The Prince-electors of the Holy Roman Empire, or Electors for short, were the members of the electoral college that elected the Holy Roman Emperor. From the 13th century onwards, the Prince-Electors had the privilege of electing the Holy Roman Emperor who would receive the Papal coronation after assuming the titles of King in Germany and King of Italy. Charles V was the last to be a crowned Emperor. In practice, every emperor from 1440 onwards came from the Austrian House of Habsburg, the Electors ratified the Habsburg succession; the dignity of Elector carried great prestige and was considered to be second only to that of King or Emperor. The Electors had exclusive privileges that were not shared with the other princes of the Empire, they continued to hold their original titles alongside that of Elector; the heir apparent to a secular prince-elector was known as an electoral prince. The German element Kur- is based on the Middle High German irregular verb kiesen and is related etymologically to the English word choose.
In English, the "s"/"r" mix in the Germanic verb conjugation has been regularized to "s" throughout, while German retains the r in Kur-. There is a modern German verb küren which means'to choose' in a ceremonial sense. Fürst is German for'prince', but while the German language distinguishes between the head of a principality and the son of a monarch, English uses prince for both concepts. Fürst itself is related to English first and is thus the'foremost' person in his realm. Note that'prince' derives from Latin princeps, which carried the same meaning. Electors were reichsstände, they were, until the 18th century entitled to be addressed with the title Durchlaucht. In 1742, the electors became entitled to the superlative Durchläuchtigste, while other princes were promoted to Durchlaucht; as Imperial Estates, the electors enjoyed all the privileges of the other princes enjoying that status, including the right to enter into alliances, autonomy in relation to dynastic affairs and precedence over other subjects.
The Golden Bull had granted them the Privilegium de non appellando, which prevented their subjects from lodging an appeal to a higher Imperial court. However, while this privilege, some others, were automatically granted to Electors, they were not exclusive to them and many of the larger Imperial Estates were to be individually granted some or all those rights and privileges; the electors, like the other princes ruling States of the Empire, were members of the Imperial Diet, divided into three collegia: the Council of Electors, the Council of Princes, the Council of Cities. In addition to being members of the Council of Electors, several lay electors were therefore members of the Council of Princes as well by virtue of other territories they possessed. In many cases, the lay electors ruled numerous States of the Empire, therefore held several votes in the Council of Princes. In 1792, the King of Bohemia held three votes, the Elector of Bavaria six votes, the Elector of Brandenburg eight votes, the Elector of Hanover six votes.
Thus, of the hundred votes in the Council of Princes in 1792, twenty-three belonged to electors. The lay electors therefore exercised considerable influence, being members of the small Council of Electors and holding a significant number of votes in the Council of Princes; the assent of both bodies was required for important decisions affecting the structure of the Empire, such as the creation of new electorates or States of the Empire. In addition to voting by colleges or councils, the Imperial Diet voted on religious lines, as provided for by the Peace of Westphalia; the Archbishop of Mainz presided over the Catholic body, or corpus catholicorum, while the Elector of Saxony presided over the Protestant body, or corpus evangelicorum. The division into religious bodies was on the basis of the official religion of the state, not of its rulers, thus when the Electors of Saxony were Catholics during the eighteenth century, they continued to preside over the corpus evangelicorum, since the state of Saxony was Protestant.
The electors were summoned by the Archbishop of Mainz within one month of an Emperor's death, met within three months of being summoned. During the interregnum, imperial power was exercised by two imperial vicars; each vicar, in the words of the Golden Bull, was "the administrator of the empire itself, with the power of passing judgments, of presenting to ecclesiastical benefices, of collecting returns and revenues and investing with fiefs, of receiving oaths of fealty for and in the name of the holy empire". The Elector of Saxony was vicar in areas operating under Saxon law, while the Elector Palatine was vicar in the remainder of the Empire; the Elector of Bavaria replaced the Elector Palatine in 1623, but when the latter was granted a new electorate in 1648, there was a dispute between the two as to, vicar. In 1659, both purported to act as vicar; the two electors made a pact to act as joint vicars, but the Imperial Diet rejected the agreement. In 1711, while the Elector
The secret ballot known as Australian ballot, is a voting method in which a voter's choices in an election or a referendum are anonymous, forestalling attempts to influence the voter by intimidation and potential vote buying. The system is one means of achieving the goal of political privacy. Secret ballots are used in conjunction with various voting systems; the most basic form of secret ballot utilizes blank pieces of paper, upon which each voter writes his or her choice. Without revealing the votes to anyone, the voter would fold the ballot paper and place it in a sealed box, emptied for counting. An aspect of secret voting is the provision of a voting booth to enable the voter to write on the ballot paper without others being able to see what is being written. Today, printed ballot papers are provided, with the names of the candidates or questions and respective check boxes. Provisions are made at the polling place for the voters to record their preferences in secret, the ballots are designed to eliminate bias and to prevent anyone from linking voter to ballot.
A problem of privacy arises with moves to improve efficiency of voting by the introduction of postal voting and electronic voting. Some countries permit. In ancient Greece, secret ballots were used in several situations, like ostracism, to remain hidden from people seeking favors. In ancient Rome, the laws regulating elections were collectively known as Tabellariae Leges, the first of, introduced in 139 BC. Today, the practice of casting secret ballots is so commonplace that most voters would not consider that any other method might be used. Other methods, used and which are still used in some places and contexts include "oral votes" as well as open ballot systems involving the public display of votes or roll calls. Other public voting methods include raising a hand to indicate a vote, or the use of coloured marbles or cards to indicate a voting choice. Article 31 of the Constitution of the Year III of the revolution states that "All elections are to be held by secret ballot"; the same goes with the constitution of 1848: voters could hand-write the name of their preferred candidate on their ballot at home or receive one distributed on the street.
The ballot was folded in order to prevent other people from reading its contents. Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte attempted to abolish the secret ballot for the 1851 plebiscite with an electoral decree requesting electors to write down "yes" or "no" under the eyes of everyone, but he faced strong opposition and changed his mind, allowing secret ballot to take place. According to the official web site of the Assemblée nationale, the voting booth was permanently adopted only in 1913; the demand for a secret ballot was one of the six points of Chartism. The British parliament of the time refused to consider the Chartist demands, but it is notable that Lord Macaulay, in his speech of 1842, while rejecting Chartism's six points as a whole, admitted that the secret ballot was one of the two points he could support; the London School Board election of 1870 was the first large-scale election by secret ballot in Britain. After several failed attempts, the secret ballot was extended in the Ballot Act 1872 reducing the cost of campaigning and was first used on 15 August 1872 to re-elect Hugh Childers as MP for Pontefract in a ministerial by-election following his appointment as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
The original ballot box, sealed in wax with a liquorice stamp, is held at Pontefract museum. However, the use of numbered ballots makes it possible in theory if given access to the relevant documents, to identify which candidate voters voted for. Meaning voting in the UK is not physically secret only in so much as the law says the information should not be accessed. In Australia, secret balloting appears to have been first implemented in Tasmania on 7 February 1856; until the original Tasmanian Electoral Act 1856 was "re-discovered" credit for the first implementation of the secret ballot went to Victoria, where it was pioneered by the former mayor of Melbourne, William Nicholson, South Australia. Victoria enacted legislation for secret ballots on 19 March 1856, South Australian Electoral Commissioner William Boothby gets credit for creating the system enacted into law in South Australia on 2 April of that same year; the other Australian colonies followed: New South Wales and Western Australia.
New Zealand implemented secret voting in 1870. State electoral laws, including the secret ballot, applied for the first election of the Australian Parliament in 1901, the system has continued to be a feature of federal elections and referenda; the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 does not explicitly set out the secret ballot but a reading of sections 206, 207, 325, 327 of the Act would imply its assumption. Sections 323 and 226 do however, apply the principle of a secret ballot to polling staff and would support the assumption. Before 1890, partisan newspapers printed filled-out ballots which party workers distributed on election day so voters could drop them directly into the boxes. All of the states replaced these with secret ballots around 1890, popularly called "Australian ballots." They were listed all the candidates impartially. The "Australian ballot" is defined as having four parts: an official ballot bei
The election of a Holy Roman Emperor was a two-stage process whereby, from at least the 13th century, the King of the Romans was elected by a small body of the greatest princes of the Empire, the prince-electors. This was followed shortly thereafter by his coronation as Emperor, an appointment, for life; until 1530, emperors were crowned by the Pope. In 1356, the Emperor Charles IV promulgated the Golden Bull, which became the fundamental law by which all future kings and emperors were elected. Although the Holy Roman Empire is the best-known example of an elective monarchy, from 1453 to 1740, a Habsburg was always elected emperor, the throne becoming de facto hereditary. During that period, the emperor was elected from within the House of Habsburg; the Königswahl was the election of royal candidates in the Holy Roman Empire and its predecessors as king by a specified elective body. Whilst the succession to the throne of the monarch in most cultures is governed by the rules of hereditary succession, there are elective monarchies.
There were elective monarchies in several Germanic successor states after the collapse of the Roman Empire during the Migration Period, the Early Middle Ages, the Holy Roman Empire and the Kingdom of Poland from 1573 to 1795. From the 13th century, the right to elect kings in the Holy Roman Empire was granted to a limited number of imperial princes, the so called prince-electors. There are various theories over the emergence of their exclusive election right; the secular electoral seats were hereditary. However, spiritual electors were elected by the cathedral chapters as religious leaders, but ruled as monarch of a territory of imperial immediacy, thus the prince-bishoprics were elective monarchies too. The same holds true for prince-abbeys, whose prince-abbesses or prince-abbots were elected by a college of clerics and imperially appointed as princely rulers in a pertaining territory. Seven electors chose the "King of the Romans" as the Emperor's designated heir was known; the elected king went on to be crowned by the Pope.
The prince-electors were: The Prince-Archbishop of Mainz The Prince-Archbishop of Cologne The Prince-Archbishop of Trier The King of Bohemia, of the House of Luxembourg at the time of the Golden Bull, but from 1526 onward ruled by the House of Habsburg. The Bohemian crown itself was theoretically elective, but under the Habsburgs it became hereditary de facto; the Count Palatine of the Rhine, throughout the entire period a member of the House of Wittelsbach The Duke of Saxony, from 1356 a member of the House of Ascania. Additions to the electoral council were: The Duke of Bavaria; the Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg of the House of Welf. From 1714 the Duke was the King of Great Britain. Election and coronation of the king in the Holy Roman Empire List of imperial elections in the Holy Roman Empire Heinrich Mitteis: Die deutsche Königswahl. Ihre Rechtsgrundlagen bis zur Goldenen Bulle. 2. Erweiterte Auflage. Rohrer, Brünn u. a. 1944. Eduard Hlawitschka: Königswahl und Thronfolge in fränkisch-karolingischer Zeit, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, 1975, ISBN 3-534-04685-4.
Ulrich Schmidt: Königswahl und Thronfolge im 12. Jahrhundert. Böhlau, etc.. 1987, ISBN 3-412-04087-8. Gerhard Baaken, Roderich Schmidt: Königtum, Burgen und Königsfreie. Königsumritt und Huldigungen in ottonisch-salischer Zeit. 2nd edn. Thorbecke, Sigmaringen, 1981, ISBN 3-799-56606-6; the Holy Roman Empire at Heraldica.org
The Latin Church is the largest particular church of the Catholic Church, employing the Latin liturgical rites. It is one of 24 sui iuris churches, the 23 other forming the Eastern Catholic Churches, it is headed by the Bishop of Rome - the pope, traditionally called the Patriarch of the West - with headquarters in the Vatican City, enclaved within Rome, Italy. The Latin Church traces its history to the earliest days of Christianity, according to Catholic tradition, through its direct leadership under the Holy See. Substantial distinguishing theological emphases, liturgical traditions and identity can be traced back to the Latin church fathers, most the Latin Doctors of the Church, active during the first centuries A. D. including in the Early African church. After the East-West schism in 1054, in the Middle Ages its members became known as Latins in contrast with Eastern Christians. Following the Islamic conquests, the Crusades were launched in order to defend Christians in the Holy Land against persecution.
The Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem was established for their care. Other Latin dioceses were vanquished and transformed into titular sees when Christians were forced to convert, flee, or die, going on until today around the Islamic world; the Latin Church was in full communion with the Eastern Orthodox Church until the East-West schism. It was spread to Latin America in the early modern period; the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century resulted in Protestantism breaking away. Since 19th century smaller groups of Independent Catholic denominations broke away. With 1.255 billion members, it remains by far the largest particular church not only in the Catholic Church or Western Christianity, but in all Christianity. The leadership of the Latin Church has been viewed as one of the five patriarchates of the Pentarchy of early Christianity, along with the patriarchates of Constantinople, Alexandria and Jerusalem. Due to geographic and cultural considerations, the latter patriarchates developed into churches with distinct Eastern Christian traditions.
The majority of Eastern Christian churches broke full communion with the bishop of Rome and the Latin Church, following various theological and leadership disputes in the centuries following the Council of Chalcedon in 451 AD. These included notably the Nestorian Schism, Chalcedonian Schism, the East-West Schism; the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century saw an analogous schism. Until 2005, the Pope claimed the title "Patriarch of the West"; the Latin Church is notable within Western Christianity for its sacred tradition and seven sacraments. In the Catholic Church, in addition to the Latin Church directly headed by the Pope as Latin patriarch, there are 23 Eastern Catholic Churches, self-governing particular churches sui iuris with their own hierarchies; these churches trace their origins to the other four patriarchates of the ancient pentarchy, but either never broke full communion or returned to it with the Papacy at some time. These differ from each other in liturgical rite, devotional traditions, canon law, clergy, but all maintain the same faith, all see full communion with the Pope, as Bishop of Rome, as essential to being Catholic as well as part of the one true church as defined by the Four Marks of the Church in Catholic ecclesiology.
The 16 million Eastern Catholics represent a minority of Christians in communion with the Pope, compared to more than 1 billion Latin Catholics. Additionally, there are 250 million Eastern Orthodox and 86 million Oriental Orthodox around the world. Unlike the Latin Church, the Pope does not exercise a direct patriarchal role over the Eastern Catholic churches and their faithful, instead encouraging their internal hierarchies separate from that of the Latin Church, analogous to the traditions shared with the corresponding Eastern Christian churches in Eastern and Oriental Orthodoxy; the church is called the Latin Church in most available sources. In an historical context, the church is sometimes referred to as the Western Church. However, the term of "Roman Catholic Church" is sometimes used to refer to the Latin Church, for instance when used by Eastern Catholics, but can be used for the Catholic Church as a whole in some context, such as non-Catholic contexts. Yet, in the strict sense, the term Roman Catholic refers to followers of the Roman rite, the predominant of the Latin liturgical rites employed in the Latin Church, contrasting with the liturgical rites of the Eastern Catholic Churches.
The 1990 Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches defines the use within that code of the words "church" and "rite". In accordance with these definitions of usage within the code that governs the Eastern Catholic churches, the Latin Church is one such group of Christian faithful united by a hierarchy and recognized by the supreme authority of the Catholic Church as a sui iuris particular church; the Latin rite is the whole of the patrimony of that distinct particular church, by which it manifests its own manner of living the faith, including its own liturgy, its theology, its spiritual practices and traditions and its canon law. A person belongs to a particular church. A person inherits, or "is of", a particular patrimony or rite. Since the rite has liturgical, theological and disciplinary elements, a person is to worship, to be catechized, to
In governance, sortition is the selection of political officials as a random sample from a larger pool of candidates, a system intended to ensure that all competent and interested parties have an equal chance of holding public office. It minimizes factionalism, since there would be no point making promises to win over key constituencies if one was to be chosen by lot, while elections, by contrast, foster it. In ancient Athenian democracy, sortition was the traditional and primary method for appointing political officials, its use was regarded as a principal characteristic of democracy. Today, sortition is used to select prospective jurors in common law-based legal systems and is sometimes used in forming citizen groups with political advisory power. Athenian democracy developed in the 6th century BC out of what was called isonomia. Sortition was the principal way of achieving this fairness, it was utilized to pick most of the magistrates for their governing committees, for their juries. Aristotle relates equality and democracy: Democracy arose from the idea that those who are equal in any respect are equal absolutely.
All are alike free, therefore they claim that all are free absolutely... The next is when the democrats, on the grounds that they are all equal, claim equal participation in everything, it is accepted as democratic. In Athens, "democracy" was in opposition to those supporting a system of oligarchy. Athenian democracy was characterised by being run by the "many" who were allotted to the committees which ran government. Thucydides has Pericles make this point in his Funeral Oration: "It is administered by the many instead of the few; the Athenians believed sortition to be democratic but not elections and used complex procedures with purpose-built allotment machines to avoid the corrupt practices used by oligarchs to buy their way into office. According to the author Mogens Herman Hansen the citizen's court was superior to the assembly because the allotted members swore an oath which ordinary citizens in the assembly did not and therefore the court could annul the decisions of the assembly. Both Aristotle and Herodotus emphasize selection by lot as a test of democracy, "The rule of the people has the fairest name of all and does none of the things that a monarch does.
The lot determines offices, power is held accountable, deliberation is conducted in public."Past scholarship maintained that sortition had roots in the use of chance to divine the will of the gods, but this view is no longer common among scholars. In Ancient Greek mythology, Zeus and Hades used sortition to determine who ruled over which domain. Zeus got the sky, Poseidon the sea, Hades the underworld. In Athens, to be eligible to be chosen by lot, citizens self-selected themselves into the available pool lotteries in the kleroteria machines; the magistracies assigned by lot had terms of service of 1 year. A citizen could not hold any particular magistracy more than once in his lifetime, but could hold other magistracies. All male citizens over 30 years of age, who were not disenfranchised by atimia, were eligible; those selected through lot underwent examination called dokimasia in order to avoid incompetent officials. Were selected citizens discarded. Magistrates, once in place, were subjected to constant monitoring by the Assembly.
Magistrates appointed by lot had to render account of their time in office upon their leave, called euthynai. However, any citizen could request the suspension of a magistrate with due reason; the brevia was used in the city states of Northern Italy during the 12th and 13th centuries and in Venice until the late 18th century. Men, who were chosen randomly, swore an oath that they were not acting under bribes, they elected members of the council. Voter and candidate eligibility included property owners, guild members, at times, artisans; the Doge of Venice was determined through a complex process of nomination and sortition. Lot was used in the Venetian system only in order to select members of the committees that served to nominate candidates for the Great Council. A combination of election and lot was used in this multi-stage process. Lot was not used alone to select magistrates, unlike in Athens; the use of lot to select nominators made it more difficult for political sects to exert power, discouraged campaigning.
By reducing intrigue and power moves within the Great Council, lot maintained cohesiveness among the Venetian nobility, contributing to the stability of this republic. Top magistracies still remained in the control of elite families; the scrutiny was employed in Florence for over a century starting in 1328. Nominations and voting together created a pool of candidates from different sectors of the city; these men had their names deposited into a sack, a lottery draw determined who would get magistracy positions. The scrutiny was opened up to minor guilds, reaching the greatest level of Renaissance citizen participation in 1378–82. In Florence, lot was used to select magistrates and members of the Signoria during republican periods. Florence utilized a combination of lot and scrutiny by the people, set forth by the ordinances of 1328. In 1494, Florence founded a Great Council in the model of Venice; the nominatori were thereafter chosen by lot from among the member
Election auditing refers to any review conducted after polls close for the purpose of determining whether the votes were counted or whether proper procedures were followed, or both. Both results and process audits can be performed between elections for purposes of quality management, but if results audits are to be used to protect the official election results from undetected fraud and error, they must be completed before election results are declared final. Recounts may be considered to be a specific type of audit; the Verified Voting Foundation explains the difference between audits and recounts: Post-election audits are performed to “routinely check voting system performance…not to challenge to the results, regardless of how close margins of victory appear to be", while "recounts repeat ballot counting in special circumstances, such as when preliminary results show a close margin of victory. Post-election audits that detect errors can lead to a full recount.” In the US, recount laws vary by state, but require recounting 100% of the votes, while audits may use samples.
Recounts incorporate elements of both results and process audits. In jurisdictions that tabulate election results with manual counts from paper ballots, or'hand counts', officials rely on a single person to view and count the votes. Instead, valid hand-counting methods incorporate redundancy, so that more than one person views and interprets each vote and more than one person confirms the accuracy of each tabulation. In this way, the manual count incorporates a confirmation step, a separate audit may not be considered necessary. However, when votes are read and tabulated electronically, confirmation of the results' accuracy must become a separate process. Within and outside elections, use of computers for decision support comes with certain IT risks. Election-Day electronic miscounts can be caused by unintentional human error, such as incorrectly setting up the computers to read the unique ballot in each election and undetected malfunction, such as overheating or loss of calibration. Malicious intervention can be accomplished by either corrupt insiders or external hackers who accessed the software before Election Day.
Computer-related risks specific to elections include local officials’ inability to draw upon the level of IT expertise available to managers of commercial decision-support computer systems and the intermittent nature of elections, which requires reliance on a large temporary workforce to manage and operate the computers. To reduce the risk of flawed Election-Day output, election managers like other computer-dependent managers rely on testing and ongoing IT security. In the field of elections management, these measures take the form of federal certification of the electronic elections system designs. A third risk-reduction measure is performed after the computer has produced its output: Routinely checking the computers' output for accuracy, or auditing. Outside elections,auditing practices in the private sector and in other government applications are routine and well developed. In the practice of elections administration, the Pew Charitable Trusts stated in 2016, “Although postelection audits are recognized as a best practice to ensure that voting equipment is functioning properly, that proper procedures are being followed, that the overall election system is reliable, the practice of auditing is still in its relative infancy.
Therefore, a consensus has not arisen about what constitutes the necessary elements of an auditing program.”Routine results audits support voter confidence by improving election officials' ability to respond to allegations of fraud or error. Confirming that votes were credited to the correct candidates’ totals might seem to be a uncomplicated task, but election managers face several audit challenges not present for managers of other decision-support IT applications. Ballot privacy prevents election officials from associating individual voters with individual ballots; this makes it impossible for election officials to use some standard audit practices such as those banks use to confirm that ATMs credited deposits to the correct account. Another challenge is the need for a irrevocable decision. Election results need to be confirmed promptly. In many commercial uses of information technology, managers can reverse computer errors when detected long after the event. However, once elected officials are sworn into office, they begin to make decisions such as voting on legislation or signing contracts on behalf of the government.
If the official were to be removed because a computer error was discovered to have put that official in office, it would not be possible to reverse all the consequences of the error. The intermittent nature of elections is another challenge. In most jurisdictions, elections take place no more than four times a year; this prevents development of a full-time, practiced workforce, for either the elections or the audits. Turning election audits over to an independent, disinterested professional accounting firm is another option not available to election officials; because election results affect everyone, including the election officials themselves disinterested auditors do not exist. Therefore, audit transparency is required to provide credibility. No governing body or professional association has yet adopted a definitive set of best practices for election audits. However, in 2007 a group of election-integrity organizations, including the Verified Voting Foundation, Common Cause, the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Schoo
Voting is a method for a group, such as a meeting or an electorate, in order to make a collective decision or express an opinion following discussions, debates or election campaigns. Democracies elect holders of high office by voting. Residents of a place represented by an elected official are called "constituents", those constituents who cast a ballot for their chosen candidate are called "voters". There are different systems for collecting votes. In a democracy, a government is chosen by voting in an election: a way for an electorate to elect, i.e. choose, among several candidates for rule. In a representative democracy voting is the method by the which the electorate appoints its representatives in its government. In a direct democracy, voting is the method by which the electorate directly make decisions, turn bills into laws, etc. A vote is a formal expression of an individual's choice against some motion. Many countries use a secret ballot, a practice to prevent voters from being intimidated and to protect their political privacy.
Voting takes place at a polling station. Different voting systems use different types of votes. Plurality voting does not require the winner to achieve a vote majority, or more than fifty percent of the total votes cast. In a voting system that uses a single vote per race, when more than two candidates run, the winner may have less than fifty percent of the vote. A side effect of a single vote per race is vote splitting, which tends to elect candidates that do not support centrism, tends to produce a two-party system. An alternative to a single-vote system is approval voting. To understand why a single vote per race tends to favor less centric candidates, consider a simple lab experiment where students in a class vote for their favorite marble. If five marbles are assigned names and are placed "up for election", if three of them are green, one is red, one is blue a green marble will win the election; the reason is. In fact, in this analogy, the only way that a green marble is to win is if more than sixty percent of the voters prefer green.
If the same percentage of people prefer green as those who prefer red and blue, to say if 33 percent of the voters prefer green, 33 percent prefer blue, 33 percent prefer red each green marble will only get eleven percent of the vote, while the red and blue marbles will each get 33 percent, putting the green marbles at a serious disadvantage. If the experiment is repeated with other colors, the color, in the majority will still win. In other words, from a purely mathematical perspective, a single-vote system tends to favor a winner, different from the majority. If the experiment is repeated using approval voting, where voters are encouraged to vote for as many candidates as they approve of the winner is much more to be any one of the five marbles, because people who prefer green will be able to vote for every one of the green marbles. A development on the'single vote' system is to have two-round elections, or repeat first-past-the-post; this system is most common around the world. In most cases, the winner must receive a majority, more than half.
And if no candidate obtains a majority at the first round the two candidates with the largest plurality are selected for the second round. Variants exist on these two points: the requirement for being elected at the first round is sometimes less than 50%, the rules for participation in the runoff may vary. An alternative to the Two-round voting system is the single round instant-runoff voting system as used in some elections in Australia and the USA. Voters rank each candidate in order of preference. Votes are distributed to each candidate according to the preferences allocated. If no single candidate has 50% of the vote the candidate with the fewest votes is excluded and their votes redistributed according to the voters nominated order of preference; the process repeating itself until a candidate has 50% or more votes. The system is designed to produce the same result as an exhaustive ballot but using only a single round of voting. In a voting system that uses a multiple vote, the voter can vote for any subset of the alternatives.
So, a voter might vote for Alice and Charlie, rejecting Daniel and Emily. Approval voting uses such multiple votes. In a voting system that uses a ranked vote, the voter has to rank the alternatives in order of preference. For example, they might vote for Bob in first place Emily Alice Daniel, Charlie. Ranked voting systems, such as those famously used in Australia, use a ranked vote. In a voting system that uses a scored vote, the voter gives each alternative a number between one and ten. See cardinal voting systems; some "multiple-winner" systems may have a single vote or one vote per elector per available position. In such a case the elector could vote for Charlie on a ballot with two votes; these types of systems can use ranked or unranked voting, are used for at-large positions such as on some city councils. Most of the time, when the citizens of a country are invited to vote, it is for an election. However, people can vote in referendums and initiatives. Since the end of the eighteenth century, more than five hundred national referendums were organised in the world.