The Berliner Zeitung is a daily newspaper based in Berlin, Germany. It was founded in continued publication after reunification. Berliner Zeitung was first published on 21 May 1945 in East Berlin; the paper, a center-left daily, is published by Berliner Verlag. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the paper was bought by Gruner + Jahr and the British publisher Robert Maxwell. Gruner + Jahr became sole owners and relaunched it in 1997 with a new design. A stated goal was to turn the Berliner Zeitung into "Germany's Washington Post"; the daily says its journalists come "from east and west", it styles itself as a "young and dynamic" paper for the whole of Germany. It is the only East German paper to achieve national prominence since reunification. In 2003, the Berliner was Berlin's largest subscription newspaper—the weekend edition sells 207,800 copies, with a readership of 468,000; the current editor-in-chief is Brigitte Fehrle. Gruner + Jahr decided to leave the newspaper business and sold the Berliner Zeitung in 2002 to the publishing group Georg von Holtzbrinck.
This sale was forbidden by the German authorities since Holtzbrinck owned another major Berlin newspaper, Der Tagesspiegel. The Berliner Zeitung was sold in the fall of 2005 for an estimated 150–180 million euros to the British company Mecom Group and the American company Veronis Suhler Stevenson; the employees criticized this sale vehemently, fearing that journalistic quality could suffer as a result of excessive profit expectations by Mecom boss David Montgomery. The Berliner Zeitung is the first German newspaper to fall under the control of foreign investors. Andrew Marr, former editor of The Independent, which like the Berliner Zeitung was taken over by David Montgomery, said of the Berliner Zeitung that "nyone, working at The Independent in the mid to late Nineties will find all this wearisomely familiar. David's obsession at that time was removing as much traditional reporting as possible from the paper and turning it into a tabloid-style scandal sheet for yuppies."On 23 March 2009, it was announced that the Berliner Verlag would be sold by Mecom to the publisher M. DuMont Schauberg in Cologne.
The price is about 152 million Euro. Mecom was forced to sell its publishing interests in Germany as well as Norway because of heavy debts. May – July 1945: Alexander Kirsanow July 1945 – 1949: Rudolf Herrnstadt 1962–1965: Joachim Herrmann 1972–1989: Dieter Kerschek 1989–1996: Hans Eggert 1996–1998: Michael Maier 1999–2001: Martin E. Süskind 2002–2006: Uwe Vorkötter 2006–2009: Josef Depenbrock 2009–2012: Uwe Vorkötter 2012–present: Brigitte Fehrle Brook, Stephen. "Montgomery concludes German publisher deal". The Guardian. Retrieved 19 August 2008. Elkins, Ruth. "David Montgomery: They never saw him coming". The Independent. Retrieved 19 August 2008. Official website Berliner Zeitung online Open access archive of Berliner Zeitung / Berlin edition 21 May 1945 – 31 December 1990 in the portal DDR-Presse of the Zeitungsinformationssystem of the Berlin State Library.
Cabinet of Germany
The Cabinet of Germany is the chief executive body of the Federal Republic of Germany. It consists of the cabinet ministers; the fundamentals of the cabinet's organization as well as the method of its election and appointment as well as the procedure for its dismissal are set down in articles 62 through 69 of the Grundgesetz. In contrast to the system under the Weimar Republic, the Bundestag may only dismiss the Chancellor with constructive vote of no-confidence and can thereby only choose to dismiss the Chancellor with his or her entire cabinet and not individual ministers; these procedures and mechanisms were put in place by the authors of the Basic Law to both prevent another dictatorship and to ensure that there will not be a political vacuum left by the removal of Chancellor through a vote of confidence and the failure to elect a new one in his or her place, as had happened during the Weimar period with the Reichstag removing Chancellors but failing to agree on the election of a new one.
If the Chancellor loses a simple confidence motion, this does not force him or her out of office, but allows the Chancellor, if he wishes to do so, to ask the President of Germany for the dissolution of the Bundestag, triggering a snap election within 60 days, or to ask the President to declare a legislative state of emergency, which allows the cabinet to use a simplified legislative procedure, in which bills proposed by the cabinet only need the consent of the Bundesrat. The President is however not bound to follow the Chancellor's request in both cases. Members of the cabinet are member of the Bundestag; the Chancellor is elected by the federal parliament on proposal of the President of Germany with a majority of all members of the Bundestag. However, the Bundestag is free to disregard the President's proposal, in which case the parliament may within 14 days elect another individual, which the parties in the Bundestag can now propose themselves, to the post with the same so called Chancellor-majority, whom the President is obliged to appoint.
If the Bundestag fails to do so, a last ballot will be held on the 15th day: If an individual is elected with the Chancellor-majority, the President must appoint him or her as Chancellor. If not, the President is free to either appoint the individual, who received a plurality of votes on this last ballot, as Chancellor or to dissolve the Bundestag. Following his or her election in the Bundestag, the Chancellor-elect will visit Bellevue Palace, the residence of the President, to receive a certificate of appointment. After this short appointent-ceremony, the Chancellor returns to the Bundestag, in order to take the oath of office. Having taken the oath, the Chancellor will once again visit Bellevue Palace, this time joined by the individuals, he or she intends to propose as members of his or her cabinet; the President will appoint the new cabinet members, again handing over certificates of appointment. After the ministers are appointed, they return to the Bundestag and take their oaths of office, completing the appointment-process.
The Chancellor is Germany's chief executive leader. Therefore, the whole cabinet's tenure is linked to the Chancellor's tenure: The Chancellor's term automatically ends, if a newly elected Bundestag sits for the first time, or if he or she is replaced by a constructive vote of no confidence, resigns or dies. Apart from the case of a constructive vote of no confidence, which by nature invests a new Chancellor, the Chancellor and his or her ministers stay in office as an acting cabinet on the President's request, until the Bundestag has elected a new Chancellor. An acting cabinet and its members have the same powers as an ordinary cabinet, but the Chancellor may not ask the Bundestag for a motion of confidence or ask the President for the appointment of new ministers. If an acting minister leaves the cabinet, another member of government has to take over his or her department; the Chancellor is responsible for deciding its political direction. According to the principle of departmentalization, the cabinet ministers are free to carry out their duties independently within the boundaries set by the Chancellor's political directives.
The Chancellor may at any time ask the President to appoint a new minister. The Chancellor decides the scope of each minister's duties and can at his own discretion nominate ministers heading a department and so called ministers for special affairs without an own department, he can lead a departmend himself, if he decides so. The Chancellors freedom to shape his cabinet is only limited by some constitutional provisions: The Chancellor has to appoint a Minister of Defence, a Minister of Economic Affairs and a Minister of Justice and is implicitly forbidden to head one of these departments himself, as the constitution invests these ministers with some special powers: The Minister of Defence is commander-in-chief during peacetime, the Minister of Economic Affairs may veto decisions by the Federal Cartel Office and the Minister of Justice appoints and dismisses the Public Prosecutor General. If two ministers disagree on a particular point, the cabinet resolves the conflict by a ma
"Aryan" is a term, used as a self-designation by Indo-Iranian people. The word was used by the Indic people of the Vedic period in India as an ethnic label for themselves and to refer to the noble class as well as the geographic region known as Āryāvarta, where Indo-Aryan culture is based; the related Iranian people used the term as an ethnic label for themselves in the Avesta scriptures, the word forms the etymological source of the country name Iran. It was believed in the 19th century that Aryan was a self-designation used by all Proto-Indo-Europeans, a theory that has now been abandoned. Scholars point out that in ancient times, the idea of being an "Aryan" was religious and linguistic, not racial. Drawing on misinterpreted references in the Rig Veda by Western scholars in the 19th century, the term "Aryan" was adopted as a racial category through the works of Arthur de Gobineau, whose ideology of race was based on an idea of blonde northern European "Aryans" who had migrated across the world and founded all major civilizations, before being diluted through racial mixing with local populations.
Through the works of Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Gobineau's ideas influenced the Nazi racial ideology which saw "Aryan peoples" as innately superior to other putative racial groups. The atrocities committed in the name of this racial ideology have led academics to avoid the term "Aryan", replaced, in most cases, by "Indo-Iranian"; the English word "Aryan" was borrowed from the Sanskrit word ārya, आर्य, in the 18th century and thought to be the self-designation used by all Indo-European people. Philologist J. P. Mallory argues that "As an ethnic designation, the word is most properly limited to the Indo-Iranians, most justly to the latter where it still gives its name to the country Iran. In early Vedic literature, the term Āryāvarta was the name given to northern India, where the Indo-Aryan culture was based; the Manusmṛti gives the name Āryāvarta to "the tract between the Himalaya and the Vindhya ranges, from the Eastern to the Western Sea". The term was used as a national name to designate those who worshipped the Vedic deities and followed Vedic culture.
The Sanskrit term comes from proto-Indo-Iranian *arya- or *aryo-, the name used by the Indo-Iranians to designate themselves. The Zend airya'venerable' and Old Persian ariya are derivates of *aryo-, are self-designations. In Iranian languages, the original self-identifier lives on in ethnic names like "Alans" and "Iron"; the name of Iran is the Persian word for land/place of the Aryans. The Proto-Indo-Iranian term is hypothesized to have proto-Indo-European origins, while according to Szemerényi it is a Near-Eastern loanword from the Ugaritic ary, kinsmen, it has been postulated the Proto-Indo-European root word is *haerós with the meanings "members of one's own group, freeman" as well as the Indo-Iranian meaning of Aryan. Derived from it were words like the Hittite prefix arā- meaning member of one's own group, peer and friend; the word *haerós itself is believed to have come from the root *haer- meaning "put together". The original meaning in Proto-Indo-European had a clear emphasis on the "in-group status" as distinguished from that of outsiders those captured and incorporated into the group as slaves.
While in Anatolia, the base word has come to emphasize personal relationship, in Indo-Iranian the word has taken a more ethnic meaning. A review of numerous other ideas, the various problems with each is given by Oswald Szemerényi. Proto-Indo-Europeans: during the 19th century, it was proposed that "Aryan" was the self-designation of the Proto-Indo-Europeans, a hypothesis, abandoned. "Aryan language family": the Indo-Aryan languages, Iranian languages and Nuristani languages, Indo-Aryan languages also called Indic. The term "Aryan" is used by Iranian nationalists to refer themselves. During the 19th century it was proposed that "Aryan" was the self-designation of the Proto-Indo-Europeans. Based on speculations that the Proto-Indo-European homeland was located in northern Europe, a 19th-century hypothesis, now abandoned, the word developed a racialist meaning; the Nazis used the word "Aryan" to describe people in a racial sense. The Nazi official Alfred Rosenberg believed that the Nordic race was descended from Proto-Aryans, who he believed had prehistorically dwelt on the North German Plain and who had originated from the lost continent of Atlantis.
According to Nazi racial theory, the term "Aryan" described the Germanic peoples. However, a satisfactory definition of "Aryan" remained problematic during Nazi Germany; the Nazis considered the purest Aryans to be those that belonged to the "Nordic race" physical ideal, known as the "master race" during Nazi Germany. Although the physical ideal of the Nazi racial theorists was the tall, fair-haired and light-eyed Nordic individual, such theorists accepted the fact that a considerable variety of hair and eye colour existed within the racial categories they recognised. For example, Adolf Hitler and many Nazi officials had dark hair and were still considered members of the Aryan race under Nazi racial doctrine, because the deter
Erhard Eppler is a German Social Democratic politician and founder of the GTZ. Born in Ulm on 9 December 1926, Eppler grew up in Schwäbisch Hall where his father was the headmaster of the local grammar school. From 1943 to 1945 he served as a soldier in an anti-aircraft unit, he passed his A-level exams in 1946 and studied English and history at Frankfurt and Tuebingen universities in order to be a teacher. In 1951 he did a PhD with a thesis on Elizabethan tragedy, after completing his teacher training, he worked as a grammar school teacher in Schwenningen on the Neckar from 1953 until 1961. Eppler became a member of the NSDAP in September 1943, at the age of 16, he spoke of this step as a "stupidity", but he says, "It wasn't against my will that I ended up on some list", "but I accepted it. Things were like that in those times."While he was studying in Berne at the end of the 1940s, Eppler got to know Gustav Heinemann, one of the founders of the Christian Democratic Union. Heinemann became Minister of the Interior from 1949 to 1950, but left the cabinet and also the CDU together with several other party members who disagreed with Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's policy of complete integration into the Western world.
Eppler joined Heinemann's new party, the All-German People's Party, in 1952, but like most members of the GVP, including Heinemann, he changed over to the Social Democratic Party of Germany in 1956 after the GVP only attracted small numbers of voters in elections. The fact that active members of the Protestant Church like Eppler and Heinemann joined the SPD helped that party to overcome the prejudice that it was an "atheist" party, that Christian values were only represented in the CDU. During most years between 1970 and 1991 Eppler belonged to the SPD's National Executive Committee, he chaired an SPD commission on tax reform, a commission for formulating the party's basic values. From 1973 to 1981 Eppler was the leader of the regional SPD in Baden-Württemberg, he was the SPD's candidate for the office of Prime Minister in that state, but his party was defeated by the CDU in the Baden-Wuerttemberg elections of 1976 and 1980. Eppler was an MP in the parliament of the Federal Republic of Germany, the Bundestag, from 1961 to 1976.
Between 1972 and 1976 he represented the constituency of Heilbronn there. From 1976 he represented the constituency of Rottweil in the Landtag of Baden-Württemberg, the parliament of one of the states of which the Federal Republic consists; until 1980 he was leader of the parliamentary SPD in the Landtag. On 30 June 1982, he resigned as an MP, after his election defeats of 1976 and 1980. On 16 October 1968, Eppler was appointed minister for economic cooperation in the "Grand Coalition" government of Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger and Foreign Minister Willy Brandt, he continued in that office when Willy Brandt became Chancellor in 1969, but after his department was subject to severe cuts under the following Chancellor, Helmut Schmidt, in 1974, he stepped down in protest. In his book "Not much time for the Third World", Eppler was one of the first to point out the connections between the protection of the environment and international development. Eppler has always been considered to be an exponent of the left within the SPD.
During Gerhard Schröder's second term as Chancellor, however, he supported the government's economic and social reforms, which were criticized as Neo-liberal. Moreover, although he had been close to the Peace movement of the nineteen-eighties, he supported the foreign policy of the Schröder government and approved of German participation in the military interventions in Kosovo in 1999 and in Afghanistan since 2001, but in spite of his general loyalty to his party's leadership, he was unhappy with much of its economic policy when in government. After his retreat from federal politics, Eppler involved himself more in his work in the Protestant Church. From 1981 to 1983 and from 1989 to 1991 he was president of the Deutscher Evangelischer Kirchentag, he is a member of the "Wacholderhof Association", which promotes international cooperation, fair trade, environmental sustainability, of the "Association of Protestant Academics in Germany". Eppler's numerous publications show his social involvement, too.
They deal with a wide range of subjects which concern the political situation in Germany, the economy, but general questions of developments in politics and society. In 2006, one of his books on the role of the state was honoured with the prize Das politische Buch 2006 by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. Die tödliche Utopie der Sicherheit. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1983, ISBN 3-498-01631-8. Plattform für eine neue Mehrheit. Ein Kommentar zum Berliner Programm der SPD. Dietz, Bonn 1990, ISBN 3-8012-0158-9. Kavalleriepferde beim Hornsignal. Die Krise der Politik im Spiegel der Sprache. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 1992, ISBN 3-518-11788-2. Privatisierung der politischen Moral?. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 2000, ISBN 3-518-12185-5. Komplettes Stückwerk. Erfahrungen aus fünfzig Jahren Politik. Insel-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main u. a. 1996, ISBN 3-458-16770-6. Eine Partei für das zweite Jahrzehnt: die SPD? Vorwärts-Buch, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-86602-175-4. Reden wir über Geld. Interview In: Süddeutsche Zeitung.
Vom 24. April 2009. Der Politik aufs Maul geschaut. Kleines Wörterbuch zum öffentlichen Sprachgebrauch. Dietz, Bonn 2009, ISBN 978-3-8012-0397-9. Eine solidarische Leistungsgesellschaft. Epochenwechsel nach der Blamage der Marktliberalen. Dietz
Rundfunk im amerikanischen Sektor
RIAS was a radio and television station in the American Sector of Berlin during the Cold War. It was founded by the US occupational authorities after World War II in 1946 to provide the German population in and around Berlin with news and political reporting. By the end of 1945 the US military administration in Allied-occupied Berlin decided to establish its own broadcasting system, after the Soviets had refused to provide air time on the Berliner Rundfunk radio station. Supervised by the US Information Control Division, broadcasting commenced on 7 February 1946. For the first months the programme could be distributed via telephone line only, until a first medium wave transmitter was installed in September. By its creative and innovative programming, the station gained much popularity, its importance was magnified during the Berlin Blockade in 1948/49, when it carried the message of Allied determination to resist Soviet intimidation. At the same time, the RIAS Symphony Orchestra under chief conductor Ferenc Fricsay and a professional chamber choir, the Rundfunkchor des RIAS were established by the US forces.
After the Berlin blockade, RIAS evolved into a surrogate home service for East Germans, as it broadcast news and cultural programs that were unavailable in the controlled media of the German Democratic Republic. By own account "a free voice of the free world", the station aired the chime of the Freedom Bell each Sunday at noon, followed by an excerpt from the text of the "Declaration of Freedom". Listening to it in Soviet-controlled East Germany was discouraged. After the workers' riots in East Germany in 1953, which were the end result of the government's raising of food prices and factory production quotas, the Communist government blamed the incident on RIAS and the CIA. RIAS was jointly funded and managed by the United States and West Germany. Under the supervision of the United States Information Agency from 1965, the station was staffed entirely with German employees, who worked under a small American management team, it maintained a large research component during the Cold War, interviewed travellers from East Germany and compiled material from the East German Communist media, broadcast programs for specific groups in East Germany, such as youths, farmers border guards.
RIAS was the most popular foreign radio service. This audience began to shrink only when West German television became available to viewers in East Germany. A second radio programme called RIAS 2, was launched in 1953, it was remodelled as a youth radio station from 1985. RIAS-TV, began broadcasting from West Berlin in August 1988. Prior to this there were no Western television broadcasts targeted at East Germany although many of the domestic West German TV networks had high power transmitters along the border and could be received throughout most of East where many of their programmes attracted a larger audience than the official East German domestic broadcasters; the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and German reunification the following year meant that RIAS-TV would be short lived. In 1992 Deutsche Welle inherited the RIAS-TV broadcast facilities, using them to start a German and Spanish language television channel broadcast via satellite; the station's most important transmitter was at Berlin-Britz.
A second transmitter at Hof in Bavaria was added to improve reception in the southern parts of East Germany, switched on at sunset to cover Germany with sky wave. The Hof facility was closed and carted off to Mühlacker in 1994, though the Berlin-Britz facility remained in service until 2013, transmitting the programmes of Deutschlandradio Kultur. Radio Free Europe Voice of America Broadcasting in East Germany Deutscher Fernsehfunk, the East German television organisation known as Fernsehen der DDR Rundfunk der DDR, the East German radio organisation
Berlin is the capital and largest city of Germany by both area and population. Its 3,748,148 inhabitants make it the second most populous city proper of the European Union after London; the city is one of Germany's 16 federal states. It is surrounded by the state of Brandenburg, contiguous with its capital, Potsdam; the two cities are at the center of the Berlin-Brandenburg capital region, which is, with about six million inhabitants and an area of more than 30,000 km², Germany's third-largest metropolitan region after the Rhine-Ruhr and Rhine-Main regions. Berlin straddles the banks of the River Spree, which flows into the River Havel in the western borough of Spandau. Among the city's main topographical features are the many lakes in the western and southeastern boroughs formed by the Spree and Dahme rivers. Due to its location in the European Plain, Berlin is influenced by a temperate seasonal climate. About one-third of the city's area is composed of forests, gardens, rivers and lakes; the city lies in the Central German dialect area, the Berlin dialect being a variant of the Lusatian-New Marchian dialects.
First documented in the 13th century and situated at the crossing of two important historic trade routes, Berlin became the capital of the Margraviate of Brandenburg, the Kingdom of Prussia, the German Empire, the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich. Berlin in the 1920s was the third largest municipality in the world. After World War II and its subsequent occupation by the victorious countries, the city was divided. East Berlin was declared capital of East Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, Berlin once again became the capital of all of Germany. Berlin is a world city of culture, politics and science, its economy is based on high-tech firms and the service sector, encompassing a diverse range of creative industries, research facilities, media corporations and convention venues. Berlin serves as a continental hub for air and rail traffic and has a complex public transportation network; the metropolis is a popular tourist destination. Significant industries include IT, biomedical engineering, clean tech, biotechnology and electronics.
Berlin is home to world-renowned universities, orchestras and entertainment venues, is host to many sporting events. Its Zoological Garden is one of the most popular worldwide. With the world's oldest large-scale movie studio complex, Berlin is an popular location for international film productions; the city is well known for its festivals, diverse architecture, contemporary arts and a high quality of living. Since the 2000s Berlin has seen the emergence of a cosmopolitan entrepreneurial scene. Berlin lies in northeastern Germany, east of the River Saale, that once constituted, together with the River Elbe, the eastern border of the Frankish Realm. While the Frankish Realm was inhabited by Germanic tribes like the Franks and the Saxons, the regions east of the border rivers were inhabited by Slavic tribes; this is why most of the villages in northeastern Germany bear Slavic-derived names. Typical Germanised place name suffixes of Slavic origin are -ow, -itz, -vitz, -witz, -itzsch and -in, prefixes are Windisch and Wendisch.
The name Berlin has its roots in the language of West Slavic inhabitants of the area of today's Berlin, may be related to the Old Polabian stem berl-/birl-. Since the Ber- at the beginning sounds like the German word Bär, a bear appears in the coat of arms of the city, it is therefore a canting arm. Of Berlin's twelve boroughs, five bear a Slavic-derived name: Pankow, Steglitz-Zehlendorf, Marzahn-Hellersdorf, Treptow-Köpenick and Spandau. Of its ninety-six neighborhoods, twenty-two bear a Slavic-derived name: Altglienicke, Alt-Treptow, Buch, Gatow, Kladow, Köpenick, Lankwitz, Lübars, Marzahn, Prenzlauer Berg, Schmöckwitz, Stadtrandsiedlung Malchow, Steglitz and Zehlendorf; the neighborhood of Moabit bears a French-derived name, Französisch Buchholz is named after the Huguenots. The earliest evidence of settlements in the area of today's Berlin are a wooden beam dated from 1192, remnants of a house foundation dated to 1174, found in excavations in Berlin Mitte; the first written records of towns in the area of present-day Berlin date from the late 12th century.
Spandau is first mentioned in 1197 and Köpenick in 1209, although these areas did not join Berlin until 1920. The central part of Berlin can be traced back to two towns. Cölln on the Fischerinsel is first mentioned in a 1237 document, Berlin, across the Spree in what is now called the Nikolaiviertel, is referenced in a document from 1244. 1237 is considered the founding date of the city. The two towns over time formed close economic and social ties, profited from the staple right on the two important trade routes Via Imperii and from Bruges to Novgorod. In 1307, they formed an alliance with a common external policy, their internal administrations still being separated. In 1415, Frederick I became the elector of the Margraviate of Brandenburg, which he ruled until 1440. During the 15th century, his successors established Berlin-Cölln as capital of the margraviate, subsequent members of the Hohenzol
Neue Ostpolitik, or Ostpolitik for short, was the normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Eastern Europe the German Democratic Republic beginning in 1969. Influenced by Egon Bahr, who proposed "change through rapprochement" in a 1963 speech at the Evangelische Akademie Tutzing, the policies were implemented beginning with Willy Brandt, fourth Chancellor of the FRG from 1969 to 1974. Ostpolitik was an effort to break with the policies of the Christian Democratic Union, the elected government of West Germany from 1949 until 1969; the Christian Democrats under Konrad Adenauer and his successors tried to combat the Communist regime of East Germany, while Brandt's Social Democrats tried to achieve a certain degree of cooperation with East Germany. The term Ostpolitik has since been applied to Pope Paul VI's efforts to engage Eastern European countries during the same period; the term Nordpolitik was coined to describe similar rapprochement policies between North and South Korea beginning in the 1980s.
Following the end of World War II in 1945, Allied-occupied Germany was split into two states: the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. Both governments claimed that they represented the entire German nation. However, the Federal Republic saw itself as the only German government with democratic legitimacy. At the end of the 1960s, the communist government of the GDR claimed that there was no longer a common German nation as the GDR had established a "socialist" nation; the Christian Democratic Union political party dominated West German governments from 1949 to 1969. These governments refused to have any contact with the GDR government due to its undemocratic character, the Hallstein Doctrine stipulated that the FRG would withdraw diplomatic contact from any country that established diplomatic relations with the GDR; the first application of the Hallstein Doctrine was in 1957, when the FRG withdrew recognition of Yugoslavia after it accepted a GDR ambassador. In the 1960s it became obvious.
When the Federal Republic established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1965, the Arab states countered by breaking off relations with the Federal Republic and establishing relations with the GDR. Before his election as Chancellor, Willy Brandt, the Social Democratic mayor of West Berlin, argued for and pursued policies that would ease tensions between the two German states in the interest of cross-border commerce, his proposed new Ostpolitik held that the Hallstein Doctrine did not help to undermine the communist regime or lighten the situation of the Germans in the GDR. Brandt believed that collaboration with the communists would foster German-German encounters and trade that would undermine the communist government over the long term. Nonetheless, he stressed that his new Ostpolitik did not neglect the close ties of the Federal Republic with Western Europe and the United States or its membership in NATO. Indeed, by the late 1960s, the unwavering stance of the Hallstein Doctrine was considered detrimental to US interests.
At the same time, other West European countries entered a period of more daring policy directed to the East. When the Brandt government became Chancellor in 1969, the same politicians now feared a more independent German Ostpolitik, a new "Rapallo". France feared; the easing of tensions with the East envisioned by Ostpolitik began with the Soviet Union, the only Eastern Bloc state with which the Federal Republic had formal diplomatic ties. In 1970 Brandt signed the Treaty of Moscow, renouncing the use of force and recognizing the current European borders; that year, Brandt signed the Treaty of Warsaw, in the process formally recognizing the People's Republic of Poland. The Treaty of Warsaw repeated the Moscow treaty, in particular reiterated the Federal Republic's recognition of the Oder–Neisse line. Treaties with other Eastern European countries followed; the most controversial agreement was the Basic Treaty of 1972 with East Germany, establishing formal relations between the two German states for the first time since partition.
The situation was complicated by the Federal Republic's longstanding claim to represent the entire German nation. The conservative CDU opposition party in the Bundestag refused the Basic Treaty because they thought that the government gave away some Federal positions too easily, they criticized flaws like the unintentional publishing of the Bahr-Papier, a paper in which Brandt's right hand Egon Bahr had agreed with Soviet diplomat Valentin Falin on essential issues. The Brandt government, a coalition of Social Democrats and Free Democrats, lost a number of MPs to the CDU opposition in protest over the Basic Treaty. In April 1972 it seemed that opposition leader Rainer Barzel had enough support to become the new Chancellor, but in the parliamentary decision he came two votes short. Emerged that the GDR had paid those two CDU deputies to vote against Barzel. New general elections in November 1972 gave the Brandt government a victory, on May