be in favour of a man like Bartel. As pr
Ignacy Ewaryst Daszyński was a Polish socialist politician and briefly Prime Minister of the Second Polish Republic's first government, formed in Lublin in 1918. In October 1892 he cofounded the Polish Social Democratic Party, a precursor to the Polish Socialist Party. In 1897 he was elected to the Austrian Parliament and remained there until 1918. From 1903 he took part in several congresses and gatherings of the International Socialist Party, advocating for the independence and reunification of all Polish territories, as an integral part of the Polish socialist program. In 1912 he began a long collaboration with future Chief of State Józef Pilsudski, he was appointed editor-in-chief of the Socialist newspaper Naprzód, published in Kraków. Following World War I, Daszyński cofounded the Polish National Committee, for a few days he served as head of the provisional government formed in the city of Lublin on 7 November 1918. On 26 January 1919 he was elected to the Polish Sejm, was re-elected in 1922, 1928, 1930.
From July 1920 to January 1921 he served as deputy prime minister in a Government of National Unity led by politician and diplomat Wincenty Witos. Though he supported Józef Piłsudski during the May 1926 Coup, he joined the center-left opposition. From 1928 to 1930 he was the third Marshal of the Sejm; when Piłsudski entered the Sejm chamber, accompanied by a sizable military escort, Daszyński refused to open the Sejm session. He ended his political career in 1930. In his journalistic and underground activities, he used the pseudonyms Daszek, Żegota, Ignis. Ignacy Daszyński was born on 26 October 1866 in Zbaraż in the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, following the Partitions of Poland, was a part of the Austrian Empire, he came from a not wealthy family of the gentry, one that cherished patriotic traditions. He was the son of Ferdynand Daszyński, an Austrian clerk, Kamila, née Mierzewska, he had three brothers, one sister, older half siblings from his father's first marriage. In 1872 Daszyński began his education in a school run by Franciscans in Zbarazh.
He was a good student because he knew how to read and write and, as he grew up in a multicultural environment, he knew several languages. From childhood, he could speak Yiddish and understood German. On 6 December 1875, his father died and the family moved to Stanisławów. To improve their financial situation, his mother leased flats to secondary school students. Two years he entered secondary school. During this time he earned money by giving his colleagues private lessons. At that time, he was under the strong influence of his older brother, who taught him how to be a good Polish patriot. Together they performed minor subversive actions. Feliks wrote an anniversary poem in honour of Maurycy Gosławski, a poet who fought in the November Uprising. Ignacy scattered them around the poet's grave; the Austrian police started an investigation and Feliks was arrested, while Ignacy was released pending trial. However, they were both acquitted. Feliks still did not abandon his subversive activity, he created a conspiratorial group that drew Polish and Ukrainian teenagers from the Stanisławów area.
Ignacy contributed to the group by establishing its rules. In 1882 Ignacy Daszyński gave a patriotic speech to students during the long school break; this brought his expulsion from an end to his family's easy life in Stanisławów. Their financial situation collapsed, they had to move to Lwów. Feliks began studying chemistry at the Lwów Polytechnic. Soon Ignacy and his mother had to move again, they went to Drohobycz. During this time he came into contact with the working class for the first time. Soon he started to write for the leftist biweekly Gazeta Naddniestrzańska, in which he wrote about the hard conditions of workers employed by petroleum industries in Stanisławów and Drohobycz; the atmosphere of Drohobycz was calling me to rebel. The brutality of the sinister rascals who were making their careers in Drohobycz was so evident and public that you did not have to be a socialist to hate their felonious "production" based on the natural treasures of Mother Earth and on the unbridled exploitation of several thousand peasants who dug up the mineral wax in Borysław.
In September 1884, when his mother moved to Przemyśl, Ignacy was left alone in Lwów. Again he was refused enrollment at school, so studied at home. At that time, Daszyński's socialist political views were taking shape. In 1886, he became a tutor to some friends of his parents. On 8 April 1888, he was allowed to pass the Matura without attending the classes, he received his diploma on 22 September 1888 and went on to study philosophy at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. Thanks to his brother Feliks, he was in touch with socialists in Kraków. In 1889, he met Ludwik Kulczycki, whom he helped in delivering socialist brochures in Congress Poland. Daszyński soon had to abandon his studies because of financial problems, he became a tutor again. On the night of 2–3 May 1889, he was arrested by the Russian police and spent six months in jail in Pułtusk because he was mistaken for his older brother Feliks, engaged in the socialist movement abroad; when Ignacy was released from jail he w
Warsaw is the capital and largest city of Poland. The metropolis stands on the Vistula River in east-central Poland and its population is estimated at 1.770 million residents within a greater metropolitan area of 3.1 million residents, which makes Warsaw the 8th most-populous capital city in the European Union. The city limits cover 516.9 square kilometres, while the metropolitan area covers 6,100.43 square kilometres. Warsaw is an alpha global city, a major international tourist destination, a significant cultural and economic hub, its historical Old Town was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Once described as the'Paris of the North', Warsaw was believed to be one of the most beautiful cities in the world until World War II. Bombed at the start of the German invasion in 1939, the city withstood a siege for which it was awarded Poland's highest military decoration for heroism, the Virtuti Militari. Deportations of the Jewish population to concentration camps led to the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in 1943 and the destruction of the Ghetto after a month of combat.
A general Warsaw Uprising between August and October 1944 led to greater devastation and systematic razing by the Germans in advance of the Vistula–Oder Offensive. Warsaw gained the new title of Phoenix City because of its extensive history and complete reconstruction after World War II, which had left over 85% of its buildings in ruins. Warsaw is one of Europe's most dynamic metropolitan cities. In 2012 the Economist Intelligence Unit ranked Warsaw as the 32nd most liveable city in the world. In 2017 the city came 4th in the "Business-friendly" category and 8th in "Human capital and life style", it was ranked as one of the most liveable cities in Central and Eastern Europe. The city is a significant centre of research and development, Business process outsourcing, Information technology outsourcing, as well as of the Polish media industry; the Warsaw Stock Exchange is most important in Central and Eastern Europe. Frontex, the European Union agency for external border security as well as ODIHR, one of the principal institutions of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe have their headquarters in Warsaw.
Together with Frankfurt and Paris, Warsaw is one of the cities with the highest number of skyscrapers in the European Union. The city is the seat of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw National Philharmonic Orchestra, University of Warsaw, the Warsaw Polytechnic, the National Museum, the Great Theatre—National Opera, the largest of its kind in the world, the Zachęta National Gallery of Art; the picturesque Old Town of Warsaw, which represents examples of nearly every European architectural style and historical period, was listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1980. Other main architectural attractions include the Castle Square with the Royal Castle and the iconic King Sigismund's Column, the Wilanów Palace, the Łazienki Palace, St. John's Cathedral, Main Market Square, palaces and mansions all displaying a richness of colour and detail. Warsaw is positioning itself as Central and Eastern Europe’s chic cultural capital with thriving art and club scenes and serious restaurants, with around a quarter of the city's area occupied by parks.
Warsaw's name in the Polish language is Warszawa. Other previous spellings of the name may have included Werszewa. According to some sources, the origin of the name is unknown. In Pre-Slavic toponomastic layer of Northern Mazovia: corrections and addenda, it is stated that the toponymy of northern Mazovia tends to have unclear etymology. Warszawa was the name of a fishing village. According to one theory Warszawa means "belonging to Warsz", Warsz being a shortened form of the masculine name of Slavic origin Warcisław; however the ending -awa is unusual for a big city. Folk etymology attributes the city name to a fisherman and his wife, Sawa. According to legend, Sawa was a mermaid living in the Vistula River. In actuality, Warsz was a 12th/13th-century nobleman who owned a village located at the modern-day site of the Mariensztat neighbourhood. See the Vršovci family which had escaped to Poland; the official city name in full is miasto stołeczne Warszawa. A native or resident of Warsaw is known as a Varsovian – in Polish warszawiak, warszawianka and warszawianie.
Other names for Warsaw include Varsovia and Varsóvia, Varsavia, Warschau, װאַרשע /Varshe, Varšuva, Varsó and Varšava The first fortified settlements on the site of today's Warsaw were located in Bródno and Jazdów. After Jazdów was raided by nearby clans and dukes, a new similar settlement was established on the site of a small fishing village called Warszowa; the Prince of Płock, Bolesław II of Masovia, established this settlement, the modern-day Warsaw, in about 1300. In the beginning of the 14th century it became one of the seats of the Dukes of Masovia, becoming the official capital of the Masovian Duchy in 1413. 14th-century Warsaw's economy rested on crafts and trade. Upon the extinction of the local ducal line, the duchy was reincorporated into the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland in 1526. In 1529, Warsaw for the first time became the seat of th
Prince Józef Antoni Poniatowski was a Polish leader, minister of war and army chief, who became a Marshal of the French Empire. A nephew of King Stanisław II Augustus, his military career began in 1780 in the Austrian army, where he attained the rank of a colonel. In 1789, after leaving the Austrian service, he joined the Polish army. Poniatowski, now in the rank of major general and commander of the Royal Guards, took part in the Polish–Russian War of 1792, leading the crown forces in Ukraine, where he fought a victorious battle of Zieleńce. After the king's support for the Targowica Confederation Poniatowski was forced to resign. In 1794 he participated in the Kościuszko Uprising and was in charge of defending Warsaw for which he was subsequently exiled. In 1798 Poniatowski was permitted to return, however, he refused the offer to serve in the Imperial Russian army submitted to him by Tsar Alexander I. In 1806, after the creation of the Duchy of Warsaw, Józef Poniatowski was appointed the minister of war.
In 1809 he commanded a 16,000-strong army during the Austro-Polish War and achieved tactical success over a larger and more experienced Austrian force in the battle of Raszyn. This was followed by the advance into the territory of Galicia; the conflict ended with a Polish victory which allowed the Duchy to recover lands once lost in the Partitions of Poland. A staunch ally and supporter of Napoleon I, Poniatowski voluntarily took part in the French invasion of Russia, he was injured during the fighting for Moscow which forced his return to Warsaw, where he worked on the reconstruction of the Polish Armed Forces intended to fight in Germany. Covering the retreat of the French army after losing the "Battle of the Nations" at Leipzig, Poniatowski was wounded and drowned in the Elster river. Prince Józef Antoni Poniatowski was born in Vienna, Austria in the Palais Kinsky He was baptized in Vienna's Schottenkirche, he was the son of Andrzej Poniatowski, the brother of the last king of Poland Stanisław II Augustus, a field marshal in the service of Austria.
His mother was Countess Maria Theresia Kinsky von Wchinitz und Tettau, a lady in the court of Maria Theresa belonging to the influential Czech-Austrian aristocratic family. His father died when Józef was 10, Stanisław II Augustus became his guardian and the two enjoyed a close personal relationship that lasted for the rest of their lives. Maria Theresa was a godmother of Józef's older sister, named Maria Teresa, after the Empress. Józef was born and raised in Vienna, but was spent time with his mother in Prague and with his uncle the king in Warsaw. Brought up in the "ancient regime" society, he was tutored in French, spoke to his mother in that language, he learned Polish and German. As a child he acquired the nickname "Prince Pepi", the Czech diminutive form of Joseph, he was trained for a military career, but learned how to play keyboard instruments and had a portable one which he carried with him even during military campaigns. It was because of King Stanisław II August's influence that Poniatowski chose to consider himself a Polish citizen and he transferred to the Polish army at the age of 26.
In Vienna, he represented the Polish king at the funeral of Maria Theresa. In 1787 he travelled with Stanisław II Augustus to Kaniov and Kiev, to meet with Catherine the Great. Having chosen a military career, Poniatowski joined the Austrian imperial army, where he was commissioned lieutenant in 1780, in 1786/1788 promoted to colonel, when Austria declared war against Ottoman Empire in 1788, he became an aide-de-camp to Emperor Joseph II. Poniatowski fought in that war and distinguished himself at the storming of Šabac on 25 April 1788, where he was wounded. At Šabac he reportedly saved the life of a younger colleague, Prince Karl Philipp Schwarzenberg, their military paths crossed as friends and foes, at the end of Poniatowski's career Schwarzenberg delivered the crushing blow at the Battle of Leipzig in which Poniatowski was killed. Summoned by his uncle, King Stanisław II Augustus, the Sejm when the Polish Army was reorganized, Poniatowski returned to Poland; the King had made previous arrangements with the Austrian authorities for this transfer, which in the end depended on his nephew's willingness to make the move.
In October 1789, together with Tadeusz Kościuszko and three others, Poniatowski received the rank of major-general, was appointed commander of a division in Ukraine and devoted himself to rebuilding the small, long-time neglected, Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth's army. This took place during the period of deliberations by the Four-Year Sejm, which ended with the proclamation of the 3 May Constitution in 1791. Poniatowski was an enthusiastic supporter of the reforms and a member of the Friends of the Constitution Association; the passage of the document was assured by the military forces under the Prince's command, which surrounded the Royal Castle during the final proceedings. He himself stood in the room with a group of soldiers. On 6 May 1792 Poniatowski was appointed Lieutenant-General and commander of the Polish army in the Ukraine, with the task of defending the country against the imminent Russian attack. There Prince Józef was aided by Kościuszko and Michał Wielhorski, a friend from the Austrian service.
In the fighting, badly outnumbered and outgunned by the enemy, obliged to retreat, but disputing every point of vantage, he turned on the pursuer whenever the Russian pressed too and won several notable victories. The Battle of Zieleńce on 18 June was the first major victorious engagement of the Polish forces since John III Sobie
Polish Committee of National Liberation
The Polish Committee of National Liberation known as the Lublin Committee, was an executive governing authority established by the communists in Poland at the stage of World War II. It was proclaimed on 22 July 1944 in Chełm, installed on 26 July in Lublin and placed formally under the direction of the State National Council; the PKWN was a provisional entity functioning in opposition to the Polish government-in-exile, the internationally recognized government of Poland. The PKWN exercised control over Polish territory retaken from Nazi Germany by the Soviet Red Army and the Polish People's Army, it was dominated by Polish communists. At the time of the formation of the PKWN, the principal Polish authority in German-occupied Poland was the Polish Underground State network of organizations loyal to the Polish government-in-exile, resident in London; as the Red Army, fighting Nazi German forces, entered the Polish territory, Joseph Stalin and the Polish communists proceeded with the establishment of a rival executive authority, one that they could control.
The PKWN was formed in negotiations involving the main Polish communist organizations, the Union of Polish Patriots and the Polish Workers' Party. The Polish communist movement had been decimated during the Soviet purges in the 1930s, but revived under Stalin's auspices beginning in 1940; the PPR was a new party organized in occupied Poland, the ZPP originated during the war in the Soviet Union. The PPR had established in Warsaw a conspiratorial State National Council, which they declared to be the wartime national parliament; because of war-related obstacles, the communist leaders arriving from Warsaw reached Lublin only on 31 July, attained full agreement with the group from Moscow on 15 August. The documents they produced were antedated to 21 July to comply with the declarations issued as of 22 July; the PKWN Manifesto, proclaimed on 22 July 1944, was outlined in advance in a Radio Moscow broadcast. The PKWN, located in Lublin, became known as the Lublin Committee. While the administrative authority in Poland was granted to the PKWN, many aspects of wartime governance were determined by the Soviet military presence.
As the Red Army and the allied Polish Army moved into the Polish territory, the PKWN expanded its authority within the liberated areas, except for Kresy, intended by the Allies to be incorporated into the Soviet Union. Among the members of the PKWN were politicians of various communist and leftist parties accepted by Stalin, its chairman was Edward Osóbka-Morawski of the Polish Socialist Party. His deputies were Wanda Andrzej Witos of the Union of Polish Patriots. Andrzej Witos was replaced by Stanisław Janusz; the fifteen members included those from the KRN and the ZPP. Three were from the Polish Socialist Workers' Party, four represented the agrarian People's Party, one the Democratic Party, five the Polish Workers' Party and two were unaffiliated. Stanisław Radkiewicz was responsible for the security department and Michał Rola-Żymierski for the defense department; the Soviet side was represented by Nikolai Bulganin, whose role was to provide support for the PKWN's administration and security apparatus, and, charged with destruction of political and military groupings representing the Polish government-in-exile.
The PKWN presented itself as a broad leftist and democratic coalition, but the major Polish political parties were not represented. According to historian Norman Davies, most of the key positions in the PKWN were given to people who were Soviet employees and not PPR members. Security and military affairs departments were controlled by communists; the PKWN Manifesto promised radical agrarian reforms, expansion of Polish territory to the west at the expense of Germany, adherence to the 1921 March Constitution of Poland. It called the Polish government-in-exile an usurper and the 1935 April Constitution of Poland fascist. At the outset, Polish communists had marginal support among the Polish population and the new regime was dependent on Moscow; the committee's early decrees authorized the NKVD's control over the Red Army's'rear areas' and announced a restoration of the Polish Army under Soviet leadership. The PKWN used a combination of co-optive measures, it appealed to patriotic sentiment, sponsored cultural activities, implemented a popular and long-overdue land reform.
No revolutionary changes were introduced beyond the land reform. The new Polish army staffed with Soviet officers, retained the appearance of a national army and participated in the Soviet offensive all the way to Berlin. At the end of December 1944, the PKWN was reconstituted as the Provisional Government of the Republic of Poland, formally recognized by the Soviet Union in January 1945; the government-in-exile retained for the time being the recognition of the United States and the United Kingdom, but in reality the Western powers no longer considered it relevant as an international settlement on the issue of Poland's government was sought. Provisional Government of National Unity Polish People's Army Bibliography Tadeusz Żenczykowski, Polska Lubelska 1944. Editions Spotkania, Warszawa 199
Władysław Dominik Grabski was a Polish National Democratic politician and historian. He was the main author of the currency reform in the Second Polish Republic and served as Prime Minister of Poland in 1920 and from 1923–1925, he was the brother of Zofia Kirkor-Kiedroniowa. He was responsible for the creation of the Bank of Poland and implementing the Polish currency. Grabski's cabinet became the longest standing cabinet in interwar Poland. At the same time, Grabski's cabinet was criticized. Stanisław Głąbiński, for example, criticized Grabski's inefficiencies in the sphere of international relations, Wincenty Witos disapproved of Grabski's deficient agricultural reform, as well as his inability to inform the public of the state's real financial situation. Władysław Grabski was born in 1874, in a family manor in Borów near Łowicz, Congress Poland, Russian Empire, he studied politics at the School of Political Science in Paris and history at the University of Sorbonne. While in Paris, Grabski's political views changed.
He turned more towards the right. The years Władysław Grabski had spent in Paris became an impetus behind Grabski's desire for his involvement in the Polish government. Soon after Grabski's return from Paris, in 1905, he founded the Agricultural Society in Łowicz, in central Poland; the Society won the support of many peasants, which in turn led to the creation of the National Labor Union. Due to the growing autonomy and strength of Grabski's Agricultural Society and the Union, in 1905, Władyslaw Grabski was arrested by the Russian authorities and imprisoned in Warsaw. Grabski's imprisonment, lasted less than a year. In 1905, Grabski was elected on behalf of National Democracy as a member of three successive sessions of the Duma, the legislative assembly of the Russian Empire, he was a deputy in Duma until 1912. It was at that time that he became involved in the work of the budgetary commission with the Russian Ministry of Agriculture. Grabski's involvement in the budgetary Commission became a reason for his desire to become the finance minister in the Polish parliament.
When World War I broke out, he organized the Central Citizens' Committee, responsible for restoring order into the life of a society devastated by the Polish partitions, to represent the interests of Polish people before the Russian authorities. He became a member of the Polish National Committee. In 1919 he entered the government of the newly restored Poland as Minister of Agriculture. Grabski's influence on the Polish affairs increased when he became Treasury Minister and Prime Minister in 1920. However, his first cabinet lasted for only one month. In December 1923 he was again appointed Prime Minister and served as Treasury Minister in a specialist cabinet. Grabski managed to implement reforms which alleviated Poland's economic situation and managed to preserve his cabinet for twenty-three months, a long period for a Polish cabinet in interwar Poland; until the end of 1924, Grabski's government enjoyed great popularity. Yet Grabski remained a controversial figure for the twenty-three months.
Stanisław Głąbiński, for example, argued that in the sphere of foreign relations, Grabski did not show the desired assertiveness. At the League of Nations conference, Grabski did not mention the League's unresponsiveness to the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1921. According to the tenth article of the treaty of Versailles, “The Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League.” However, the League of Nations remained aloof and impassive in 1920. Grabski's decision not to raise the issue of the League's lack of action resulted in severe criticism from the Polish parliament. Głąbiński was not the only critic of Grabski's cabinet. Wincenty Witos criticized Grabski for his excessively optimistic attitude regarding the financial reforms and so did others. On 13 November 1925 Grabski was forced to resign following a disagreement with the President of the Bank of Poland, who refused to help him with the backing of the industrialist'Lewiatan' organization.
Grabski's great achievement in those years was the foundation of the Bank of Poland and the creation of the new Polish currency – the gold-based złoty which replaced the Polish mark. The Act of 11 January 1924 on the improvement of the state's treasury and currency reform introduced a new monetary system and established the issuing bank; the Bank of Poland was founded as a joint stock company, which guaranteed its independence from the government and the state treasury. The Act abolished the Polish National Savings Union which had acted as an issuing bank, its functions were taken over by the Bank of Poland. Stanisław Karpiński became the first president of the Bank of Poland. On 14 January the organizing committee of the Bank of Poland was established, on 26 January the sale of the bank's shares began. Payments could only be made in gold. On 15 April, during the first shareholders' meeting, the Bank of Poland Joint Stock Company was established. Grabski went further than just establishing the Bank of the currency.
He founded the Bank for National Economy. He initiated far-going changes in the structure of Polish exports and industrial output, he established the Border Defence Corps. The Fourth Aliyah to Mandatory Palestine was iro
Congress Poland or Russian Poland, formally known as the Kingdom of Poland, was a polity created in 1815 by the Congress of Vienna as a sovereign Polish state. Until the November Uprising in 1831, the kingdom was in a personal union with the Tsars of Russia. Thereafter, the state was forcibly integrated into the Russian Empire over the course of the 19th century. In 1915, during World War I, it was replaced by the Central Powers with the nominal Regency Kingdom of Poland, which continued to exist until Poland regained independence in 1918. Following the partitions of Poland at the end of the 18th century, Poland ceased to exist as an independent state for 123 years; the territory, with its native population, was split between the Austrian Empire, the Kingdom of Prussia, the Russian Empire. An equivalent to Congress Poland within the Austrian Empire was the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria commonly referred to as "Austrian Poland"; the area incorporated into Prussia and subsequently the German Empire had little autonomy and was a province within Prussia - the Province of Posen.
The Kingdom of Poland enjoyed considerable political autonomy as guaranteed by the liberal constitution. However, its rulers, the Russian Emperors disregarded any restrictions on their power, it was, little more than a puppet state of the Russian Empire. The autonomy was curtailed following uprisings in 1830–31 and 1863, as the country became governed by namiestniks, divided into guberniya, thus from the start, Polish autonomy remained little more than fiction. The capital was located in Warsaw, which towards the beginning of the 20th century became the Russian Empire's third-largest city after St. Petersburg and Moscow; the moderately multicultural population of Congress Poland was estimated at 9,402,253 inhabitants in 1897. It was composed of Poles, Polish Jews, ethnic Germans and an insignificant Russian minority; the predominant religion was Roman Catholicism and the official language used within the state was Polish until the January Uprising when Russian became co-official. Yiddish and German were spoken by its native speakers.
The territory of Congress Poland corresponds to modern-day Kalisz Region and the Lublin, Łódź, Masovian and Holy Cross Voivodeships of Poland as well as southwestern Lithuania and part of Grodno District of Belarus. Although the official name of the state was the Kingdom of Poland, in order to distinguish it from other Kingdoms of Poland, it is sometimes referred to as "Congress Poland"; the Kingdom of Poland was created out of the Duchy of Warsaw, a French client state, at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 when the great powers reorganized Europe following the Napoleonic wars. The Kingdom was created on part of the Polish territory, partitioned by Russia and Prussia replacing, after Napoleon's defeat, the Duchy of Warsaw, set up by Napoleon in 1807. After Napoleon's 1812 defeat, the fate of the Duchy of Warsaw was dependent on Russia. Prussia insisted on the Duchy being eliminated, but after Russian troops reached Paris in 1812, Tsar Alexander I intended to annex to the Duchy the Lithuanian-Belarusian lands, now controlled by the Tsardom, which used to be a part of the First Polish Republic and to unite thus created Polish country with Russia.
Both Austria and England did not approve of that idea, Austria issuing a memorandum on returning to the 1795 resolutions, this idea supported by England under George IV and Prime Minister Robert Jenkinson and the English delegate to the Congress, Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, so in effect the Tsar, after the so-called Hundred Days, established the Kingdom of Poland and the 1815 Congress of Vienna approved. After the Congress, Russia gained a larger share of Poland and, after crushing an insurrection in 1831, the Congress Kingdom's autonomy was abolished and Poles faced confiscation of property, forced military service, the closure of their own universities; the Congress was important enough in the creation of the state to cause the new country to be named for it. The Kingdom lost its status as a sovereign state in 1831 and the administrative divisions were reorganized, it was sufficiently distinct that its name remained in official Russian use, although in the years of Russian rule it was replaced with the Privislinsky Krai.
Following the defeat of the November Uprising its separate institutions and administrative arrangements were abolished as part of increased Russification to be more integrated with the Russian Empire. However after this formalized annexation, the territory retained some degree of distinctiveness and continued to be referred to informally as Congress Poland until the Russian rule there ended as a result of the advance by the armies of the Central Powers in 1915 during World War I; the Kingdom had an area of 128,500 km2 and a population of 3.3 million. The new state would be one of the smallest Polish states smaller than the preceding Duchy of Warsaw and much smaller than the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth which had a population of 10 million and an area of 1 million km2, its population reached 6.1 million by 1870 and 10 million by 1900. Most of the ethnic Poles in the Russian Empire lived in the Congress Kingdom, although some areas outside it contained a Polish majority; the Kingdom of Poland re-emerged as a result of the efforts of Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, a Pole who aimed to resurrect the Polish state in alliance with Russia.
The Kingdom of Poland was one of the few contemporary constitutional monarchies in Europe, with the Emperor of Russia serving as the Polish King. His title as chief of Poland in Russian, was Tsar, similar to usage in