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Electrode potential

Electrode potential, E, in chemistry or electrochemistry, according to an IUPAC definition, is the electromotive force of a cell built of two electrodes: on the left-hand side of the cell diagram is the standard hydrogen electrode, on the right-hand side is the electrode in question. The SHE is defined to have a potential of 0 V, so the signed cell potential from the above setup is Ecell = Eleft − Eright = 0 V − Eelectrode = Eelectrode. SHE is cathode and electrode is anode Electrode potential appears at the interface between an electrode and electrolyte due to the transfer of charged species across the interface, specific adsorption of ions at the interface, specific adsorption/orientation of polar molecules, including those of the solvent. Electrode potential is the electric potential on an electrode component. In a cell, there is an electrode potential for the anode; the difference between the two electrode potentials equals the cell potential: Ecell = Ecathode − Eanode. The measured electrode potential may be either that at equilibrium on the working electrode, or a potential with a non-zero net reaction on the working electrode but zero net current, or a potential with a non-zero net current on the working electrode.

Reversible potentials can be sometimes converted to the standard electrode potential for a given electroactive species by extrapolation of the measured values to the standard state. The value of the electrode potential under non-equilibrium depends on the nature and composition of the contacting phases, on the kinetics of electrode reactions at the interface. An operational assumption for determinations of the electrode potentials with the standard hydrogen electrode involves this reference electrode with hydrogen ion in an ideal solution having is "zero potential at all temperatures" equivalently to standard enthalpy of formation of hydrogen ion is "zero at all temperatures"; the measurement is conducted using a three-electrode setup: working electrode, counter electrode, reference electrode. In case of non-zero net current on the electrode, it is essential to minimize the ohmic IR-drop in the electrolyte, e.g. by positioning the reference electrode near the surface of the working electrode, or by using a supporting electrolyte of sufficiently high conductivity.

The potential measurements are performed with the positive terminal of the electrometer connected to working electrode and the negative terminal to the reference electrode. Two conventions for sign for the electrode potential have formed: convention "Nernst–Lewis–Latimer", convention "Gibbs–Ostwald–Stockholm". In 1953 in Stockholm IUPAC recognized. To avoid possible ambiguities, the electrode potential thus defined can be referred to as Gibbs–Stockholm electrode potential. In both conventions, the standard hydrogen electrode is defined to have a potential of 0 V. Both conventions agree on the sign of E for a half-cell reaction when it is written as a reduction; the main difference between the two conventions is that upon reversing the direction of a half-cell reaction as written, according to convention the sign of E switches, whereas in convention it does not. The logic behind switching the sign of E is to maintain the correct sign relationship with the Gibbs free energy change, given by ΔG = -nFE where n is the number of electrons involved and F is the Faraday constant.

It is assumed. Since ΔG switches sign when a reaction is written in reverse, so to, proponents of convention argue, should the sign of E. Proponents of convention argue that it is more convenient to consider oxidants and reductants on the same scale. Potential of a cell assembled of two electrodes can be determined from the two individual electrode potentials using ΔVcell = Ered,cathode − Ered,anodeor, equivalently, ΔVcell = Ered,cathode + Eoxy,anode; this follows from the IUPAC definition of the electric potential difference of a galvanic cell, according to which the electric potential difference of a cell is the difference of the potentials of the electrodes on the right and the left of the galvanic cell. When ΔVcell is positive positive electrical charge flows through the cell from the left electrode to the right electrode. Absolute electrode potential Electric potential Galvani potential Nernst equation Overpotential Potential difference Standard electrode potential Table of standard electrode potentials Thermodynamic activity Volta potential

Social movement theory

Social movement theory is an interdisciplinary study within the social sciences that seeks to explain why social mobilization occurs, the forms under which it manifests, as well as potential social and political consequences. The classical approaches emerged at the turn of the century; these approaches have in common. The sources of social movements are structural strains; these are structural weaknesses in society that put individuals under a certain subjective psychological pressure, such as unemployment, rapid industrialization or urbanization. When the psychological disturbance reaches a certain threshold, this tension will produce a disposition to participate in unconventional means of political participation, such as protesting. Additionally, these approaches have in common that they view participation in contentious politics as unconventional and irrational, because the protests are the result of an emotional and frustrated reaction to grievances rather than a rational attempt to improve their situation.

These psychologically-based theories have been rejected by present-day sociologists and political scientists, although many still make a case for the importance of emotions. See the work of Gustav LeBon, Herbert Blumer, William Kornhauser, Neil Smelser. Sociologists during the early and middle-1900s thought that movements were random occurrences of individuals who were trying to react to situations outside their control. An important writer in this area of research was Gustave LeBon. In his book The Crowd, he studied the collective behavior of crowds. What he concluded was that once an individual submerges in a crowd, his behavior becomes primitive and irrational and he is therefore capable of spontaneous violence; this transformation happens under certain conditions. Once individuals submerge themselves in a crowd, they gain a sense of anonymity and this causes them to believe that they cannot be held accountable for their behavior within the crowd; this is combined with a sense of invisibility by being part of a crowd.

Under these conditions, critical reasoning is impossible and a unconscious personality emerges: a personality, dominated by destructive instincts and primitive beliefs. This theory has been picked up and further developed by other theorists like Herbert Blumer and Neil Smelser. Mass society theory emerged in the wake of the fascist and communist movements in the 1930s and 1940s and can be seen as an attempt to explain the rise of extremism abroad; the central claim of mass society theory is that isolated people are more vulnerable to extremismAn important underpinning of this theory is Émile Durkheim's analysis of modern society and the rise of individualism. Durkheim stated that the emergence of the industrial society caused two problems: Anomie: There were insufficient ways to regulate behavior due to the increasing size and complexity of the modern society. Egoism: The excessive individuation of people due to the weakening of local communities; these problems signify a weakened restraining social network to control the behavior of individuals.

According to Durkheim, this will lead to dysfunctional behavior, such as suicide. Arthur Kornhauser applied this theory to social movements in his book The Politics of Mass Society, he stated that in a mass society and egoism cause small local groups and networks to decline. What is left after this are powerful elites, massive bureaucracies, isolated individuals? In this society, intermediate buffers between the elite and the non-elite erode and normal channels for non-elites to influence elites become ineffective; this makes non-elites feel more alienated, therefore more susceptible to extremism. People are driven into movements out of a sense of deprivation or inequality in relation to others or in relation to their expectations. In the first view, participants see others who have more power, economic resources, or status, thus try to acquire these same things for themselves. In the second view, people are most to rebel when a improving situation stops and makes a turn for the worse. At this point, people will join movements because their expectations will have outgrown their actual material situation.

See the work of James Davies, Ted Gurr, Denton Morrison. During the 1960s there was a growth in the amount of social movement activity in both Europe and the United States. With this increase came a change in the public perception around social movements. Protests were now seen as making politics essential for a healthy democracy; the classical approaches were not able to explain this increase in social movements. Because the core principle of these approaches was that protests were held by people who were suffering from structural weaknesses in society, it could not explain that the growth in social movement was preceded by a growth in welfare rather than a decline in welfare. Therefore, there was a need for new theoretical approaches; because of the fact that deprivation was not a viable explanation anymore, researchers needed to search for another explanation. The explanations that were developed were different in the United States than in Europe; the more American-centered structural approaches examined how characteristics of the social and political context enable or hinder protests.

The more European-centered social-constructivist approaches rejected the notion that class-struggle is central to social movements, emphasized other indicators of a collective identity, like gender, ethnicity or sexuality. Certain political contexts should be conducive for potential social movement activity; these climates may favor s

Harvey Goldman

Harvey Goldman is an American artist and educator. He received his BFA from the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign and his MFA from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Goldman is best known for his work in the fields of ceramics, digital art, experimental film and visual music. Goldman's work is represented among many private and public art collections including the IotaCenter for Experimental Animation, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, Everson Museum of Art, DeCordova Museum and Sculpture Park]], Currier Museum of Art, the Crocker Art Museum. Goldman's work has been exhibited in a wide range of venues throughout the United States as well as Amsterdam, Australia, Canada, France, Israel, Spain, Russia, South Africa, Turkey, he is the recipient of grants from the National Endowment for the Arts, The Ford Foundation and the Massachusetts Council on the Arts and Humanities. Goldman taught at the University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth from 1978-2015. Goldman's work in the area of ceramics ranges from 1973–1987.

The work is characterized by asymmetrical organic forms and rich multi-fired surfaces that reflect the effects of time and aging. The work has been acquired by both public collections, his vessel "Wolley Zuff" was featured in Peter Lanes book Studio Ceramics and on the cover of American Ceramics Magazine. Goldman's ceramic work has been featured in many issues of Ceramics Monthly Magazine He has taught ceramic workshops at both the Penland School of Crafts and the Haystack Mountain School of Crafts. Goldman's work in the area of digital imaging can be characterized by a rich use of the color and texture as well as a multi-layering of photographic elements. Art historian Dr. Thomas Stubblefield, has stated,"Utilizing digital photography to layer graphic elements of the natural world, Goldman’s images blur the boundaries between still and moving images and photography, realism and fantasy; these tensions form the basis of his Veiled Ancestors and Coincidentia Oppositorum series, a body of work that originates from the vast catalogue of photographs that the artist has collected from his daily walks in the woods.

In this work the camera is called upon not to suspend or freeze time but to expand its reach, accumulating multiple moments within its frame" and "In his Extremities and Digits series, Goldman interrogates the inner workings of his primary tool, the hand. Despite never disclosing the artist himself, the work comprises a self-portrait of sorts, it is a meditation on the mystery of the creative process and the interconnectedness between the artist’s identity and his daily work." Goldman's work in the field of animation can be catalogued under the categories of experimental film and visual music. Goldman"s work have been displayed in film festivals worldwide, the Smithsonian's Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, the Corcoran Gallery of Art the White Box Museum, China, MuVi4, in conjunction with the Fifth International conference, his animation "Sabinium" was created in collaboration with composer Ken Ueno. "Brahmanda", "Enigma" and "Passaddhi" have been created in collaboration with Chinese composer Jing Wang.

Harvey Goldman website Lapham's Quarterly Big Red and Shiny Article Arts Habens

László Rajk

László Rajk was a Hungarian Communist politician, who served as Minister of Interior and Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was an important organizer of the Hungarian Communists' power, but he fell victim to Mátyás Rákosi's show trials. Born in Székelyudvarhely, the ninth of eleven children in a family of Transylvanian Saxons, his ties to Communism began at an early age when he became a member of the Communist Party of Hungary, he was expelled from his university for his political ideas and would become a building worker, until 1936 when he joined the Popular Front in the Spanish Civil War. He became commissar of the Rakosi Battalion of XIII International Brigade. After the collapse of Republican Spain, he was interned in France until 1941, when he was able to return to Hungary, where he became Secretary of the Communist Party Central Committee, an underground Communist movement. In December 1944 he was arrested by a detachment of the Arrow Cross Party, he was to be executed, was transported to the prison of Sopronkőhida into Germany.

László Rajk was released on 13 May 1945. He took part in party politics, he became a member of all the leader corporations of the Extemporal Parliament. Rajk was a member of the High National Council from 7 December 1945 to 2 February 1946. On 20 March 1946 he was appointed minister of the Interior. In this post he organized the Hungarian Communist Party's private army and secret police, the ÁVH, he became directly responsible for this. Under the cover of "struggle against fascism and reaction" and "defence of the power of proletariat", he prohibited and liquidated several religious and maverick establishments and groups, set up the first show trials, he was reassigned from the Ministry of the Interior to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 5 August 1948 to 30 May 1949. Rákosi, who saw Rajk as a threat to his power, decided to accuse him on false charges and had him arrested on 30 May 1949 on trumped-up charges. Rajk, popular among the Communists before, soon became the "chained dog" of Tito, Horthy and "the imperialist".

László Rajk was accused of being a "Titoist Spy", an agent for western imperialism and one who planned on restoring capitalism and jeopardizing Hungary's independence. During his time in prison, Rajk was tortured and was promised acquittal if he took responsibility for the charges brought against him. Stalin's NKVD emissary coordinated with Hungarian General Secretary Mátyás Rákosi and his ÁVH to orchestrate Rajk's show trial. At his trial, held between 16 and 24 September 1949, in the large assembly hall of the headquarters of the Metal and Engineering Workers' Trade Union in Budapest, he confessed to all the charges brought against him. After his confession the prosecution decided, against the promise made, to call for the heaviest sentences to be brought down upon him and the other seven men who stood trial with him. Rajk was to be made an example for the beginning of Stalin's anti-Titoist purges. Rajk, along with Drs Tibor András Szalai, was sentenced to death. Rajk was executed on 15 October 1949.

The Rajk trial marked the beginning of the anti-Titoist drive movement of Stalin. His trial marked the beginning of the removal of all political parties in Hungary; the purges, left the economy in a disastrous state whereby a lack of capital inflow doomed the building projects that were underway. A vast number of the intelligentsia were employed on the sort of manual labouring duties reserved for skilled professionals; the result left the country with an inadequate infrastructure and unsatisfactorily manufactured goods. The government was using too many men to search for spies within the country and not enough to perform the productive work to sustain the economy. Dissatisfaction with Rákosi's rule began to surface. On 28 March 1956, following numerous demonstrations, Rajk was rehabilitated in spite of his responsibility for the excesses of the secret police ÁVH which he had founded in 1946, including initial large purges and executions under his direction; the rehabilitation speech though it was not publicized, had vast consequences for Rákosi, who had used the Rajk guilt as an explanation for the other purges that followed.

Now that he had to admit that he was, wrong, it would end up ruining Rákosi's rightful authority. Lászlo Rajk was reburied, before 100,000 mourners, on 6 October 1956, along with two other men who lost their lives during the purges. László Rajk, Minister of Foreign Affairs György Pálffy, Lieutenant General Lazar Brankov, Yugoslav Legation Dr Tibor Szönyi, Member of the National Assembly András Szalai, government official Milan Ognjenovich, government official Béla Korondy, Police Colonel Pál Justus, member of the National Assembly 15 people were executed and 78 others were sentenced to prison in relation to the Rajk case. László Rajk: the events of his political and family life, beginning circa 1945, his trial, reburial and ending with the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and Russia's armed invasion of Hungary, are all portrayed in Robert Ardrey's 1958 play, Shadow of Heroes. Lász

Antonio Diedo

Antonio Diedo was an Italian architect. Born in Venice, he was active both in his natal city and the mainland towns of the Republic of Venice. Born to parents from the Venetian patrician families of Diedo and Priuli, as a young man he entered the seminary in Padua, he soon developed an interest in architecture and was educated in that art by Giacomo or Jacopo Albertolli (grandson of Giocondo Albertolli, a noted architect. Antonio wrote a number of treatises on architecture, including a monograph on Giovanni Battista Novello, he became professor of the Academy of Fine Arts of Venice. In 1838, he was knighted to the Order of the Iron Crown by the Austrian emperor Ferdinand I. Among his designs were: Facade of Palazzo Giustinian-Recanati sulle Zattere, Venice Windows and door of the facade of San Maurizio, Venice Oratory in Casa Grimani-Wetzlar on the Brenta Canal Principal stairwell of Casa Contarini in the frazione of Ponte di Brenta, Padua Ground floor of Palazzo Giovanelli in Ponte di Brenta Facade of Casa Gregoletto at Via Altinate #124 Parish church and bell-tower at Canda in the Province of Rovigo Facade of the Duomo of Schio, while the entrance stairs were designed by Giovanni Battista Meduna Main altar of the parish church of San Bonifacio Parish church and bell-tower at Piovene Rocchette Bell-tower at Breganze Altars for the church of San Pietro, Belluno Bell-tower of San Vito, Asolo Oratory in Casa Trevisan in Mogliano VenetoChurch of San Donato di Piave

St. Augustine High School (New Orleans)

St. Augustine High School or "St. Aug" is an all-boys parochial high school in New Orleans, United States, it was founded in 1951 and covers grades 8 through 12. St. Augustine High School was built by the Archdiocese of New Orleans with funds given by Catholics of the Archdiocese through the Youth Progress Program; the building and site were bought by the Society of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, to whom the operation of the school was entrusted; the Archdiocese of New Orleans placed the school under the patronage of St. Augustine of Hippo, a pre-eminent Christian and scholar of Africa, a Father of the Church. From its inception the school was intended for the education of young men from black Catholic families of New Orleans. In 1951, when education was segregated, schools in New Orleans open to black students were seen as poor. Respect for the students was seen as essential; the first principal wrote: "Calling the students'mister' would help offset the negative impact of whites calling every black male'boy' no matter what his age, his education, his standing in the community.

And for stronger reasons, the use of'mister' would serve to negate the deleterious impact of the hateful use of the'n' word."Although St. Augustine now welcomes students of all races, it remains a leading secondary school for black young men in Louisiana, has long been nationally recognized in educational circles for outstanding success in preparing its students for higher education. Time magazine wrote in 1965: "The boys are better trained than most Southern high school students of either race," says Harold Owens of Andover, one of the half-dozen leading prep schools that have accepted St. Aug students for intensive summer courses. Adds Charles McCarthy, director of a cooperative effort by the Ivy League schools to spot bright, underprivileged students: "St. Augustine produces high-quality candidates who don't disappoint the colleges once they're admitted." Peter Briggs, a freshman admissions officer at Harvard, finds St. Aug boys "interesting, constructive guys." St. Augustine High School led the way in battling segregation in New Orleans.

The successful legal challenges mounted by the school resulted in the de-segregation of high school athletics in Louisiana, so that by the end of the 1960s St Augustine teams could play against teams from white schools. The famed “Marching 100” was the first African-American high school band to march in the Rex parade on Mardi Gras Day, in 1967; the "Marching 100" played for Pope John Paul II in 1987 and for eight U. S. Presidents. Additionally, the band has performed for five Super Bowls, the Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade in New York City, the 2002 Tournament of Roses Parade in Pasadena, California. In 1971, the school added a wing to accommodate new science laboratories, a gymnasium and athletic complex, a music complex. In 2005 the Warren and Hilda Donald Business and Technology Center was inaugurated. Equipped with state-of-the-art technology, it is intended to ensure that St. Augustine students remain competitive in a technology-driven society. In August 2005 Hurricane Katrina affected New Orleans.

The school, including its built business and technology wing and its band room, received flood damage. Some areas, including the band room, had 5 feet of water; the total of damages was in the millions of dollars. St. Augustine High School had to close its doors for the first time since its inception; the school had plans to re-open in August 2006. On a temporary basis the school planned to combine with two other Catholic schools to have a K-12 school in a facility that had not been flooded. In January 2006, the administrations of St. Mary's Academy, St. Augustine High School, Xavier University Preparatory collaborated to establish the MAX School of New Orleans; this guaranteed the post-Katrina survival of the three African-American Roman Catholic High Schools in New Orleans. St. Augustine's has now been rebuilt and is once more functioning. St. Augustine's students and its sports teams are referred to as the "Purple Knights", its school colors are purple and gold. The school is known locally as "Saint Aug".

St. Augustine says that its program of studies challenges each student to achieve his fullest individual potential. Various methodologies have been used throughout the history of the school to achieve this, from homogeneous groupings to diversified instruction methods. According to the school, its aim is to prepare students of all academic aptitudes to function in their professional endeavors. Throughout its history St. Augustine has maintained a tradition of strong discipline achieved in part through the use of corporal punishment. Time magazine reported in 1965. Misbehaving students are whacked with an oak paddle"; the school's founding principal, Fr Matthew O'Rourke, has said that the discipline instilled by what he called the "Board of Education" was important because learning could not go on without it. With it, students were so well-behaved. Basketball star Hollis Price, who attended the school in the late 1990s, states that he got paddled for talking in class, "on the court, everywhere", that his "aching backside" taught him the value of discipline.

The practice of corporal punishment was suspended at St. Augustine in 2011 on the orders of Archbishop Gregory Aymond, who claimed the practice was inconsistent with Catholic teachings. An archdiocisean review conducted by Dr. Monica Applewhite, described as an expert in safe environment training and child protection, determined that "the school's corporal punishment was both excessive and unreasonable and the s