Enguerrand de Monstrelet, was a French chronicler. He was born in Picardy, most into a family of the minor nobility. In 1436 and he held the office of lieutenant of the gavenier at Cambrai, he seems to have made this city his usual place of residence, he was for some time bailiff of the cathedral chapter and provost of Cambrai. He was left some children when he died. Little else is known about Monstrelet except that he was present, not at the capture of Joan of Arc, but at her subsequent interrogation with Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy. Continuing the work of Froissart, Monstrelet wrote a Chronique, which extends to two books and covers the period between 1400 and 1444, according to another chronicler, Mathieu d'Escouchy, he ceased to write, but following a custom, by no means uncommon in the Middle Ages, a clumsy sequel, extending to 1516, was formed out of various chronicles and tacked onto his work. Monstrelet's own writings, dealing with the latter part of the Hundred Years' War, are valuable because they contain a large number of authentic documents and reported speeches.
The author, shows little power of narration. His somewhat ostentatious assertions of impartiality do not cloak a marked preference for the Burgundians in their struggle with France. Among many editions of the Chronique may be mentioned those of J.-A. Buchon and the one edited for the Société de I'histoire de France by M Douet d'Arcq. See Auguste Molinier, Les Sources de I'histoire de France, vols. IV and V. Doüet-d'Arcq, L. ed.. Chroniques d'Enguerrand de Monstrelet: avec pièces justificatives. Collection des chroniques nationales françaises. Paris: Mme. Ve J. Renouard. Tome 1 1857 Tome 2 1858 Tome 3 1859 Tome 4 1860 Tome 5 1861 Tome 6 1862 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed.. "Monstrelet, Enguerrand de". Encyclopædia Britannica. 18. Cambridge University Press. P. 745. Works by Enguerrand de Monstrelet at Project Gutenberg The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, translated by Thomas Johnes, vol. 1, vol. 2 on Google Books
William Riley Dunham, "the man known by name by more men and children than any other one man in Tipton County," according to a 1912 issue of the Kempton Courier, was a member of the Indiana General Assembly, representing Hamilton and Tipton counties from 1913-1915. William Riley was born to Samuel Goodnight Dunham and Eliza Matilda Reese, President Barack Obama's great-great-great grandparents, making him President Barack Obama's great-great-great uncle. William Riley died in 1921 of "traveling sickness." The 5,000 sq ft farm house that Dunham built in Tipton County, Indiana in the 1880s, The Dunham House, still stands today. The original 120 acres of land upon which the house was built was purchased by Jacob Dunham and Catherine Goodnight Dunham, President Barack Obama's great, great, great grandparents as a land grant in 1849 and remained in the Dunham family until 1969; as local legend recalls, William Riley was an acquaintance of President Grover Cleveland, who may have spent the night in the home.
He named one of his sons Grover Cleveland Dunham a physician, who would inherent the property from his father. The Dunham file that the Heritage Society maintains mysteriously contains an obscure newspaper article giving details of a secret medical procedure that President Cleveland underwent while in office; the Dunham family, the Goodnight and Stroup families that they married into, served the public in the region in politics, medicine and agriculture. Candidate Barack Obama visited the house with his wife and daughters in May, 2008. A historical marker now graces the property. Stanley Armour Dunham, maternal grandfather of Barack Obama, great nephew of William Riley Dunham Ann Dunham, American anthropologist and mother of Barack Obama, great-great niece of William Riley Dunham Barack Obama, 44th President of the United States, great-great-great nephew of William Riley Dunham
The labor force is the actual number of people available for work and is the sum of the employed and the unemployed. The U. S. labor force was 160 million persons in January 2018. The Bureau of Labor Statistics defines the labor force thus: "Included are persons 16 years of age and older residing in the 50 States and the District of Columbia who are not inmates of institutions, who are not on active duty in the Armed Forces." The U. S. labor force has risen each year since 1960, with the exception of the period following the Great Recession, when it remained below 2008 levels from 2009-2011. The labor force participation rate, LFPR, is the ratio between the labor force and the overall size of their cohort. Much as in other countries, the labor force participation rate in the U. S. increased in the West during the half of the 20th century because women entering the workplace in increasing numbers. In the U. S. the overall labor force participation rate has declined since 2000 because of the aging and retirement of the Baby Boom generation.
Analyzing labor force participation trends in the prime working age cohort helps separate the impact of an aging population from other demographic factors and government policies. The Congressional Budget Office explained in 2018 that higher educational attainment is correlated with higher labor force participation for workers aged 25–54. Prime-aged men tend to be out of the labor force because of disability, while a key reason for women is caring for family members. In the United States, there were three significant stages of women’s increased participation in the labor force. During the late 19th century through the 1920s few women worked. Working women were young single women who withdrew from labor force at marriage unless their family needed two incomes; these women worked in the textile manufacturing industry or as domestic workers. This profession allowed them to earn a living wage. At times, they were a financial help to their families. Between 1930 and 1950, female labor force participation increased due to the increased demand for office workers, women participating in the high school movement, electrification which reduced the time spent on household chores.
In the 1950s to the 1970s, most women were secondary earners working as secretaries, teachers and librarians. Claudia Goldin and others point out that by the mid-1970s there was a period of revolution of women in the labor force brought on by different factors. Women more planned for their future in the work force, choosing more applicable majors in college that prepared them to enter and compete in the labor market. In the United States, the labor force participation rate rose from 59% in 1948 to 66% in 2005, with participation among women rising from 32% to 59% and participation among men declining from 87% to 73%. A common theory in modern economics claims that the rise of women participating in the US labor force in the late 1960s was due to the introduction of a new contraceptive technology, birth control pills, the adjustment of age of majority laws; the use of birth control gave women the flexibility of opting to invest and advance their career while maintaining a relationship. By having control over the timing of their fertility, they were not running a risk of thwarting their career choices.
However, only 40% of the population used the birth control pill. This implies that other factors may have contributed to women choosing to invest in advancing their careers. Another factor that may have contributed to the trend was the Equal Pay Act of 1963, which aimed at abolishing wage disparity based on sex; such legislation diminished sexual discrimination and encouraged more women to enter the labor market by receiving fair remuneration to help raise children. According to the US Census in 1861, one third of women were in the labor force and of these one fourth were married women. According to Ellen DuBoise and Lynn Dumenil, they estimate that the number of women in the labor force from 1800 - 1900 are: According to the US Department of Labor, as of 2017 women make up 47% of the total labor force with 70% of them mothers with children under 18 years of age. Men's labor force participation has been falling since at least the 1960s; this applies to both the prime working age, as discussed in the analysis section below.
From 1962 to 1999, women entering the U. S. workforce represented a nearly 8 percentage point increase in the overall LFPR. The U. S. overall LFPR has been falling since its all-time high point of 67.3% reached in January–April 2000, reaching 62.7% by January 2018. This decline since 2000 is driven by the retirement of the Baby Boom generation. Since the overall labor force is defined as those age 16+, an aging society with more persons past the typical prime working age exerts a steady downward influence on the LFPR; the decline was forecast by demographers going back into the 1990s, if not earlier. For example, during 1999 the BLS forecast that the overall LFPR would be 66.9% in 2015 and 63.2% in 2025. A 2006 forecast by Federal Reserve economists estimated the LFPR would be below 64% by 2016, close to the 62.7% average that year. The labor force participation rate decreases when the percentage increase in the defined population is greater than the percentage increase in the labor force (i.e. the