The Washington Post
The Washington Post is a major American daily newspaper published in Washington, D. C. with a particular emphasis on national politics and the federal government. It has the largest circulation in the Washington metropolitan area, its slogan "Democracy Dies in Darkness" began appearing on its masthead in 2017. Daily broadsheet editions are printed for the District of Columbia and Virginia; the newspaper has won 47 Pulitzer Prizes. This includes six separate Pulitzers awarded in 2008, second only to The New York Times' seven awards in 2002 for the highest number awarded to a single newspaper in one year. Post journalists have received 18 Nieman Fellowships and 368 White House News Photographers Association awards. In the early 1970s, in the best-known episode in the newspaper's history, reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein led the American press' investigation into what became known as the Watergate scandal, their reporting in The Washington Post contributed to the resignation of President Richard Nixon.
In years since, the Post's investigations have led to increased review of the Walter Reed Army Medical Center. In October 2013, the paper's longtime controlling family, the Graham family, sold the newspaper to Nash Holdings, a holding company established by Jeff Bezos, for $250 million in cash; the Washington Post is regarded as one of the leading daily American newspapers, along with The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, The Wall Street Journal. The Post has distinguished itself through its political reporting on the workings of the White House and other aspects of the U. S. government. Unlike The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post does not print an edition for distribution away from the East Coast. In 2009, the newspaper ceased publication of its National Weekly Edition, which combined stories from the week's print editions, due to shrinking circulation; the majority of its newsprint readership is in the District of Columbia and its suburbs in Maryland and Northern Virginia.
The newspaper is one of a few U. S. newspapers with foreign bureaus, located in Beirut, Beijing, Bogotá, Hong Kong, Jerusalem, London, Mexico City, Nairobi, New Delhi and Tokyo. In November 2009, it announced the closure of its U. S. regional bureaus—Chicago, Los Angeles and New York—as part of an increased focus on "political stories and local news coverage in Washington." The newspaper has local bureaus in Virginia. As of May 2013, its average weekday circulation was 474,767, according to the Audit Bureau of Circulations, making it the seventh largest newspaper in the country by circulation, behind USA Today, The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, the Daily News, the New York Post. While its circulation has been slipping, it has one of the highest market-penetration rates of any metropolitan news daily. For many decades, the Post had its main office at 1150 15th Street NW; this real estate remained with Graham Holdings when the newspaper was sold to Jeff Bezos' Nash Holdings in 2013.
Graham Holdings sold 1150 15th Street for US$159 million in November 2013. The Washington Post continued to lease space at 1150 L Street NW. In May 2014, The Washington Post leased the west tower of One Franklin Square, a high-rise building at 1301 K Street NW in Washington, D. C; the newspaper moved into their new offices December 14, 2015. The Post has its own exclusive zip code, 20071. Arc Publishing is a department of the Post, which provides the publishing system, software for news organizations such as the Chicago Tribune and the Los Angeles Times; the newspaper was founded in 1877 by Stilson Hutchins and in 1880 added a Sunday edition, becoming the city's first newspaper to publish seven days a week. In 1889, Hutchins sold the newspaper to Frank Hatton, a former Postmaster General, Beriah Wilkins, a former Democratic congressman from Ohio. To promote the newspaper, the new owners requested the leader of the United States Marine Band, John Philip Sousa, to compose a march for the newspaper's essay contest awards ceremony.
Sousa composed "The Washington Post". It became the standard music to accompany the two-step, a late 19th-century dance craze, remains one of Sousa's best-known works. In 1893, the newspaper moved to a building at 14th and E streets NW, where it would remain until 1950; this building combined all functions of the newspaper into one headquarters – newsroom, advertising and printing – that ran 24 hours per day. In 1898, during the Spanish–American War, the Post printed Clifford K. Berryman's classic illustration Remember the Maine, which became the battle-cry for American sailors during the War. In 1902, Berryman published another famous cartoon in the Post—Drawing the Line in Mississippi; this cartoon depicts President Theodore Roosevelt showing compassion for a small bear cub and inspired New York store owner Morris Michtom to create the teddy bear. Wilkins acquired Hatton's share of the newspaper in 1894 at Hatton's death. After Wilkins' death in 1903, his sons John and Robert ran the Post for two years before selling it in 1905 to John Roll McLean, owner of the Cincinnati Enquirer.
During the Wilson presidency, the Post was credited with the "most famous newspaper typo" in D. C. history according to Reason magazine. When John McLean died in 1916, he put the newspap
Levine Museum of the New South
The Levine Museum of the New South, is a history museum located in Charlotte, North Carolina whose exhibits focus on life in the North Carolina Piedmont after the American Civil War. The museum includes permanent exhibits on a range of Southern-related topics; the museum's permanent exhibit is called "Cotton Fields to Skyscrapers: Charlotte and the Carolina Piedmont in the New South", features period displays that reflect regional history. The displays include a one-room tenant farmer's house, a cotton mill and mill house, an African-American hospital, an early Belk department store, a civil-rights era lunch counter. Changing exhibits focus on local culture and history. In March 2013, the Charlotte Museum of History announced plans to move its administrative offices to the Levine Museum. Levine Museum of the New South - official site
Bryan A. Stevenson is an American lawyer, social justice activist and executive director of the Equal Justice Initiative, a clinical professor at New York University School of Law. Based in Montgomery, Stevenson has challenged bias against the poor and minorities in the criminal justice system children, he has helped achieve United States Supreme Court decisions that prohibit sentencing children under 18 to death or to life imprisonment without parole. Stevenson has assisted in cases that have saved dozens of prisoners from the death penalty, advocated for poor people, developed community-based reform litigation aimed at improving the administration of criminal justice, he initiated the National Memorial for Peace and Justice in Montgomery, which honors the names of each of the over 4,000 African Americans lynched in the twelve states of the South from 1877 to 1950. He argues that the history of slavery and lynchings has influenced the subsequent high rate of death sentences in the South, where it has been disproportionately applied to minorities.
A related museum, The Legacy Museum: From Enslavement to Mass Incarceration, will offer interpretations to show the connection between the post-Reconstruction period of lynchings to the high rate of executions and incarceration of people of color in the United States. In November of 2018, Stevenson received the Benjamin Franklin Award from the American Philosophical Society as a "Drum major for justice and mercy"; this is the most prestigious award. Born in 1959, Stevenson grew up in Milton, Delaware, a small rural town located in Southern Delaware, his father Howard Carlton Stevenson, Sr. had grown up in Milton, his mother Alice Gertrude Stevenson, was born and grew up in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Her family had moved to the city from Virginia in the Great Migration of the early 20th century. Stevenson has two siblings: an older brother Jr. and a sister Christy. Both parents commuted to the northern part of the state for work: Howard, Sr. worked at a General Foods processing plant as a laboratory technician.
His mother, was a bookkeeper at Dover Air Force Base and became an equal opportunity officer. She emphasized the importance of education. Stevenson's family attended the Prospect African Methodist Episcopal Church, where as a youth Stevenson played piano and sang in the choir, his views were influenced by the strong faith of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, where churchgoers were celebrated for'standing up after having fallen down.' These experiences informed his belief that "each person in our society is more than the worst thing they’ve done.”When Stevenson was sixteen, his maternal grandfather, Clarence L. Golden, was stabbed to death in his Philadelphia home during a robbery; the killers received life sentences, an outcome Stevenson thought fair. Stevenson said of the murder: "Because my grandfather was older, his murder seemed cruel, but I came from a world where we valued redemption over revenge."As a child, Stevenson dealt with segregation and its legacy. He spent his first classroom years at a "colored" elementary school.
By the time he entered the second grade, his school was formally desegregated, but the old rules from segregation still applied. Black kids played separately from white kids, at the doctor's or dentist's office, black kids and their parents continued to use the back door, while whites entered through the front. Pools and other community facilities were informally segregated. Stevenson's father, having grown up in the area, took the ingrained racism in stride, but their mother noted that this was not right. In an interview in 2017, Stevenson recalled how his mother protested the day the black children from town lined up at the back door of the polio vaccination station to receive their shots, waiting hours while the white children went in first. Stevenson attended Cape Henlopen High School and graduated in 1977, he played on the baseball teams. He served as president of the student body and won American Legion public speaking contests, his brother, takes some credit for helping hone Stevenson's rhetorical skills: “We argued the way brothers argue, but these were serious arguments, inspired I guess by our mother and the circumstances of our family growing up.”
Stevenson earned straight A's and won a scholarship to Eastern University in St. Davids, Pennsylvania. On campus, he directed the campus gospel choir. Stevenson graduated in 1981. Stevenson received a full scholarship to attend Harvard Law School. During law school, as part of a class on race and poverty litigation with Elizabeth Bartholet, he worked for Stephen Bright's Southern Center for Human Rights, it represents death-row inmates throughout the South. During this work, Stevenson found his career calling. While at Harvard, he earned a Master's in Public Policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government. After graduating from Harvard in 1985, Stevenson moved to Atlanta and joined the Southern Center for Human Rights full-time; the center divided work by region and Stevenson was assigned to Alabama. In 1989 he was appointed to run the Alabama operation, a resource center and death-penalty defense organization, funded by Congress, he had a center in the state capital. When the United States Congress eliminated funding for death-penalty defense for lower income people after Republicans gained control in the 1994 mid-term elections, Stevenson converted the center and founded the non-profit Equal Justice Initiative in Montgomery.
In 1995 he was an put all the money toward supporting the center. He guaranteed a defense of anyone in Alabama sentenced to the death penalty, as it
Terrorism is, in the broadest sense, the use of intentionally indiscriminate violence as a means to create terror among masses of people. It is used in this regard to refer to violence during peacetime or in war against non-combatants; the terms "terrorist" and "terrorism" originated during the French Revolution of the late 18th century but gained mainstream popularity in the 1970s in news reports and books covering the conflicts in Northern Ireland, the Basque Country and Palestine. The increased use of suicide attacks from the 1980s onwards was typified by the September 11 attacks in New York City and Washington, D. C. in 2001. There are different definitions of terrorism. Terrorism is a charged term, it is used with the connotation of something, "morally wrong". Governments and non-state groups denounce opposing groups. Varied political organizations have been accused of using terrorism to achieve their objectives; these organizations include right-wing and left-wing political organizations, nationalist groups, religious groups and ruling governments.
Legislation declaring terrorism a crime has been adopted in many states. There is no consensus as to; the Global Terrorism Database, maintained by the University of Maryland, College Park, has recorded more than 61,000 incidents of non-state terrorism, resulting in at least 140,000 deaths between 2000 and 2014. Etmologically, the word terror is derived from the Latin verb Tersere, which becomes Terrere; the latter form appears in European languages as early as the 12th century. By 1356 the word terreur is in use. Terreur is the origin of the Middle English term terrour, which becomes the modern word "terror"; the term terroriste, meaning "terrorist", is first used in 1794 by the French philosopher François-Noël Babeuf, who denounces Maximilien Robespierre's Jacobin regime as a dictatorship. In the years leading up to the Reign of Terror, the Brunswick Manifesto threatened Paris with an "exemplary, never to be forgotten vengeance: the city would be subjected to military punishment and total destruction" if the royal family was harmed, but this only increased the Revolution's will to abolish the monarchy.
Some writers attitudes about French Revolution grew less favorable after the French monarchy was abolished in 1792. During the Reign of Terror, which began in July 1793 and lasted thirteen months, Paris was governed by the Committee of Public safety who oversaw a regime of mass executions and public purges. Prior to the French Revolution, ancient philosophers wrote about tyrannicide, as tyranny was seen as the greatest political threat to Greco-Roman civilization. Medieval philosophers were occupied with the concept of tyranny, though the analysis of some theologians like Thomas Aquinas drew a distinction between usurpers, who could be killed by anyone, legitimate rulers who abused their power – the latter, in Aquinas' view, could only be punished by a public authority. John of Salisbury was the first medieval Christian scholar. Most scholars today trace the origins of the modern tactic of terrorism to the Jewish Sicarii Zealots who attacked Romans and Jews in 1st century Palestine, they follow its development from the Persian Order of Assassins through to 19th-century anarchists.
The "Reign of Terror" is regarded as an issue of etymology. The term terrorism has been used to describe violence by non-state actors rather than government violence since the 19th-century Anarchist Movement. In December 1795, Edmund Burke used the word "Terrorists" in a description of the new French government called'Directory': At length, after a terrible struggle, the Troops prevailed over the Citizens To secure them further, they have a strong corps of irregulars, ready armed. Thousands of those Hell-hounds called Terrorists, whom they had shut up in Prison on their last Revolution, as the Satellites of Tyranny, are let loose on the people; the terms "terrorism" and "terrorist" gained renewed currency in the 1970s as a result of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the Northern Ireland conflict, the Basque conflict, the operations of groups such as the Red Army Faction. Leila Khaled was described as a terrorist in a 1970 number of Life magazine. A number of books on terrorism were published in the 1970s.
The topic came further to the fore after the 1983 Beirut barracks bombings and again after the 2001 September 11 attacks and the 2002 Bali bombings. There are over 109 different definitions of terrorism. American political philosopher Michael Walzer in 2002 wrote: "Terrorism is the deliberate killing of innocent people, at random, to spread fear through a whole population and force the hand of its political leaders". Bruce Hoffman, an American scholar, has noted that It is not only individual agencies within the same governmental apparatus that cannot agree on a single definition of terrorism. Experts and other long-established scholars in the field are incapable of reaching a consensus. C. A. J. Coady has written that the question of how to define terrorism is "irresolvable" because "its natural home is in polemical and propagandist contexts". French historian Sophie Wahnich distinguishes between the revolutionary terror of the French Revolution and the terrorists of the September 11 attacks: Revolutionary terror is not terrorism.
To make a moral equivalence between the Revolution's year II and September 2001 is historical and philosophical nonsense... The violence exercised on 11 September 2001 aimed neither at liberty. Nor did the preventive war announced by the president of the United States. Experts
Miscarriage of justice
A miscarriage of justice known as a failure of justice, is when an innocent person is found guilty. It is used as a legal defense in criminal and deportation proceedings; the term applies to errors in the other direction—"errors of impunity", or to any unjust outcome in any civil case. Every "miscarriage of justice" in turn is a "manifest injustice." Most criminal justice systems have some means to overturn or quash a wrongful conviction, but this is difficult to achieve. In some instances a wrongful conviction is not overturned for several decades, or until after the innocent person has been executed, released from custody, or has died. "Miscarriage of justice" is sometimes used to describe any wrongful conviction when the defendant may be guilty, for example in reference to a conviction reached as the result of an unfair or disputed trial. While a miscarriage of justice is a Type I error for falsely identifying culpability, an error of impunity would be a Type II error of failing to find a culpable person guilty.
However, the term "miscarriage of justice" is used to describe the latter type as well. With capital punishment decreasing, the expression has acquired an extended meaning, namely any conviction for a crime not committed by the convicted person. Wrongful convictions are cited by death penalty opponents as cause to eliminate death penalties to avoid executing innocent persons. In recent years, DNA evidence has been used to clear many people falsely convicted; the term travesty of justice is sometimes used for a gross, deliberate miscarriage of justice. Show trials, due to their character lead to such travesties; the concept of miscarriage of justice has important implications for standard of review, in that an appellate court will only exercise its discretion to correct a plain error when a miscarriage of justice would otherwise occur. The Scandinavian languages have a word, the Swedish variant of, justitiemord, which translates as "justice murder". Slavic languages use a different word, but it is used for judicial murder, while miscarriage of justice is "justiční omyl" in Czech, implying an error of the justice system, not a deliberate manipulation.
The term was used for cases where the accused was convicted and cleared after death. Causes of miscarriages of justice include: Plea bargains that offer incentives for the innocent to plead guilty, sometimes called an innocent prisoner's dilemma Confirmation bias on the part of investigators Withholding or destruction of evidence by police or prosecution Fabrication of evidence or outright perjury by police, or prosecution witnesses Biased editing of evidence Prejudice against the class of people to which the defendant belongs Misidentification of the perpetrator by witnesses and/or victims Overestimation/underestimation of the evidential value of expert testimony Contaminated evidence Faulty forensic tests False confessions due to police pressure or psychological weakness Misdirection of a jury by a judge during trial Perjured evidence by the real guilty party or their accomplices Perjured evidence by the alleged victim or their accomplices Conspiracy between court of appeal judges and prosecutors to uphold conviction of the innocent Fraudulent conduct by a judge: Judicial MisconductA risk of miscarriages of justice is one of the main arguments against the death penalty.
Where condemned persons are executed promptly after conviction, the most significant effect of a miscarriage of justice is irreversible. Wrongly executed people occasionally receive posthumous pardons—which void the conviction—or have their convictions quashed. Many death penalty states hold condemned persons for ten or more years before execution, so that any new evidence that might acquit them will have had time to surface; when a wrongly convicted person is not executed, years in prison can have a substantial, irreversible effect on the person and their family. The risk of miscarriage of justice is therefore an argument against long sentences, like a life sentence, cruel prison conditions. Various studies estimate that in the United States, between 2.3 and 5% of all prisoners are innocent. One study estimated that up to 10,000 people may be wrongfully convicted of serious crimes each year. A 2014 study estimated that 4.1% of inmates awaiting execution on death row in the United States are innocent, that at least 340 innocent people may have been executed since 1973.
According to Professor Boaz Sangero of the College of Law and Business in Ramat Gan in Israel, most wrongful convictions are for crimes less serious than major felonies such as rape and murder, as judicial systems are less careful in dealing with those cases. Wrongful convictions appear at first to be "rightful" arrests and subsequent convictions, include a public statement about a particular crime having occurred, as well as a particular individual or individuals having committed that crime. If the conviction turns out to be a miscarriage of justice one or both of these statements is deemed to be false. During this time between the miscarriage of justice and its correction, the public holds false beliefs about the occurrence of a crime, the perpetrator of a crime, or both. While the public audience of a miscarriage of justice varies, they may in some cases be as large as an entire nation or multitude of nations. In cases where a large-scale audience is unknowingly witness
Jim Crow laws
Jim Crow laws were state and local laws that enforced racial segregation in the Southern United States. All were enacted in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by white Democratic-dominated state legislatures after the Reconstruction period; the laws were enforced until 1965. In practice, Jim Crow laws mandated racial segregation in all public facilities in the states of the former Confederate States of America, starting in the 1870s and 1880s, were upheld in 1896, by the U. S. Supreme Court's "separate but equal" legal doctrine for facilities for African Americans, established with the court's decision in the case of Plessy vs. Ferguson. Moreover, public education had been segregated since its establishment in most of the South, after the Civil War; the legal principle of "separate, but equal" racial segregation was extended to public facilities and transportation, including the coaches of interstate trains and buses. Facilities for African Americans and Native Americans were inferior and underfunded, compared to the facilities for white Americans.
As a body of law, Jim Crow institutionalized economic and social disadvantages for African Americans, other people of color living in the south. Legalized racial segregation principally existed in the Southern states, while Northern and Western racial segregation was a matter of fact — enforced in housing with private covenants in leases, bank lending-practices, employment-preference discrimination, including labor-union practices. Jim Crow laws—sometimes, as in Florida, part of state constitutions—mandated the segregation of public schools, public places, public transportation, the segregation of restrooms and drinking fountains for whites and blacks; the U. S. military was segregated. President Woodrow Wilson, a Southern Democrat, initiated segregation of federal workplaces in 1913; these Jim Crow laws revived principles of the 1865 and 1866 Black Codes, which had restricted the civil rights and civil liberties of African Americans. Segregation of public schools was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education.
In some states it took many years to implement this decision. The remaining Jim Crow laws were overruled by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, but years of action and court challenges have been needed to unravel the many means of institutional discrimination; the phrase "Jim Crow Law" can be found as early as 1892 in the title of a New York Times article about Louisiana requiring segregated railroad cars. The origin of the phrase "Jim Crow" has been attributed to "Jump Jim Crow", a song-and-dance caricature of blacks performed by white actor Thomas D. Rice in blackface, which first surfaced in 1832 and was used to satirize Andrew Jackson's populist policies; as a result of Rice's fame, "Jim Crow" by 1838 had become a pejorative expression meaning "Negro". When southern legislatures passed laws of racial segregation directed against blacks at the end of the 19th century, these statutes became known as Jim Crow laws. In January 1865 an amendment to the Constitution to abolish slavery in the United States was proposed by Congress, on December 18, 1865, it was ratified as the Thirteenth Amendment formally abolishing slavery.
During the Reconstruction period of 1865–1877, federal laws provided civil rights protections in the U. S. South for freedmen, the African Americans, slaves, the minority of blacks, free before the war. In the 1870s, Democrats regained power in the Southern legislatures, having used insurgent paramilitary groups, such as the White League and the Red Shirts, to disrupt Republican organizing, run Republican officeholders out of town, intimidate blacks to suppress their voting. Extensive voter fraud was used. Gubernatorial elections were close and had been disputed in Louisiana for years, with increasing violence against blacks during campaigns from 1868 onward. In 1877, a national Democratic Party compromise to gain Southern support in the presidential election resulted in the government's withdrawing the last of the federal troops from the South. White Democrats had regained political power in every Southern state; these Southern, Democratic Redeemer governments legislated Jim Crow laws segregating black people from the white population.
Blacks were still elected to local offices throughout the 1880s, but their voting was suppressed for state and national elections. Democrats passed laws to make voter registration and electoral rules more restrictive, with the result that political participation by most blacks and many poor whites began to decrease. Between 1890 and 1910, ten of the eleven former Confederate states, starting with Mississippi, passed new constitutions or amendments that disenfranchised most blacks and tens of thousands of poor whites through a combination of poll taxes and comprehension tests, residency and record-keeping requirements. Grandfather clauses temporarily permitted some illiterate whites to vote but gave no relief to most blacks. Voter turnout dropped drastically through the South as a result of such measures. In Louisiana, by 1900, black voters were reduced to 5,320 on the rolls, although they comprised the majority of the state's population. By 1910, only 730 blacks were registered, less than 0.5% of eligible black men.
"In 27 of the state's 60 parishes, not a single black voter was registered any longer. The cumulative effect in North Carolina meant that black voters were eliminated from voter rolls during the period fro
The Legacy Museum
The Legacy Museum: From Enslavement to Mass Incarceration is a museum in Montgomery, that displays the history of slavery and racism in America. This includes the enslavement of African-Americans, racial lynchings and racial bias; the museum, which opened on April 26, 2018, is founded by Montgomery's Equal Justice Initiative as a counterpart to the National Memorial to Peace and Justice, dedicated to the memory of the victims of lynching. The development and construction of the museum and the nearby memorial cost an estimated $20 million raised from private donations and charitable foundations. Former Vice-President Al Gore spoke at the two-day opening summit meeting; the memorial complex features artwork by Hank Willis Thomas, Glenn Ligon, Jacob Lawrence, Elizabeth Catlett, Titus Kaphar, Sanford Biggers. One of its displays is a collection of soil from lynching sites across the United States; the exhibits in the 11,000-square-foot museum include oral history, archival materials, interactive technology.
The museum's goal is to lead the visitor on the path from slavery to racial oppression in other forms, including terror lynching and mass incarceration of minorites. To illustrate the point of on-going oppression, the exhibits include photographs of African-Americans picking cotton. In fact, they are of inmates from 1960s. Unlike the Mississippi Civil Rights Museum, the Legacy Museum does not tell a comforting story of progress from oppression to civil rights reform, but of continually evolving ways of controlling black people. In one telling exhibit, a panicked group of captured and chained Africans stand opposite a group of men, arms raised, at the moment of arrest; the museum employs technology to dramatize the horror and terror of enslavement and legalized racial segregation in America. Visitors can hear, be in close proximity to slave replicas, which model what it was like to be an imprisoned slave awaiting sale at the auction block. There are first person accounts of auctioning through narration and voice overs.
List of museums focused on African Americans Topography of Terror: museum in Berlin, Germany dedicated to the victims of the Nazi regime Street, Erin Shaw. "Visit Alabama's Legacy Museum and lynching memorial". The Messenger. Official website