Arthur Joseph Goldberg was an American statesman and jurist who served as the 9th U. S. Secretary of Labor, an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, the 6th United States Ambassador to the United Nations. Born in Chicago, Goldberg graduated from the Northwestern University School of Law in 1930, he became a prominent labor attorney and helped arrange the merger of the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations. During World War II, he served in the Office of Strategic Services, organizing European resistance to Nazi Germany. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy appointed Goldberg as the Secretary of Labor. In 1962, Kennedy nominated Goldberg to the Supreme Court to fill a vacancy caused by the retirement of Felix Frankfurter. Goldberg aligned with the liberal bloc of justices and wrote the majority opinion in Escobedo v. Illinois. In 1965, Goldberg resigned from the bench to accept appointment by President Lyndon B. Johnson as the Ambassador to the United Nations.
In that role, he helped draft UN Resolution 242 in the aftermath of the Six-Day War. He was defeated by Nelson Rockefeller. After his defeat, he served as president of the American Jewish Committee and continued to practice law. Goldberg was born and raised on the West Side of Chicago, the youngest of eight children of Rebecca Perlstein and Joseph Goldberg, Jewish immigrants from the Russian Empire, his paternal line derived from a shtetl called Zenkhov, in Ukraine. Goldberg's father, a produce peddler, died in 1916, forcing Goldberg's siblings to quit school and go to work to support the family; as the youngest child, Goldberg was allowed to continue school, graduating from Harrison Technical High School at the age of 16. Thereafter, Goldberg worked his way through Crane Junior College of the City Colleges of Chicago and DePaul University before earning B. S. L. and J. D. degrees from Northwestern University. Goldberg's interest in the law was sparked by the noted murder trial in 1924 of Leopold and Loeb, two wealthy young Chicagoans who were spared the death penalty with the help of their high-powered defense attorney, Clarence Darrow.
Goldberg pointed to the case as inspiration for his opposition to the death penalty on the bench, since he had seen how inequality of social status could lead to unfair application of the death penalty. In 1931, Goldberg married Dorothy Kargans, they had one daughter, Barbara Goldberg Cramer, one son, Robert M. Goldberg, he was the uncle of Barry Goldberg. During World War II, Goldberg was a member of the United States Army, wherein he served as a captain and a major, he served as well in an espionage group operated by the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the CIA, serving as chief of the Labor Desk, an autonomous division of the American intelligence agency, charged with the task of cultivating contacts and networks within the European underground labor movement during World War II. The Jewish Telegraphic Agency stated, "Goldberg's file notes that as both a civilian and a member of the Army, he supervised a section in the Secret Intelligence Branch of OSS to maintain contact with labor groups and organizations regarded as potential resistance elements in enemy-occupied and enemy countries.
He organized anti-Nazi European transportation workers into an extensive intelligence network." Goldberg became a prominent labor lawyer, representing striking Chicago newspaper workers on behalf of the Congress of Industrial Organizations in 1938. Appointed general counsel to the CIO in 1948 to succeed Lee Pressman, Goldberg served as a negotiator and chief legal adviser in the merger of the American Federation of Labor and CIO in 1955. Goldberg served as general counsel of the United Steelworkers of America. Goldberg was by this time a prominent figure in labor union politics. President John F. Kennedy appointed Goldberg to two positions; the first was United States Secretary of Labor, where he served from 1961 to 1962. As secretary, he served as a mentor to the young Daniel Patrick Moynihan; the second was as an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, replacing Felix Frankfurter, who had retired because of poor health. From 1961-1962, Goldberg was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.
As of 2018, Goldberg is the last Supreme Court justice to have served in the United States Cabinet. Despite his short time on the bench, Goldberg played a significant role in the Court's jurisprudence, as his liberal views on Constitutional questions shifted the Court's balance toward a broader construction of constitutional rights, his best-known opinion came in the concurrence of Griswold v. Connecticut, arguing that the Ninth Amendment supported the existence of an unenumerated right of privacy, he argued that to determine if a right is a fundamental right, the court should look to whether the right involved is of such a character that it cannot be denied without violating those fundamental principles of liberty and justice which lie at the base of all our civil and political institutions. Goldberg's most influential move on the Court involved the death penalty. Goldberg argued in a 1963 internal Supreme Court memorandum that imposition of the death penalty was condemned by the international community and should be regarded as "cruel and unusual punishment," in contravention of the Eighth Amendment.
Finding support in this position from two other justices, Goldberg published an opinion dissenting from the Court's denial of certiorari in a case, Rudolph v. Alabama, involving the imposition of the death penalty for rape, in which
Creationism is the religious belief that the universe and life originated "from specific acts of divine creation", as opposed to through natural processes, such as evolution. Creationism covers a spectrum of views including evolutionary creationism, but the term is used for literal creationists who reject various aspects of science, instead promote pseudoscientific beliefs. Literal creationists base their beliefs on a fundamentalist reading of religious texts, including the creation myths found in Genesis and the Quran. For young Earth creationists, these beliefs are based on a literalist interpretation of the Genesis creation narrative and rejection of the scientific theory of evolution. Literalist creationists believe that evolution cannot adequately account for the history and complexity of life on Earth; the first use of the term "creationist" to describe a proponent of creationism is found in an 1856 letter of Charles Darwin describing those who objected on religious grounds to the then-emerging science of evolution.
The basis for many creationists' beliefs is a literal or quasi-literal interpretation of the Old Testament from stories from the book of Genesis: The Genesis creation narrative describes how God brings the Universe into being in a series of creative acts over six days and places the first man and woman in a divine garden. This story is the basis of creationist biology; the Genesis flood narrative tells how God destroys the world and all life through a great flood, saving representatives of each form of life by means of Noah's ark. This forms the basis of creationist geology, better known as flood geology. A further important element is the interpretation of the Biblical chronology, the elaborate system of life-spans, "generations," and other means by which the Bible measures the passage of events from the creation to the Book of Daniel, the last biblical book in which it appears. Recent decades have seen attempts to recast it as science. There are non-Christian forms of creationism, notably Islamic creationism and Hindu creationism.
Several attempts have been made to categorize the different types of creationism, create a "taxonomy" of creationists. Creationism covers a spectrum of beliefs which have been categorized into the general types listed below. Young Earth creationists such as Ken Ham and Doug Phillips believe that God created the Earth within the last ten thousand years as described in the Genesis creation narrative, within the approximate time-frame of biblical genealogies. Most young Earth creationists believe. A few assign a much older age to the universe than to Earth. Creationist cosmologies give the universe an age consistent with the Ussher chronology and other young Earth time frames. Other young Earth creationists believe that the Earth and the universe were created with the appearance of age, so that the world appears to be much older than it is, that this appearance is what gives the geological findings and other methods of dating the Earth and the universe their much longer timelines; the Christian organizations Institute for Creation Research and the Creation Research Society both promote young Earth creationism in the US.
Another organization with similar views, Answers in Genesis —based in both the U. S. and the United Kingdom—has opened the Creation Museum in Petersburg, Kentucky, to promote young Earth creationism. Creation Ministries International promotes young Earth views in Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, the US, the UK. Among Roman Catholics, the Kolbe Center for the Study of Creation promotes similar ideas. In 2007, Ken Ham founded the Creation Ark Encounter in northern Kentucky. Old Earth creationism holds that the physical universe was created by God, but that the creation event described in the Book of Genesis is to be taken figuratively; this group believes that the age of the universe and the age of the Earth are as described by astronomers and geologists, but that details of modern evolutionary theory are questionable. Old Earth creationism itself comes in at least three types: Gap creationism called "restoration creationism," holds that life was created on a pre-existing old Earth; this version of creationism relies on a particular interpretation of Genesis 1:1–2.
It is considered that the words formless and void in fact denote waste and ruin, taking into account the original Hebrew and other places these words are used in the Old Testament. Genesis 1:1–2 is translated: "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth." "And the earth was without form, void. And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters."Thus, the six days of creation start sometime after the Earth was "without form and void." This allows an indefinite "gap" of time to be inserted after the original creation of the universe, but prior to the creation according to Genesis. Gap theorists can therefore agree with the scientific consensus regarding the age of the Earth and universe, while maintaining a literal interpretation of the biblical text; some gap creationists expand the basic version of creationism by proposing a "primordial creation" of biological life within the "gap" of time. This is thought to be "the world that was" mentioned in 2 Peter 3:3–7. Discoveries of fossils and archaeological ruins older than 10,000 years are ascribed to this "
William J. Brennan Jr.
William Joseph Brennan Jr. was an American judge who served as an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court from 1956 to 1990. As the seventh longest-serving justice in Supreme Court history, he was known for being a leader of the Court's liberal wing. Born in Newark, New Jersey, Brennan graduated from Harvard Law School in 1931, he entered private practice in New Jersey and served in the United States Army during World War II. He was appointed in 1951 to the Supreme Court of New Jersey. Shortly before the 1956 presidential election, President Dwight D. Eisenhower used a recess appointment to place Brennan on the Supreme Court. Brennan won Senate confirmation the following year, he remained on the Court until his retirement in 1990, was succeeded by David Souter. On the Supreme Court, Brennan was known for his outspoken progressive views, including opposition to the death penalty and support for abortion rights, he authored several landmark case opinions, including Baker v. Carr, establishing that the apportionment of legislative districts is a justiciable issue, New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, which required "actual malice" in libel suits brought by public officials.
Due to his ability to shape a variety of wide opinions and "bargain" for votes in many cases, he was considered to be among the Court's most influential members. Justice Antonin Scalia called Brennan "probably the most influential Justice of the century." Brennan was born in the second of eight children. His parents and Agnes Brennan, were Irish immigrants, they met in the United States, although both were from County Roscommon in Ireland. His father had little education. However, he rose to a position of leadership, serving as the Commissioner of Public Safety for the city of Newark from 1927 to 1930. Brennan attended public schools in Newark, graduated from Barringer High School in 1924, he attended the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, where he graduated cum laude with a degree in economics in 1928. While there, he joined Delta Tau Delta Fraternity. Brennan graduated from Harvard Law School near the top of his class in 1931 and was a member of the Harvard Legal Aid Bureau; when he was 21, Brennan married Marjorie Leonard.
They had three children: William III, Hugh. After graduating from Harvard Law School, Brennan entered private practice in his home state of New Jersey, where he practiced labor law at the firm of Pitney Hardin. During World War II, Brennan commissioned in the Army as a major in March 1942, left as a colonel in 1945, he did legal work for the ordnance division. In 1949, Brennan was appointed to the Superior Court by Governor of New Jersey Alfred E. Driscoll. In 1951, Driscoll appointed him to the Supreme Court of New Jersey. Brennan was named to the U. S. Supreme Court through a recess appointment by Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1956, shortly before the 1956 presidential election. Presidential advisers thought the appointment of a Roman Catholic Democrat from the Northeast would woo critical voters in the upcoming re-election campaign for Eisenhower, a Republican. Brennan gained the attention of Herbert Brownell, United States Attorney General and Eisenhower's chief legal affairs adviser, when Brennan had to give a speech at a conference.
To Brownell, Brennan's speech seemed to suggest a marked conservatism on criminal matters. His nomination faced a small amount of controversy from two angles; the National Liberal League opposed the nomination of a Catholic, thinking he would rely on his religious beliefs rather than the Constitution when ruling, Senator Joseph McCarthy had read transcripts of Brennan's speech where he decried overzealous anti-Communist investigations as "witch-hunts." After a confirmation hearing in 1957 in which Brennan defended himself against McCarthy's attacks and proclaimed that he would rule on the basis of the Constitution and not on Church law, he was confirmed by a near-unanimous vote, with only Senator McCarthy voting against him. Other factors playing into Brennan's appointment were his status as a state court judge – no state judge had been appointed to the High Court since Benjamin N. Cardozo in 1932 – and Eisenhower's desire to appear bipartisan after his appointments of two Republicans: Earl Warren and John Marshall Harlan II.
Brennan filled the seat vacated by Justice Sherman Minton. He held the post until his retirement on July 1990, for health reasons. Brennan taught at Georgetown University Law Center until 1994. With 1,360 opinions, he is second only to William O. Douglas in number of opinions written while a Supreme Court justice. An outspoken liberal throughout his career, he played a leading role in the Warren Court's expansion of individual rights. Brennan played a behind-the-scenes role during the Warren Court, coaxing more conservative colleagues to join the Court's decisions. Brennan's opinions with respect to voting, criminal proceedings, the free speech and establishment clauses of the First Amendment, civil rights were some of the most important opinions of the Warren Era. Brennan's role in expanding free speech rights under the First Amendment is notable, as he wrote the Court's opinion in 1964's New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, which created constitutional restrictions on the law of libel, it was Brennan who coined the phrase "chilling effect", in 1965's Dombrowski v. Pfister
Hugo Lafayette Black was an American politician and jurist who served in the United States Senate from 1927 to 1937, as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States from 1937 to 1971. A member of the Democratic Party and a devoted New Dealer, Black endorsed Franklin D. Roosevelt in both the 1932 and 1936 presidential elections. Having gained a reputation in the Senate as a reformer, Black was nominated to the Supreme Court by President Roosevelt and confirmed by the Senate by a vote of 63 to 16, he was the first of nine Roosevelt nominees to the Court, he outlasted all except for William O. Douglas; the fifth longest-serving justice in Supreme Court history, Black was one of the most influential Supreme Court justices in the 20th century. He is noted for his advocacy of a textualist reading of the United States Constitution and of the position that the liberties guaranteed in the Bill of Rights were imposed on the states by the Fourteenth Amendment. During his political career, Black was regarded as a staunch supporter of liberal policies and civil liberties.
However, Black wrote the majority opinion in Korematsu v. United States, during World War II, which upheld the Japanese-American internment that had taken place. Black consistently opposed the doctrine of substantive due process and believed that there was no basis in the words of the Constitution for a right to privacy, voting against finding one in Griswold v. Connecticut. Before he became a senator, Black espoused anti-Catholic views and was a member of the Ku Klux Klan in Alabama, but he resigned in 1925. Years he said: "Before becoming a Senator I dropped the Klan. I have had nothing to do with it since that time. I abandoned it. I discontinued any association with the organization." Hugo LaFayette Black was the youngest of the eight children of William Lafayette Black and Martha Black. He was born on February 27, 1886, in a small wooden farmhouse in Ashland, Alabama, a poor, isolated rural Clay County town in the Appalachian foothills; because his brother Orlando had become a medical doctor, Hugo decided at first to follow in his footsteps.
At age seventeen, he enrolled at Birmingham Medical School. But Orlando suggested. After graduating in June 1906, he established a legal practice, his practice was not successful there, so Black moved to the growing city of Birmingham in 1907, where he specialized in labor law and personal injury cases. Consequent to his defense of an African American, forced into a form of commercial slavery after incarceration, Black was befriended by A. O. Lane, a judge connected with the case; when Lane was elected to the Birmingham City Commission in 1911, he asked Black to serve as a police court judge – his only judicial experience prior to the Supreme Court. In 1912, Black resigned that seat, he was not done with public service. Three years during World War I, Black resigned in order to join the United States Army reaching the rank of captain, he was not assigned to Europe. He joined the Birmingham Civitan Club during this time serving as president of the group, he remained an active member throughout his life contributing articles to Civitan publications.
On February 23, 1921, he married Josephine Foster, with whom he had three children: Hugo L. Black, II, an attorney. Josephine died in 1951. In 1926, Black sought election to the United States Senate from Alabama, following the retirement of Senator Oscar Underwood. Since the Democratic Party had dominated Alabama politics since disenfranchising most blacks at the turn of the century, Black defeated his Republican opponent, E. H. Dryer, winning 80.9% of the white vote. He was reelected in 1932. Senator Black gained a reputation as a tenacious investigator. In 1934, he chaired the committee that looked into the contracts awarded to air mail carriers under Postmaster General Walter Folger Brown, an inquiry which led to the Air Mail scandal. In order to correct what he termed abuses of "fraud and collusion" resulting from the Air Mail Act of 1930, he introduced the Black-McKellar Bill the Air Mail Act of 1934; the following year he participated in a Senate committee's investigation of lobbying practices.
He publicly denounced the "highpowered, telegram-fixing, Washington-visiting" lobbyists, advocated legislation requiring them to publicly register their names and salaries. In 1935, during the Great Depression, Black became chairman of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, a position he would hold for the remainder of his Senate career. In 1937 he sponsored the Black-Connery Bill, which sought to establish a national minimum wage and a maximum workweek of thirty hours. Although the bill was rejected in the House of Representatives, an amended version of it, which extended Black's original maximum workweek proposal to forty-four hours, was passed in 1938, becoming known as the Fair Labor Standards Act. Black was an ardent supporter of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and
Supreme Court of the United States
The Supreme Court of the United States is the highest court in the federal judiciary of the United States. Established pursuant to Article III of the U. S. Constitution in 1789, it has original jurisdiction over a narrow range of cases, including suits between two or more states and those involving ambassadors, it has ultimate appellate jurisdiction over all federal court and state court cases that involve a point of federal constitutional or statutory law. The Court has the power of judicial review, the ability to invalidate a statute for violating a provision of the Constitution or an executive act for being unlawful. However, it may act only within the context of a case in an area of law over which it has jurisdiction; the court may decide cases having political overtones, but it has ruled that it does not have power to decide nonjusticiable political questions. Each year it agrees to hear about one hundred to one hundred fifty of the more than seven thousand cases that it is asked to review.
According to federal statute, the court consists of the Chief Justice of the United States and eight associate justices, all of whom are nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate. Once appointed, justices have lifetime tenure unless they resign, retire, or are removed from office; each justice has a single vote in deciding. When the chief justice is in the majority, he decides. In modern discourse, justices are categorized as having conservative, moderate, or liberal philosophies of law and of judicial interpretation. While a far greater number of cases in recent history have been decided unanimously, decisions in cases of the highest profile have come down to just one single vote, exemplifying the justices' alignment according to these categories; the Court meets in the Supreme Court Building in Washington, D. C, its law enforcement arm is the Supreme Court of the United States Police. It was while debating the division of powers between the legislative and executive departments that delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention established the parameters for the national judiciary.
Creating a "third branch" of government was a novel idea. Early on, some delegates argued that national laws could be enforced by state courts, while others, including James Madison, advocated for a national judicial authority consisting of various tribunals chosen by the national legislature, it was proposed that the judiciary should have a role in checking the executive power to veto or revise laws. In the end, the Framers compromised by sketching only a general outline of the judiciary, vesting federal judicial power in "one supreme Court, in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish", they delineated neither the exact powers and prerogatives of the Supreme Court nor the organization of the Template:Judicial branch as a whole. The 1st United States Congress provided the detailed organization of a federal judiciary through the Judiciary Act of 1789; the Supreme Court, the country's highest judicial tribunal, was to sit in the nation's Capital and would be composed of a chief justice and five associate justices.
The act divided the country into judicial districts, which were in turn organized into circuits. Justices were required to "ride circuit" and hold circuit court twice a year in their assigned judicial district. After signing the act into law, President George Washington nominated the following people to serve on the court: John Jay for chief justice and John Rutledge, William Cushing, Robert H. Harrison, James Wilson, John Blair Jr. as associate justices. All six were confirmed by the Senate on September 26, 1789. Harrison, declined to serve. In his place, Washington nominated James Iredell; the Supreme Court held its inaugural session from February 2 through February 10, 1790, at the Royal Exchange in New York City the U. S. capital. A second session was held there in August 1790; the earliest sessions of the court were devoted to organizational proceedings, as the first cases did not reach it until 1791. When the national capital moved to Philadelphia in 1790, the Supreme Court did so as well.
After meeting at Independence Hall, the Court established its chambers at City Hall. Under Chief Justices Jay and Ellsworth, the Court heard few cases; as the Court had only six members, every decision that it made by a majority was made by two-thirds. However, Congress has always allowed less than the court's full membership to make decisions, starting with a quorum of four justices in 1789; the court lacked a home of its own and had little prestige, a situation not helped by the era's highest-profile case, Chisholm v. Georgia, reversed within two years by the adoption of the Eleventh Amendment; the court's power and prestige grew during the Marshall Court. Under Marshall, the court established the power of judicial review over acts of Congress, including specifying itself as the supreme expositor of the Constitution and making several important constitutional rulings that gave shape and substance to the balance of power between the federal government and states; the Marshall Court ended the practice of each justice issuin
Van Orden v. Perry
Van Orden v. Perry, 545 U. S. 677, was a United States Supreme Court case involving whether a display of the Ten Commandments on a monument given to the government at the Texas State Capitol in Austin violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. In a suit brought by Thomas Van Orden of Austin, the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit ruled in November 2003 that the displays were constitutional, on the grounds that the monument conveyed both a religious and secular message. Van Orden appealed, in October 2004 the high court agreed to hear the case at the same time as it heard McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky, a similar case challenging a display of the Ten Commandments at two county courthouses in Kentucky; the appeal of the 5th Circuit's decision was argued by Erwin Chemerinsky, a constitutional law scholar and the Alston & Bird Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law, who represented Van Orden on a pro bono basis. Texas' case was argued by Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott.
An amicus curiae was presented on behalf of the respondents by then-Solicitor General Paul Clement. The Supreme Court ruled on June 2005, by a vote of 5 to 4, that the display was constitutional; the Court chose not to employ the popular Lemon test in its analysis, reasoning that the display at issue was a "passive monument." Instead, the Court looked to "the nature of the monument and... our Nation's history." Chief Justice William Rehnquist delivered the plurality opinion of the Court. The similar case of McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky was handed down the same day with the opposite result; the "swing vote" in both cases was Breyer. The monument challenged was 6-feet high and 3-feet wide, placed in 1961, it was donated to the State of Texas by the Fraternal Order of Eagles, a civic organization, with the support of Cecil B. DeMille, who had directed the film The Ten Commandments; the State accepted the monument and selected a site for it based on the recommendation of the state agency responsible for maintaining the Capitol grounds.
The donating organization paid for its erection. Two state legislators presided over the dedication of the monument; the monument was erected behind the capitol building. The surrounding 22 acres contained 17 monuments and 21 historical markers commemorating the "people and events that compose Texan identity." The plurality opinion stated that the monument was constitutional, as it represented historical value and not purely religious value. The primary content is the text of the Ten Commandments. An eagle grasping the American flag, an eye inside of a pyramid, two small tablets with what appears to be an ancient script are carved above the text of the Ten Commandments. Below the text are two Stars of David and the superimposed Greek letters Chi and Rho, which represent Christ; the bottom of the monument bears the inscription "PRESENTED TO THE PEOPLE AND YOUTH OF TEXAS BY THE FRATERNAL ORDER OF EAGLES OF TEXAS 1961." Below the above matter, the title "the Ten Commandments", the monument's text reads in full: Thomas Van Orden challenged the constitutionality of the monument.
A native Texan, Van Orden passed by the monument when he would go to the Texas Supreme Court building to use its law library. Breyer's concurrence in this case is made all the more interesting because on the surface it appears that he voted quite differently in McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky, a case, heard and decided at the same time and seems, to the casual observer identical. However, in Van Orden v. Perry, Breyer submitted an opinion separate from that of the Court, while in McCreary he did not; as a result, the Van Orden case was decided by a plurality, not a majority as the other. In opening his discussion of reasoning Breyer states: The case, it concerns a large granite monument bearing the text of the Ten Commandments located on the grounds of the Texas State Capitol. On the one hand, the Commandments' text undeniably has a religious message, indeed emphasizing, the Deity. On the other hand, focusing on the text of the Commandments alone cannot conclusively resolve this case. Rather, to determine the message that the text here conveys, we must examine.
And that inquiry requires us to consider the context of the display. He goes on to list points which are stated to be insufficient individually, but together seem to provide a reasonable basis for "secular purpose": The monument's 40-year history on the Texas state grounds indicates that nonreligious aspects of the tablets' message predominate; the group that donated the monument, the Fraternal Order of Eagles, is a private civic organization. Who, while interested in the religious aspect of the Ten Commandments, sought to highlight the Commandments' role in shaping civic morality as part of that organization's efforts to combat juvenile delinquency; the Eagles' consulted with a committee composed of members of several faiths in order to find a nonsectarian text — an act which underscores the group's ethics-based motives. The tablets, as displayed on the monument, prominently acknowledge that the Eagles donated the display; the physical setting of the monument suggests nothing of the sacred.
The monument sits in a large park containing 17 monuments and 21 historical markers, all designed to illustrate the "ideals" of those who settled in Texas and of those who have lived there since that time. The setting does not lend itself to meditation or any other religious activity; the setting does provide a context of history an
Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution
The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was adopted on July 9, 1868, as one of the Reconstruction Amendments. Arguably one of the most consequential amendments to this day, the amendment addresses citizenship rights and equal protection of the laws and was proposed in response to issues related to former slaves following the American Civil War; the amendment was bitterly contested by the states of the defeated Confederacy, which were forced to ratify it in order to regain representation in Congress. The amendment its first section, is one of the most litigated parts of the Constitution, forming the basis for landmark decisions such as Brown v. Board of Education regarding racial segregation, Roe v. Wade regarding abortion, Bush v. Gore regarding the 2000 presidential election, Obergefell v. Hodges regarding same-sex marriage; the amendment limits the actions of all state and local officials, including those acting on behalf of such an official. The amendment's first section includes several clauses: the Citizenship Clause, Privileges or Immunities Clause, Due Process Clause, Equal Protection Clause.
The Citizenship Clause provides a broad definition of citizenship, nullifying the Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford, which had held that Americans descended from African slaves could not be citizens of the United States. Since the Slaughter-House Cases, the Privileges or Immunities Clause has been interpreted to do little; the Due Process Clause prohibits state and local governments from depriving persons of life, liberty, or property without a fair procedure. The Supreme Court has ruled this clause makes most of the Bill of Rights as applicable to the states as it is to the federal government, as well as to recognize substantive and procedural requirements that state laws must satisfy; the Equal Protection Clause requires each state to provide equal protection under the law to all people, including all non-citizens, within its jurisdiction. This clause has been the basis for many decisions rejecting irrational or unnecessary discrimination against people belonging to various groups.
The second and fourth sections of the amendment are litigated. However, the second section's reference to "rebellion, or other crime" has been invoked as a constitutional ground for felony disenfranchisement; the fourth section was held, in Perry v. United States, to prohibit a current Congress from abrogating a contract of debt incurred by a prior Congress; the fifth section gives Congress the power to enforce the amendment's provisions by "appropriate legislation". Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States. Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed, but when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.
Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, having taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof, but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Section 4; the validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave.
Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. In the final years of the American Civil War and the Reconstruction Era that followed, Congress debated the rights of black former slaves freed by the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation and the 1865 Thirteenth Amendment, the latter of which had formally abolished slavery. Following the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment by Congress, Republicans grew concerned over the increase it would create in the congressional representation of the Democratic-dominated Southern States; because the full population of fre