Southern Pacific Transportation Company
The Southern Pacific was an American Class I railroad network that existed from 1865 to 1998 that operated in the Western United States. The system was operated by various companies under the names Southern Pacific Railroad, Southern Pacific Company and Southern Pacific Transportation Company; the original Southern Pacific began in 1865 as a land holding company. The last incarnation of the Southern Pacific, the Southern Pacific Transportation Company, was founded in 1969 and assumed control of the Southern Pacific system; the Southern Pacific Transportation Company was acquired by the Union Pacific Corporation and merged with their Union Pacific Railroad. The Southern Pacific Transportation Company was the surviving railroad as it absorbed the Union Pacific Railroad and changed its name to "Union Pacific Railroad"; the Southern Pacific Transportation Company is now the current incarnation of the Union Pacific Railroad. The Southern Pacific legacy founded hospitals in San Francisco, Tucson and elsewhere.
In the 1970s, it founded a telecommunications network with a state-of-the-art microwave and fiber optic backbone. This telecommunications network became part of Sprint, a company whose name came from the acronym for Southern Pacific Railroad Internal Networking Telephony; the original Southern Pacific, Southern Pacific Railroad, was founded as a land holding company in 1865 acquiring the Central Pacific Railroad through leasing. By 1900, the Southern Pacific system was a major railroad system incorporating many smaller companies, such as the Texas and New Orleans Railroad and Morgan's Louisiana and Texas Railroad, it extended from New Orleans through Texas to El Paso, across New Mexico and through Tucson, to Los Angeles, through most of California, including San Francisco and Sacramento. Central Pacific lines extended east across Nevada to Ogden and reached north through Oregon to Portland. Other subsidiaries included the St. Louis Southwestern Railway, El Paso and Southwestern Railroad, the Northwestern Pacific Railroad at 328 miles, the 1,331-mile Southern Pacific Railroad of Mexico, a variety of 3 ft narrow gauge routes.
The SP was the defendant in the landmark 1886 United States Supreme Court case Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad, interpreted as having established certain corporate rights under the Constitution of the United States; the Southern Pacific Railroad was replaced by the Southern Pacific Company and assumed the railroad operations of the Southern Pacific Railroad. In 1929, Southern Pacific/Texas and New Orleans operated 13,848 route-miles not including Cotton Belt, whose purchase of the Golden State Route circa 1980 nearly doubled its size to 3,085 miles, bringing total SP/SSW mileage to around 13,508 miles. In 1969, the Southern Pacific Transportation Company was established and took over the Southern Pacific Company. By the 1980s, route mileage had dropped to 10,423 miles due to the pruning of branch lines. In 1988, the Southern Pacific Transportation Company was taken over by Rio Grande Industries, the parent company that controlled the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad. Rio Grande Industries did not merge the Southern Pacific Transportation Company and the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad together, but transferred direct ownership of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad to the Southern Pacific Transportation Company, allowing the combined Rio Grande Industries railroad system to use the Southern Pacific name due to its brand recognition in the railroad industry and with customers of both the Southern Pacific Transportation Company and the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad.
A long time Southern Pacific subsidiary, the St. Louis Southwestern Railway was marketed under the Southern Pacific name. Along with the addition of the SPCSL Corporation route from Chicago to St. Louis, the total length of the D&RGW/SP/SSW system was 15,959 miles. Rio Grande Industries was renamed Southern Pacific Rail Corporation. By 1996, years of financial problems had dropped Southern Pacific's mileage to 13,715 miles; the financial problems caused the Southern Pacific Transportation Company to be taken over by the Union Pacific Corporation. The Union Pacific Corporation merged the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, the St. Louis Southwestern Railway and the SPCSL Corporation into their Union Pacific Railroad, but did not merge the Southern Pacific Transportation Company into the Union Pacific Railroad. Instead, the Union Pacific Corporation merged the Union Pacific Railroad into the Southern Pacific Transportation Company in 1998; the Southern Pacific Transportation Company became the current incarnation of the Union Pacific Railroad.
Like most railroads, the SP painted most of its steam locomotives black during the 20th century, but after 1945 SP painted the front of the locomotive's smokebox silver (almost
United States Congress
The United States Congress is the bicameral legislature of the Federal Government of the United States. The legislature consists of two chambers: the House of the Senate; the Congress meets in the United States Capitol in Washington, D. C.. Both senators and representatives are chosen through direct election, though vacancies in the Senate may be filled by a gubernatorial appointment. Congress has 535 voting members: 100 senators; the House of Representatives has six non-voting members representing Puerto Rico, American Samoa, the Northern Mariana Islands, the U. S. Virgin Islands, the District of Columbia in addition to its 435 voting members. Although they cannot vote in the full house, these members can address the house and vote in congressional committees, introduce legislation; the members of the House of Representatives serve two-year terms representing the people of a single constituency, known as a "district". Congressional districts are apportioned to states by population using the United States Census results, provided that each state has at least one congressional representative.
Each state, regardless of population or size, has two senators. There are 100 senators representing the 50 states; each senator is elected at-large in their state for a six-year term, with terms staggered, so every two years one-third of the Senate is up for election. To be eligible for election, a candidate must be aged at least 25 or 30, have been a citizen of the United States for seven or nine years, be an inhabitant of the state which they represent; the Congress was created by the Constitution of the United States and first met in 1789, replacing in its legislative function the Congress of the Confederation. Although not mandated, in practice since the 19th century, Congress members are affiliated with the Republican Party or with the Democratic Party and only with a third party or independents. Article One of the United States Constitution states, "All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives."
The House and Senate are equal partners in the legislative process—legislation cannot be enacted without the consent of both chambers. However, the Constitution grants each chamber some unique powers; the Senate ratifies treaties and approves presidential appointments while the House initiates revenue-raising bills. The House initiates impeachment cases. A two-thirds vote of the Senate is required before an impeached person can be forcibly removed from office; the term Congress can refer to a particular meeting of the legislature. A Congress covers two years; the Congress ends on the third day of January of every odd-numbered year. Members of the Senate are referred to as senators. Scholar and representative Lee H. Hamilton asserted that the "historic mission of Congress has been to maintain freedom" and insisted it was a "driving force in American government" and a "remarkably resilient institution". Congress is the "heart and soul of our democracy", according to this view though legislators achieve the prestige or name recognition of presidents or Supreme Court justices.
One analyst argues that it is not a reactive institution but has played an active role in shaping government policy and is extraordinarily sensitive to public pressure. Several academics described Congress: Congress reflects us in all our strengths and all our weaknesses, it reflects our regional idiosyncrasies, our ethnic and racial diversity, our multitude of professions, our shadings of opinion on everything from the value of war to the war over values. Congress is the government's most representative body... Congress is charged with reconciling our many points of view on the great public policy issues of the day. Congress is changing and is in flux. In recent times, the American south and west have gained House seats according to demographic changes recorded by the census and includes more minorities and women although both groups are still underrepresented. While power balances among the different parts of government continue to change, the internal structure of Congress is important to understand along with its interactions with so-called intermediary institutions such as political parties, civic associations, interest groups, the mass media.
The Congress of the United States serves two distinct purposes that overlap: local representation to the federal government of a congressional district by representatives and a state's at-large representation to the federal government by senators. Most incumbents seek re-election, their historical likelihood of winning subsequent elections exceeds 90 percent; the historical records of the House of Representatives and the Senate are maintained by the Center for Legislative Archives, a part of the National Archives and Records Administration. Congress is directly responsible for the governing of the District of Columbia, the current seat of the federal government; the First Continental Congress was a gathering of representatives from twelve of the thirteen British Colonies in North America. On July 4, 1776, the Second Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence, referring to the new nation as the "United States of America"; the Articles of Confederation in 1781 created the Congress of the Confederation, a
Strike action called labor strike, labour strike, or strike, is a work stoppage, caused by the mass refusal of employees to work. A strike takes place in response to employee grievances. Strikes became common during the Industrial Revolution, when mass labor became important in factories and mines. In most countries, strike actions were made illegal, as factory owners had far more power than workers. Most Western countries legalized striking in the late 19th or early 20th centuries. Strikes are sometimes used to pressure governments to change policies. Strikes destabilize the rule of a particular political party or ruler. Notable examples are the 1980 Gdańsk Shipyard, the 1981 Warning Strike, led by Lech Wałęsa; these strikes were significant in the long campaign of civil resistance for political change in Poland, were an important mobilizing effort that contributed to the fall of the Iron Curtain and the end of communist party rule in eastern Europe. The use of the English word "strike" was first seen in 1768, when sailors, in support of demonstrations in London, "struck" or removed the topgallant sails of merchant ships at port, thus crippling the ships.
Official publications have used the more neutral words "work stoppage" or "industrial dispute". The first certain account of strike action was towards the end of the 20th dynasty, under Pharaoh Ramses III in ancient Egypt on 14 November 1152 BC; the artisans of the Royal Necropolis at Deir el-Medina walked off their jobs because they had not been paid. The Egyptian authorities raised the wages. An early predecessor of the general strike may have been the secessio plebis in ancient Rome. In The Outline of History, H. G. Wells characterized this event as "the general strike of the plebeians, their first strike occurred because they "saw with indignation their friends, who had served the state bravely in the legions, thrown into chains and reduced to slavery at the demand of patrician creditors." The strike action only became a feature of the political landscape with the onset of the Industrial Revolution. For the first time in history, large numbers of people were members of the industrial working class.
By the 1830s, when the Chartist movement was at its peak in Britain, a true and widespread'workers consciousness' was awakening. In 1842 the demands for fairer wages and conditions across many different industries exploded into the first modern general strike. After the second Chartist Petition was presented to Parliament in April 1842 and rejected, the strike began in the coal mines of Staffordshire and soon spread through Britain affecting factories, mills in Lancashire and coal mines from Dundee to South Wales and Cornwall. Instead of being a spontaneous uprising of the mutinous masses, the strike was politically motivated and was driven by an agenda to win concessions; as much as half of the industrial work force were on strike at its peak – over 500,000 men. The local leadership marshalled a growing working class tradition to politically organize their followers to mount an articulate challenge to the capitalist, political establishment. Friedrich Engels, an observer in London at the time, wrote: by its numbers, this class has become the most powerful in England, woe betide the wealthy Englishmen when it becomes conscious of this fact...
The English proletarian is only just becoming aware of his power, the fruits of this awareness were the disturbances of last summer. As the 19th century progressed, strikes became a fixture of industrial relations across the industrialized world, as workers organized themselves to collectively bargain for better wages and standards with their employers. Karl Marx has condemned the theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon criminalizing strike action in his work The Poverty of Philosophy. In 1937 there were 4,740 strikes in the United States; this was the greatest strike wave in American labor history. The number of major strikes and lockouts in the U. S. fell by 97% from 381 in 1970 to 187 in 1980 to only 11 in 2010. Companies countered the threat of a strike by threatening to move a plant. International Covenant on Economic and Cultural Rights adopted in 1967 ensure the right to strike in Article 8 and European Social Charter adopted in 1961 ensure the right to strike in Article 6; the Farah Strike, 1972–1974, labeled the "strike of the century," and it was organized and led by Mexican American women predominantly in El Paso, Texas.
Most strikes are undertaken by labor unions during collective bargaining as a last resort. The object of collective bargaining is for the employer and the union to come to an agreement over wages and working conditions. A collective bargaining agreement may include a clause which prohibits the union from striking during the term of the agreement, known as a "no-strike clause." No-strike clauses arose in the United States following World War II. Some in the labor movement consider no-strike clauses to be an unnecessary detriment to unions in the collective bargaining process. Strikes are rare: according to the News Media Guild, 98% of union contracts in the United States are settled each of the 67 years without a strike. Workers decide to strike without the sanction of a labor union, either because the union refuses to endorse such a tactic, or because the workers concerned are non-unionized; such strikes are described as unofficial. Strikes without formal union authorization are known as wildcat strikes
Fletcher Bowron was an American lawyer and politician. He was the 35th mayor of Los Angeles, from September 26, 1938, until June 30, 1953, he was the longest-serving mayor to date in the city, was the city's second longest-serving mayor after Tom Bradley, presiding over the war boom and heavy population growth, building freeways to handle them. Bowron was born in Poway, the youngest of three children, his Yankee parents, who had migrated from the Midwest, sent him to Los Angeles High School, where he graduated in 1904. In 1907, he began studies at UC Berkeley, where his two brothers had graduated enrolled in the University of Southern California Law School two years where he became a member of the Delta Chi Fraternity, he dropped out of law school and became a reporter for San Francisco and Los Angeles newspapers, working the City Hall and court beats in the latter city. He was admitted to the bar in 1917. Upon the U. S. entry into World War I in 1917, Bowron enlisted in the Army, serving in the 14th Field Artillery before transferring to the military intelligence division.
Upon his return, he once again practiced law before he married Irene Martin in 1922. The following year, he was appointed as a deputy state corporations commissioner, his work in that capacity caught the attention of California governor, Friend Richardson, who hired him as executive secretary in 1925, appointed him to the superior court in 1926. In his first tenure as a superior court judge, which lasted 12 years, Bowron became the first jurist on the West Coast to use the pre-trial calendar system, he was elected mayor of Los Angeles on a fusion ticket in 1938 in the wake of the corruption arising from the previous administration of Frank L. Shaw, earned the reputation of being lawful, unlike his predecessor; this was part of. Los Angeles grew enormously during the war years, with large defense industries. After the war Bowron began construction of the Los Angeles International Airport and the 1st phases of the elaborate freeway system, he obtained hundred million dollars from the Federal Housing Authority for the construction of 10,000 units.
As president of the American Municipal Association, representing 9500 cities, he was the leader of the nation's mayors in their dealings with the federal government. A high priority was eliminating organized crime from the city's police department, he forced the resignation of numerous officers, prevented Los Angeles from becoming a wide open town. Bowron ran on nonpartisan fusion tickets; the Los Angeles Citizens Committee demanded his recall, claiming he was responsible for high taxes and continued police corruption. In 1952 he lost his reelection bid in the Republican primary to Norris Poulson, a conservative opponent of public housing, he served during the era of World War II, most notably supporting the removal of Japanese Americans from California and their subsequent Internment. In January 1942 Bowron began to call for relocating Japanese Americans away from the coast and putting them to work in farm camps, he forced all Japanese American employees of the City of Los Angeles to take a leave of absence and circulated propaganda targeted at people of Japanese descent.
By February he was pushing for internment on his radio show, quoted on Abraham Lincoln's birthday in support of the camps: "There isn't a shadow of a doubt but that Lincoln, the mild-mannered man whose memory we regard with saint-like reverence, would make short work of rounding up the Japanese and putting them where they could do no harm." He continued by talking about "the people born on American soil who have secret loyalty to the Japanese Emperor." Bowron attempted to pass a constitutional amendment under which American-born Japanese would be stripped of their citizen rights if they held dual U. S.-Japanese citizenship or if their parents were ineligible for U. S. citizenship. He additionally proposed allowing the government to ignore portions of the Selective Service Act and call Japanese Americans, including women and those whose age or physical status would otherwise exempt them, into non-combat military service if the war required it, he lost re-election in 1953 after having survived a number of recall attempts, with his defeat linked because his liberal backing began to wane as a result of McCarthyism.
In 1956, he once again ran for superior court judge, defeating Joseph L. Call in the November election. Serving one six-year term, he retired from political office in 1962, but remained active in city activities, he played himself on the January 29, 1953 episode of "The George Burns and Gracie Allen Show," titled "The Tax Refund." On January 4, 1961, his wife Irene died at the Madison Lodge Sanitarium after spending nearly five years at the facility. Ten months Bowron married his long-time executive assistant, Albine Norton. Following his retirement from the bench, he served as director of the Metropolitan Los Angeles History Project, hiring Robert C. Post a graduate student at UCLA, as his chief researcher. In 1967, Bowron was named chairman of the city's Citizen's Committee on Zoning Practices and Procedures. After finishing work on September 11, 1968 he suffered a fatal heart attack while driving home. While his body lay in state in the Los Angeles City Hall rotunda, people came to pay their respects.
He is buried at Inglewood Park Cemetery. Employers Group, which, as the Merchants and Manufacturers Association, opposed Bowron's policies Stephen W. Cunningham, Republican City Council member who ran against Bowron in 1941 Harold Harby, Los Angeles City Council member, 1939–42, 1943–57, complained about Bowron's radio talks John C
Eugene V. Debs
Eugene Victor Debs was an American socialist, political activist, trade unionist, one of the founding members of the Industrial Workers of the World and five times the candidate of the Socialist Party of America for President of the United States. Through his presidential candidacies as well as his work with labor movements, Debs became one of the best-known socialists living in the United States. Early in his political career, Debs was a member of the Democratic Party, he was elected as a Democrat to the Indiana General Assembly in 1884. After working with several smaller unions, including the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, Debs was instrumental in the founding of the American Railway Union, one of the nation's first industrial unions. After workers at the Pullman Palace Car Company organized a wildcat strike over pay cuts in the summer of 1894, Debs signed many into the ARU, he called a boycott of the ARU against handling trains with Pullman cars in what became the nationwide Pullman Strike, affecting most lines west of Detroit and more than 250,000 workers in 27 states.
Purportedly to keep the mail running, President Grover Cleveland used the United States Army to break the strike. As a leader of the ARU, Debs was convicted of federal charges for defying a court injunction against the strike and served six months in prison. In prison, Debs read various works of socialist theory and emerged six months as a committed adherent of the international socialist movement. Debs was a founding member of the Social Democracy of America, the Social Democratic Party of America and the Socialist Party of America. Debs ran as a Socialist candidate for President of the United States five times, including 1900, 1904, 1908, 1912 and 1920, the last time from a prison cell, he was a candidate for United States Congress from his native state Indiana in 1916. Debs was noted for his oratory and his speech denouncing American participation in World War I led to his second arrest in 1918, he was sentenced to a term of 10 years. President Warren G. Harding commuted his sentence in December 1921.
Debs died in 1926, not long after being admitted to a sanatorium due to cardiovascular problems that developed during his time in prison. He has since been cited as the inspiration for numerous politicians. Debs was born on November 5, 1855 in Terre Haute, Indiana to Jean Daniel and Marguerite Mari Bettrich Debs, who immigrated to the United States from Colmar, France, his father, who came from a prosperous family, owned a textile meat market. Debs was named after the French authors Eugène Victor Hugo. Debs attended public school, dropping out of high school at age 14, he took a job with the Vandalia Railroad cleaning grease from the trucks of freight engines for fifty cents a day. He became a painter and car cleaner in the railroad shops. In December 1871, when a drunken locomotive fireman failed to report for work, Debs was pressed into service as a night fireman, he decided to remain a fireman on the run between Terre Haute and Indianapolis, earning more than a dollar a night for the next three and half years.
In July 1875, Debs left to work at a wholesale grocery house, where he remained for four years while attending a local business school at night. Debs had joined the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen in February 1875 and became active in the organization. In 1877 he served as a delegate of the Terre Haute lodge to the organization's national convention. Debs was elected associate editor of the BLF's monthly organ, Firemen's Magazine, in 1878. Two years he was appointed Grand Secretary and Treasurer of the BLF and editor of the magazine in July 1880, he worked as a BLF functionary until January 1893 and as the magazine's editor until September 1894. At the same time, he became a prominent figure in the community, he served two terms as Terre Haute's city clerk from September 1879 to September 1883. In the fall of 1884, he was elected to the Indiana General Assembly as a Democrat, serving for one term. Debs married Kate Metzel on June 9, 1885, their home still stands in Terre Haute, preserved amidst the campus of Indiana State University.
The railroad brotherhoods were comparatively conservative organizations, focused on providing fellowship and services rather than on collective bargaining. Their motto was "Benevolence and Industry"; as editor of the official journal of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, Debs concentrated on improving the Brotherhood's death and disability insurance programs. During the early 1880s, Debs' writing stressed themes of self-upliftment: temperance, hard work and honesty. Debs held the view that "labor and capital are friends" and opposed strikes as a means of settling differences; the Brotherhood had never authorized a strike from its founding in 1873 to 1887, a record which Debs was proud of. Railroad companies cultivated the Brotherhood and granted them perks like free transportation to their conventions for the delegates. Debs invited railroad president Henry C. Lord to write for the magazine. Summarizing Debs's thought in this period, historian David A. Shannon wrote: "Debs's desideratum was one of peace and co-operation between labor and capital, but he expected management to treat labor with respect and social equality".
Debs became convinced of the need for a more unified and confrontational approach as railroads were powerful companies in the economy. One influence was his involvement in the Burlington Railroad Strike of 1888, a defeat for labor that convinced Debs of the necessity of organizing along craft lines. After stepping down as Brotherhood Grand Secretary in 1893, Debs organiz
Los Angeles Times bombing
The Los Angeles Times bombing was the purposeful dynamiting of the Los Angeles Times Building in Los Angeles, California, on October 1, 1910, by a union member belonging to the International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers. The explosion started a fire which injured 100 more, it was termed the "crime of the century" by the Times. Brothers John J. and James B. McNamara were arrested in April 1911 for the bombing, their trial became a cause célèbre for the American labor movement. J. B. admitted to setting the explosive, was convicted and sentenced to life in prison. J. J. was sentenced to 15 years in prison for bombing a local iron manufacturing plant, returned to the Iron Workers union as an organizer. The Iron Workers Union was formed in 1896; as the work was seasonal and most iron workers were unskilled, the union remained weak, much of the industry remained unorganized until 1902. That year, the union won a strike against the American Bridge Company, a subsidiary of the newly formed U.
S. Steel corporation. American Bridge was the dominant company in the iron industry, within a year the Iron Workers Union had not only organized every United States iron manufacturer, but had won signed contracts including union shop clauses; the McNamara brothers were Irish American trade unionists. John and his younger brother James were both active in the International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers. In 1903, officials of U. S. Steel and the American Bridge Company founded the National Erectors' Association, a coalition of steel and iron industry employers; the primary goal of the National Erectors' Association was to promote the open shop and assist employers in breaking the unions in their industries. Employers used labor spies, agents provocateurs, private detective agencies, strike breakers to engage in a campaign of union busting. Local and federal law enforcement agencies cooperated in this campaign, which used violence against union members. Hard pressed by the open shop campaign, the Iron Workers reacted by electing the militant Frank M. Ryan president and John J. McNamara the secretary-treasurer in 1905.
In 1906, the Iron Workers struck at American Bridge in an attempt to retain their contract. However, the open shop movement was a significant success. By 1910, U. S. Steel had succeeded in driving all unions out of its plants. Unions in other iron manufacturing companies vanished. Only the Iron Workers held on. Desperate union officials turned to violence to counter the setbacks. Beginning in late 1906, national and local officials of the Iron Workers launched a dynamiting campaign; the goal of the campaign was to bring the companies to the bargaining table, not to destroy plants or kill people. Between 1906 and 1911, the Iron Workers blew up 110 iron works, though only a few thousand dollars in damages was done; the National Erectors' Association was well aware, responsible for the bombings, since Herbert S. Hockin, a member of the Iron Workers' executive board, was their paid spy. Los Angeles employers had been resisting unionization for nearly half a century. Harrison Gray Otis, publisher of the Los Angeles Times, was vehemently anti-union.
Otis first joined and seized control of the local Merchants Association in 1896, renaming it the Merchants and Manufacturers' Association, using it and his newspaper's large circulation to spearhead a 20-year campaign to end the city's few remaining unions. Without unions to keep wages high, open shop employers in Los Angeles were able to undermine the wage standards set in unionized San Francisco. Unions in San Francisco feared that employers in their city would soon begin pressing for wage cuts and start an open shop drive of their own; the only solution they saw was to re-unionize Los Angeles. The San Francisco unions relied on the Iron Workers, one of the few strong unions remaining in Los Angeles; the unionization campaign began in the spring of 1910. On June 1, 1910, 1,500 Iron Workers struck iron manufacturers in the city to win a $0.50 an hour minimum wage and overtime pay. The M&M raised $350,000 to break the strike. A superior court judge issued a series of injunctions. On July 15, the Los Angeles City Council unanimously enacted an ordinance banning picketing and "speaking in public streets in a loud or unusual tone", with a penalty of 50 days in jail or a $100 fine or both.
Most union members refused to obey the injunctions or ordinance, 472 strikers were arrested. The strike, proved effective: by September, 13 new unions had formed, increasing union membership in the city by 60 percent. On June 3, 1910, two days after the start of the strike, Eugene Clancy, the top Iron Workers' Union official on the West Coast, wrote to J. J. McNamara: "Now, what I want here is Hockin," referring to Herbert Hockin, the union official in charge of the dynamite bombings. However, Hockin had been caught taking money earmarked for bombing jobs, J. J. McNamara no longer trusted him. McNamara asked another dynamiter, Jack Barry of St. Louis, to go to California, but Barry turned down the job when he learned of the targets. J. J. McNamara sent his younger brother, James B. McNamara, to California on the bombing mission. On the evening of 30 September 1910, J. B. McNamara left a suitcase full of dynamite in the narrow alley between the Times building and the Times annex, known as "Ink Alley."
The suitcase was left near barrels of flammable printer's ink. The dynamite had a detonator connected
Harrison Gray Otis (publisher)
Harrison Gray Otis was the president and general manager of the Times-Mirror Company, publisher of the Los Angeles Times. Otis was born near Ohio, on February 10, 1837, the son of Stephen and Sally Otis, his father was from Vermont and his mother, a native of Nova Scotia, came to Ohio from Boston, with her family. The young Otis received schooling until he was fourteen, when he became a printer's apprentice at the Noble County Courier in Ohio. Otis and Eliza Ann Wetherby were married in Lowell, Ohio, on September 11, 1859, they had three daughters, Lillian Otis McPherson, Marian Otis Chandler, secretary of Times-Mirror, Mabel Otis Booth, he was a Kentucky delegate to the Republican National Convention that nominated Abraham Lincoln for president in 1860. At the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, he left his job as a compositor in the office of the Louisville Journal to volunteer as a private for the Union army. Otis fought in the 23rd Ohio Infantry, he was promoted through the ranks and was made an officer, a lieutenant, in November 1862 and left the Army in July 1865 as a captain.
He was wounded twice in battle, was "twice breveted for gallant and meritorious conduct" and was promoted seven times. After the war, Otis was Official Reporter of the Ohio House of Representatives moved to Washington, D. C. where he was a government official and editor. In 1876, he and his family moved to Santa Barbara, which had a population of about 3,000, he purchased a local newspaper, the Santa Barbara Press, from C. W. Hollister, effective March 11 of that year, he gave up journalism temporarily in 1879 when he was offered the post of chief government agent or special treasury agent of the Northern Seal Islands, now known as the Pribilof Islands, in the Pacific Ocean off the coast of the newly acquired territory of Alaska. He left that position in 1881 to return to Santa Barbara. Otis was editing his newspaper there when he went to Los Angeles—a larger city with a population of some 12,500—and agreed with the firm of Yarnell, Caystile & Mathes to take over editorial responsibilities at the Los Angeles Daily Times, now the Los Angeles Times.
Beginning August 1, 1882, he was to "have the editorial conduct of the Daily Times and Weekly Mirror," according to an announcement in the Times. The company was named Times-Mirror, on April 6, 1886, it was reorganized, with Albert McFarland and W. A. Spalding as owners and Otis as president and general manager; that was Otis's official title at the time of his death in 1917. The Times story about his demise noted that the Times-Mirror Company was "publishers of the Los Angeles Daily Times." The article called Otis the "principal owner" of the newspaper but never referred to him as publisher. Eleven years earlier, however the Associated Press had called him "publisher of the Los Angeles Times."Otis was known for his conservative political views, which were reflected in the paper. His home was one of three buildings. During his time as publisher of the Times Otis is known for coining the phrase "You are either with me, or against me." When the Spanish–American War broke out in 1898, Otis asked President William McKinley for an appointment as Assistant Secretary of War.
But Secretary of War Russell A. Alger did not want the conservative Otis serving under him. Otis thereupon again was appointed brigadier general of volunteers, he served in the Philippines. He did not see any action against the Spanish, but commanded the 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, VIII Corps during the Philippine–American War, his support for his adopted city was instrumental in the growth of the city. He was a member of a group of investors who bought land in the San Fernando Valley based on inside knowledge that the Los Angeles Aqueduct would soon irrigate it. In 1909 the Suburban Homes Company, a syndicate led by H. J. Whitley, general manager of the Board of Control, along with Harry Chandler, H. G. Otis, M. H. Sherman and O. F. Brandt purchased 48,000 acres of the Farming and Milling Company for $2,500,000. Henry E. Huntington, extended his Pacific Electric Railway through the Valley to Owensmouth; the Suburban Home Company laid out plans for roads and the towns of Van Nuys and Canoga Park.
The rural areas were annexed into the city of Los Angeles in 1915. On April 2, 1915 H. J. Whitley purchased the Suburban Home Company so that he would have complete control for finishing the development. On December 23, 1916, General Harrison Gray Otis, donated his spacious Wilshire Boulevard home across the street from MacArthur Park, known as the Bivouac, to Los Angeles County to be used “continuously and perpetually for the Arts and advancement of the Arts.” The Otis Art Institute of the Los Angeles Museum of History and Art became Otis College of Art and Design. The home was torn down in the 1950s, but the school built new buildings and occupied the space until 1997, it is now the site of a public elementary school. He died on July 1917 at the home of his son-in-law, Harry Chandler. List of Los Angeles Times publishers PBS biography Otis biography in the Bancroft Library Harrison Gray Otis Album of California Scenes, around 1890–1910, in the Bancroft Library Historic Los Angeles--Wilshire Blvd.
When It Was Residential