Chicano or Chicana is a chosen identity of some Mexican Americans in the United States. The term Chicano is sometimes used interchangeably with Mexican-American. Both names are chosen identities within the Mexican-American community in the United States; the term became used during the Chicano Movement by Mexican Americans to express pride in a shared cultural and community identity. The term Chicano had negative connotations before the Chicano Movement, still is viewed negatively and archaic by more conservative members of this community. Over time, it has gained some acceptance as an identity of pride within the Mexican-American community in the United States; the pro-indigenous/Mestizo nature of Chicano nationalism is cemented in the idea of mestizaje. It was the experience of Mexican Americans in the United States which culminated in the creation of a Chicano identity; the Chicano poet and writer Tino Villanueva traced the first documented use of the term as an ethnonym to 1911, as referenced in a then-unpublished essay by University of Texas anthropologist José Limón.
Linguists Edward R. Simmen and Richard F. Bauerle report the use of the term in an essay by Mexican-American writer, Mario Suárez, published in the Arizona Quarterly in 1947. In 1857, a gunboat, the Chicana, was sold to Jose Maria Carvajal to ship arms on the Rio Grande; the King and Kenedy firm submitted a voucher to the Joint Claims Commission of the United States in 1870 to cover the costs of this gunboat's conversion from a passenger steamer. No particular explanation of the boat's name is known; the origin of the word "chicano" is disputed. Some claim; the name Mexica as spoken in its original Nahuatl, Mexico by the Spaniards at the time of the Conquistadors, was pronounced with a and was transcribed with an x during this time period. According to this etymological hypothesis, the difference between the pronunciation and spelling of chicano and mexicano stems from the fact that the modern-day Spanish language experienced a change in pronunciation regarding a majority of words containing the x.
In most cases the has been a change of spelling. The word Chicano would have been affected by this change. Many Chicanos replace the ch with the letter x, forming Xicano, due to the original spelling of the Mexica Empire. In the United States, some Mexican-Americans choose the Xicano spelling to emphasize their indigenous ancestry. In Mexico's indigenous regions and Westernized natives are referred to as mexicanos, referring to the modern nation, rather than the pueblo identification of the speaker, be it Mayan, Mixtec, Huasteco, or any of hundreds of other indigenous groups. Thus, a newly emigrated Nahuatl speaker in an urban center might referred to his cultural relatives in this country, different from himself, as mexicanos, shortened to chicanos; the Handbook of Texas combines the two ideas: According to one explanation, the pre-Columbian tribes in Mexico called themselves Meshicas, the Spaniards, employing the letter x, spelled it Mexicas. The Indians referred to themselves as Meshicanos and as Shicanos, thus giving birth to the term Chicano.
Some believe that the early 20th-century Hispanic Texan epithet chicamo shifted into chicano to reflect the grammatical conventions of Spanish-language ethno- and demonyms, such as americano and peruano. However, Chicanos do not agree that chicamo was a word used within the culture, as its assertion is thus far unsubstantiated. Therefore, most self-identifying Chicanos do not agree that Chicano was derived from the word chicamo. Another hypothesis is that chicano derives from the indigenous population of Guanajuato, the Chichimecas, combined with the word Mexicano. An alternative idea is that it is an altered form of Chilango, meaning someone from Mexico City or Central Mexico. A similar notion is that the word derives from Chichen Itza, the Mayan temple ruin and its associated culture in Mexico's Yucatán Peninsula. Chicano would thus be a Hispanized word for Chichen and Mayans, rather than the Aztec or Nahua people. Chicanos, like many Mexicans, are Mestizos who have heritage of both indigenous American cultures and European Spanish, through colonization and immigration.
The term Latino refers to a native or inhabitant of Latin America or a person of Latin American origin living in the U. S. Hispanic refers to Spain, but, in effect, to those of Spanish-speaking descent; the term was first brought up in the 1970s but it was not until the 1990s that the term was used on the U. S. Census. Since it has been used by politicians and the media; the correct amalgamation is Latin American or Latin Americans, as coined by the Portuguese in the 17th century. The term's meanings are debatable, but self-described Chicanos view the term as a positive, self-identifying social construction. Outside of Mexican-American communities, within them, Chicano has sometimes been considered pejorative by those who do not prefer the term. Regardless, its implications are subjective, but usually
Chicano Park is a 32,000 square meter park located beneath the San Diego-Coronado Bridge in Barrio Logan, a predominantly Mexican American and Mexican-immigrant community in central San Diego, California. The park is home to the country's largest collection of outdoor murals, as well as various sculptures, an architectural piece dedicated to the cultural heritage of the community; because of the magnitude and historical significance of the murals, the park was designated an official historic site by the San Diego Historical Site Board in 1980, its murals were recognized as public art by the San Diego Public Advisory Board in 1987. The park was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2013 owing to its association with the Chicano Movement, was designated a National Historic Landmark in 2016. Chicano Park, like Berkeley's People's Park, was the result of a militant people's land takeover; every year on April 22, the community celebrates the anniversary of the park's takeover with a celebration called Chicano Park Day.
The area was known as the East End, but was renamed Logan Heights in 1905. The first Mexican settlers there arrived in the 1890s, followed soon after by refugees fleeing the violence of the Mexican Revolution, which began in 1910. So many Mexican immigrants and Mexican-Americans settled there that the southern portion of Logan Heights became known as Barrio Logan; the original neighborhood reached all the way to San Diego Bay, with waterfront access for the residents. This access was denied beginning with World War II, when Naval installations blocked local access to the beach; the denial of beachfront access was the initial source of the community's resentment of the government and its agencies. This resentment grew in the 1950s, when the area was rezoned as mixed industrial. Junk dealers and repair shops moved into the barrio, creating air pollution, loud noise, aesthetic conditions unsuitable for a residential area. Resentment continued to grow as the barrio was cleaved in two by Interstate 5 in 1963 and was further divided in 1969 by the elevated onramps of the San Diego-Coronado Bridge.
At this time, Mexicans were accustomed to not being included in discussions concerning their communities and to not being represented by their officials, so no formal complaint was lodged. This attitude began to change as the Civil Rights Movement unfolded in parallel with park development efforts; as various community campaigns coalesced under the banner of the Chicano Movement so too did the political awareness and sense of empowerment grow in Barrio Logan. Community residents had long been demanding a park; the City Council had promised to build a park to compensate for the loss of over 5,000 homes and businesses removed for the construction of the freeway and bridge, as well as for the aesthetic degradation created by the overhead freeways supported by a forest of gray concrete piers. In June 1969, the park was approved and a site was designated, but no action was taken to implement the decision; the final straw came on April 22, 1970. On his way to school, a community member, San Diego City College student, Brown Beret member named Mario Solis noticed bulldozers next to the area designated for the park.
When he inquired about the nature of the work being undertaken, he was shocked to discover that, rather than a park, the crew was preparing to build a parking lot next to a building that would be converted into a California Highway Patrol station. Solis went door-to-door to spread the news of the construction. At school, he alerted the students of Professor Gil Robledo's Chicano studies class, who printed fliers to bring more attention to the affair. At noon that day, Mexican-American high school students walked out of their classes to join other neighbors who had congregated at the site; some protesters formed human chains around the bulldozers, while others planted trees and cactus. Solis is reported to have commandeered a bulldozer to flatten the land for planting. Notably, the flag of Aztlán was raised on an old telephone pole, marking a symbolic "reclamation" of land, once Mexico by people of Mexican descent. There were many young families at the protest; when the crowd grew to 250, construction was called off.
The occupation of Chicano Park lasted for twelve days while community members and city officials held meetings to negotiate the creation of a park. During that time, groups of people came from Los Angeles and Santa Barbara to join the occupation and express solidarity; the Chicano Park Steering Committee was founded by Josephine Talamantez, Victor Ochoa, Jose Gomez, others. Not trusting the city and fearing that abandoning the land would be tantamount to conceding defeat, an agreement was reached and the Steering Committee called for an end to the occupation of the land while stationing informal picketers on the public sidewalks around the disputed terrain to provide residents with information regarding the project, they maintained. At a meeting on April 23, a young artist named Salvador Torres returned to t
The Chicano Movement of the 1960s called the Chicano civil rights movement or El Movimiento, was a civil rights movement extending the Mexican-American civil rights movement of the 1960s with the stated goal of achieving Mexican American empowerment. Similar to the Black Power movement, scholars have written about the repression and police brutality experienced by members of this movement which some connect to larger government-organized activity such as COINTELPRO; the Chicano Movement encompassed a broad list of issues—from restoration of land grants, to farm workers' rights, to enhanced education, to voting and political rights, as well as emerging awareness of collective history. The Chicano Movement addressed negative ethnic stereotypes of Mexicans in mass media and the American consciousness. In an article in The Journal of American History, Edward J. Escobar describes some of the negativity of the time: The conflict between Chicanos and the LAPD thus helped Mexican Americans develop a new political consciousness that included a greater sense of ethnic solidarity, an acknowledgment of their subordinated status in American society, a greater determination to act politically, even violently, to end that subordination.
While most people of Mexican descent still refused to call themselves Chicanos, many had come to adopt many of the principles intrinsic in the concept of chicanismo. Chicanos did this through the creation of works of literary and visual art that validated the Mexican American ethnicity and culture practices; the term Chicanos was used as a derogatory label for the sons and daughters of Mexican migrants. Some prefer to spell the word "Chicano" as "Xicano"; this new generation of Mexican Americans were singled out by people on both sides of the border in whose view these Mexican Americans were not "American", yet they were not "Mexican", either. In the 1960s "Chicano" was accepted as a symbol of ethnic pride; the Chicano Movement addressed discrimination in public and private institutions. Early in the twentieth century, Mexican Americans formed organizations to protect themselves from discrimination. One of those organizations, the League of United Latin American Citizens, was formed in 1929 and remains active today.
The Chicano Movement had been fermenting since the end of the U. S.–Mexican War in 1848, when the current U. S–Mexican border took form. Since that time, many Chicanos and Chicanas have campaigned against discrimination and exploitation; the Chicano Movement that culminated in the early 1970s took inspiration from heroes and heroines from their indigenous and American past. The movement gained momentum after World War II when groups such as the American G. I. Forum, founded by returning Mexican American veteran Dr. Hector P. Garcia, joined in the efforts by other civil rights organizations; the AGIF first received national exposure when it took on the cause of Felix Longoria, a Mexican American serviceman, denied a funeral service in his hometown of Three Rivers, Texas after being killed during WWII. After the Longoria incident, the AGIF expanded throughout Texas and by the 1950s, chapters were founded across the U. S. Mexican American civil rights activists achieved several major legal victories including the 1947 Mendez v. Westminster court case ruling which declared that segregating children of "Mexican and Latin descent" was unconstitutional and the 1954 Hernandez v. Texas ruling which declared that Mexican Americans and other historically-subordinated groups in the United States were entitled to equal protection under the 14th Amendment of the U.
S. Constitution. There were several leaders throughout the Chicano Movement. In New Mexico there was Reies López Tijerina, he fought to regain control of. He became involved in civil rights causes within six years and became a cosponsor of the Poor People's March on Washington in 1967. In Texas, war veteran Dr. Hector P. Garcia founded the American GI Forum and was appointed to the United States Commission on Civil Rights. In Denver, Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzáles helped define the meaning of being a Chicano through his poem Yo Soy Joaquin. In California, César Chávez and the farm workers turned to the struggle of urban youth, created political awareness and participated in La Raza Unida Party; the most prominent civil rights organization in the Mexican-American community is the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, founded in 1968. Although modeled after the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, MALDEF has taken on many of the functions of other organizations, including political advocacy and training of local leaders.
Some women who worked for the Chicano movement felt that members were being too concerned with social issues that affected the Chicano community, instead of addressing problems that affected Chicana women specifically. This led Chicana women to form the Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional. In 1975, it became involved in the case Madrigal v. Quilligan, obtaining a moratorium on the compulsory sterilization of women and adoption of bilingual consent forms; these steps were necessary because many Hispanic women who did not understand English well were being sterilized in the United States at the time, without proper consent. With the widespread immigration marches which flourished throughout the U. S. in the Spring of 2006, the Chicano Movement has continued to expand in its focus and the number of people who are involved within the Mexican American community. As of the 21st Century, a major focus of the Chicano Movement has been to increase the representation of Chicanos in mainstream American media and entertainment.
Day of the Dead
The Day of the Dead is a Mexican holiday celebrated throughout Mexico, in particular the Central and South regions, by people of Mexican heritage elsewhere. The multi-day holiday focuses on gatherings of family and friends to pray for and remember friends and family members who have died, help support their spiritual journey. In the Mexican culture death is viewed has a natural part of the human cycle, they view it has a day of celebration, they celebrate with them. They don't view it as a day of sadness but as a day of celebration. In 2008, the tradition was inscribed in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO; the holiday is sometimes called Día de los Muertos in Anglophone countries, a back-translation of its original name, Día de Muertos. It is celebrated in Mexico where the day is a public holiday. Prior to Spanish colonization in the 16th century, the celebration took place at the beginning of summer, it was associated with October 31, November 1, November 2 to coincide with the Western Christianity triduum of Allhallowtide: All Saints' Eve, All Saints' Day, All Souls' Day.
Traditions connected with the holiday include building private altars called ofrendas, honoring the deceased using calaveras, aztec marigolds, the favorite foods and beverages of the departed, visiting graves with these as gifts. Visitors leave possessions of the deceased at the graves. Scholars trace the origins of the modern Mexican holiday to indigenous observances dating back hundreds of years and to an Aztec festival dedicated to the goddess Mictecacihuatl; the holiday has spread throughout the world, being absorbed into other deep traditions in honor of the dead. It has become as such is taught in the nation's schools. Many families celebrate a traditional "All Saints' Day" associated with the Catholic Church; the Day of the Dead as such was not celebrated in northern Mexico, where it was unknown until the 20th century because its indigenous people had different traditions. The people and the church rejected it as a day related to syncretizing pagan elements with Catholic Christianity, they held the traditional'All Saints' Day' in the same way as other Christians in the world.
There was limited Mesoamerican influence in this region, few indigenous inhabitants from the regions of Southern Mexico, where the holiday was celebrated. In the early 21st century in northern Mexico, Día de Muertos is observed because the Mexican government made it a national holiday based on educational policies from the 1960s; the Mexican Day of the Dead celebration is similar to other societies' observances of a time to honor the dead. The Spanish tradition know as'All Saints Day' celebrates in similar ways, for instance they celebrate with festivals and parades, as well as gatherings of families at cemeteries to pray for their deceased loved ones at the end of the day; the Day of the Dead celebrations in Mexico developed from ancient traditions among its pre-Columbian cultures. Rituals celebrating the deaths of ancestors had been observed by these civilizations for as long as 2,500–3,000 years; the festival that developed into the modern Day of the Dead fell in the ninth month of the Aztec calendar, about the beginning of August, was celebrated for an entire month.
The festivities were dedicated to the goddess known as the "Lady of the Dead", corresponding to the modern La Calavera Catrina. By the late 20th century in most regions of Mexico, practices had developed to honor dead children and infants on November 1, to honor deceased adults on November 2. November 1 is referred to as Día de los Inocentes but as Día de los Angelitos. In the 2015 James Bond film, the opening sequence features a Day of the Dead parade in Mexico City. At the time, no such parade took place in Mexico City. Frances Ann Day summarizes the three-day celebration, the Day of the Dead: People go to cemeteries to be with the souls of the departed and build private altars containing the favorite foods and beverages, as well as photos and memorabilia, of the departed; the intent is to encourage visits by the souls, so the souls will hear the prayers and the comments of the living directed to them. Celebrations can take a humorous tone, as celebrants remember funny events and anecdotes about the departed.
Plans for the day are made throughout the year, including gathering the goods to be offered to the dead. During the three-day period families clean and decorate graves. In modern Mexico the marigold is sometimes called Flor de Muerto; these flowers are thought to attract souls of the dead to the offerings. It is believed the bright petals with a strong scent can guide the souls from cemeteries to their family homes. Toys are brought for dead children, bottles of tequila, mezcal or pulque or jars of atole for adults. Families
Aztlán is the ancestral home of the Aztec peoples. Aztecah is the Nahuatl word for "people from Aztlan". Aztlan is mentioned in several ethnohistorical sources dating from the colonial period, each of them give different lists of the different tribal groups who participated in the migration from Aztlan to central Mexico, but the Mexica who went on to found Mexico-Tenochtitlan are mentioned in all of the accounts. Historians have speculated about the possible location of Aztlan and tend to place it either in northwestern Mexico or the southwest US, although there are doubts about whether the place is purely mythical or represents a historical reality. Nahuatl legends relate that seven tribes lived in Chicomoztoc, or "the place of the seven caves"; each cave represented a different Nahua group: the Xochimilca, Acolhua, Tepaneca and Aztec. Because of their common linguistic origin, those groups are called collectively "Nahuatlaca"; these tribes subsequently settled "near" Aztlán. The various descriptions of Aztlán contradict each other.
While some legends describe Aztlán as a paradise, the Codex Aubin says that the Aztecs were subject to a tyrannical elite called the Azteca Chicomoztoca. Guided by their priest, the Aztec fled, and, on the road, their god Huitzilopochtli forbade them to call themselves Azteca, telling them that they should be known as Mexica. Scholars of the 19th century—in particular Alexander von Humboldt and William H. Prescott—translated the word Azteca, as is shown in the Aubin Codex to Aztec; some say that the southward migration began on May 24, 1064 CE, after the Crab Nebula events from May to July 1054. Each of the seven groups is credited with founding a different major city-state in Central Mexico. A 2004 translation of the Anales de Tlatelolco gives the only date known related to the exit from Aztlan. Cristobal del Castillo mentions in his book "Fragmentos de la Obra General Sobre Historia de los Mexicanos", that the lake around the Aztlan island was called Metztliapan or "Lake of the moon." While Aztlán has many trappings of myth, similar to Tamoanchan, Chicomoztoc and Cibola, archaeologists have nonetheless attempted to identify a geographic place of origin for the Mexica.
Friar Diego Durán, who chronicled the history of the Aztecs, wrote of Aztec emperor Moctezuma I's attempt to recover the history of the Mexica by congregating warriors and wise men on an expedition to locate Aztlán. According to Durán, the expedition was successful in finding a place that offered characteristics unique to Aztlán. However, his accounts were written shortly after the conquest of Tenochtitlan and before an accurate mapping of the American continent was made; the meaning of the name Aztlan is uncertain. One suggested meaning is "place of Herons" or "place of egrets"—the explanation given in the Crónica Mexicáyotl—but this is not possible under Nahuatl morphology: "place of egrets" is Aztatlan. Other proposed derivations include "place of whiteness" and "at the place in the vicinity of tools", sharing the āz- element of words such as teponāztli, "drum"; the concept of Aztlán as the place of origin of the pre-Columbian Mexican civilization has become a symbol for various Mexican nationalist and indigenous movements.
In 1969 the notion of Aztlan was introduced by the poet Alurista at the National Chicano Youth Liberation Conference held in Denver, Colorado by the Crusade for Justice. There he read a poem, which has come to be known as the preamble to El Plan de Aztlan or as "El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan" due to its poetic aesthetic. For Chicanas/os, Aztlan refers to the Mexican territories annexed by the United States as a result of the Mexican–American War of 1846-1848. Aztlán became a symbol for mestizo activists who believe they have a legal and primordial right to the land. In order to exercise this right, some members of the Chicano movement propose that a new nation be created, a República del Norte. Aztlán is the name of the Chicano studies journal published out of the UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Brown Berets La Raza Unida MEChA Nation of Aztlán Plan Espiritual de Aztlán Raza Unida Party Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute, which demands self-determination for indigenous nations of all countries, as well as the immediate granting of self-determination of internally colonized nations of the US, up to and including secession.
Freedom Road Socialist Organization, which calls for self-determination for the Chicano nation in Aztlan up to and including the right to secession. A prominent advocate of Aztlán was Professor Charles Truxillo of the University of New Mexico, who envisioned a sovereign Hispanic nation called the República del Norte that encompassed the Northern Mexico, Baja California, Arizona, New Mexico and southern Colorado. Truxillo stated that he did not like the terms'Hispanic' or'Latino', saying that they are racist, stating that American society is meant to conquer and divide, preferred Norteño or Indio-Hispano. Truxillo, who taught at UNM's Chicano Studies Program on a yearly contract, stated in an interview that "Native-born American Hispanics feel like strangers in their own land. We remain subordinated. We have a negative image of our own culture, created by the media. Self-loathing is a terrible form of oppressi
Tex-Mex cuisine known as Mexican American cuisine, is a fusion of Mexican and American cuisines, deriving from the culinary creations of the Tejano people living in Texas. It has spread from border states such as Texas and others in the Southwestern United States to the rest of the country as well as Canada. Tex-Mex is most popular in Texas and neighboring areas nearby states in both the US and Mexico; the Mexican food market is a 41 billion dollar industry within the United States. Tex-Mex is a subtype of Southwestern cuisine found in Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Texas and Utah; some ingredients are common in Mexican cuisine, but other ingredients not used in Mexico are added. Tex-Mex cuisine is characterized by its heavy use of shredded cheese, beans and spices, in addition to flour tortillas. Dishes such as Texas-style chili con carne, crispy tacos, fajitas, are all Tex-Mex inventions. Cheese plays a much bigger role in Tex-Mex food than in mainstream Mexican cuisine in the popularity of Chile con queso, eaten with chips, or may be served over enchiladas, tamales or burritos.
Moreover, Tex-Mex has imported flavors from other spicy cuisines, such as the use of cumin, introduced by Spanish immigrants to Texas from the Canary Islands and used in Berber cuisine, but used in only a few central Mexican recipes. And in recent years Tex-Mex has incorporated elements of traditional Mexican food into the cuisine, including the more creative use of chile peppers and the serving of so-called "street tacos"; the word "Tex-Mex" first entered the English language as a nickname for the Texas Mexican Railway, chartered in southern Texas in 1875. In train schedules published in the newspapers of the 19th century the names of railroads were abbreviated; the Missouri Pacific was called the Mo. Pac. and the Texas-Mexican was abbreviated Tex. Mex. In the 1920s, the hyphenated form was used in American newspapers in reference to the railroad and to describe Texans of Mexican ancestry. In the mission era and Mexican cuisines were combined in Texas as in other parts of the northern frontier of New Spain.
However, the cuisine that would come to be called Tex-Mex originated with Tejanos as a mix of native Mexican and Spanish foods when Texas was part of New Spain and Mexico. From the South Texas region between San Antonio, the Rio Grande Valley and El Paso, this cuisine has had little variation, from earliest times has always been influenced by the cooking in the neighboring northern states of Mexico; the ranching culture of South Texas and Northern Mexico straddles both sides of the border, where beef, grilled food, tortillas have been common and popular foods for more than a century. A taste for cabrito, barbacoa de cabeza, carne seca, other products of cattle culture is common on both sides of the Rio Grande. In the 20th century, Tex-Mex took on such Americanized elements as cheddar cheese, as goods from the United States became cheap and available. In much of Texas, the cooking styles on both sides of the U. S.–Mexico border were the same until a period after the U. S. Civil War. With the railroads, American ingredients and cooking appliances became common on the U.
S. side. A 1968 Los Angeles Times feature wrote "f the dish is a combination of Old World cooking, hush-my-mouth Southern cuisine and Tex-Mex, it's from the Texas Hill Country."In France, Paris's first Tex-Mex restaurant opened in March 1983. After the 1986 release of the film Betty Blue, Tex-Mex cuisine's popularity in Paris increased; the Oxford English Dictionary supplies the first-known uses in print of "Tex-Mex" in reference to food, from a 1963 article in The New York Times Magazine, a 1966 item in the Great Bend Tribune. Diana Kennedy, an influential food authority, explained the distinctions between Mexican cuisine and Americanized Mexican food in her 1972 book The Cuisines of Mexico. Robb Walsh of the Houston Press said the book "was a breakthrough cookbook, one that could have been written only by a non-Mexican, it unified Mexican cooking by transcending the nation's class divisions and treating the food of the poor with the same respect as the food of the upper classes." The term "Tex-Mex" saw increasing usage in the Los Angeles Times from the 1970s onward while the Tex-Mex label became a part of U.
S. vernacular during'70s, and'80s. List of Mexican restaurants Cuisine of the United States Mexican cuisine Tex-Mex cuisine in Houston Jane Butel, preeminent author on the cuisine "Tex-Mex Foods." Handbook of Texas. Robb Walsh's Six-Part History of Tex-Mex in the Houston Press: Pralines and Pushcarts, Combination Plates, Mama's Got a Brand-new Bag, The Authenticity Myth, The French Connection, Brave Nuevo World. Temples of Tex-Mex: A Diner's Guide to the State's Oldest Mexican Restaurants Lieberman, Dave. "Five Ways To Tell You're Eating Americanized Mexican Food." OC Weekly. Monday 14 June 2010
Estrada Courts is a low-income housing project in the Boyle Heights area of Los Angeles, California. Estrada Courts was constructed in 1942-1943, during the World War II housing shortage in Southern California, which resulted from the war-time boom in war-industry work, followed by the return of servicemen to the region and the Bracero program. In 1954, Paul Robinson Hunter designed an extension of the site with Jr.. When the Estrada Courts were built it was unique to other housing projects because it “was not segregated or bound by racial restrictions”; the Estrada Courts allowed for more integrated complexes therefore, welcoming more than just the low-income/working class. Post-war era the Estrada Courts began to evolve, in the 1970’s a total of eighty murals were painted by Chicano muralists. Estrada Courts is owned by the City of Los Angeles and operated by the Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles. Estrada Courts is well known for its murals, which reflect the Chicano barrio culture and traditions of the area.
“Chicano murals look the way they do, because the authors concentrate not only on individual murals but on mural clusters and establish a dialogic interplay of form and location among them". The iconography in the mural clusters emerges from the sociohistorical context not only of the space where they are painted but of the aesthetic norms of specific barrio cultures over an extended period of time.” The murals include: Mural of Children by Charles Felix Two Flags by Sonny Ramirez, located at 1364-6 Grande Vista Ave at Olympic In Memory of a Home Boy by Daniel Martinez, located at 3328 Hunter Street Dreams of Flight by David Botello, located at 3441 Olympic Boulevard The Sun Bathers by Gil Hernandez, located at 3287 Olympic Boulevard The Artist by Daniel Haro Moratorium - The Black and White Mural by Willie Herron and Gronk. We Are Not a Minority by El Congreso de Artistas Cosmicos de las Americas de San Diego; the mural reads on the upper left corner: "In memoriam to el Doctor Che. Día del Rebelde Internacional XI aniversario Oct. 8th, 1978.”
This mural can be seen in the music videos for "To Live & Die in L. A." by Tupac Shakur and "Where Is the Love?" by The Black Eyed Peas. The murals Dreams of Flight, Untitled by Daniel Haro, Untitled by Steve Delgado are featured prominently in an episode of the television show Robbery Homicide Division-City of Strivers from November 8, 2002. Residents are assigned to the following schools in the Los Angeles Unified School District: Stevenson Middle School Theodore Roosevelt High School Easterling, Stewart An Art Museum on the Streets of L. A. Socialist Worker Online Getty Museum Priorities in Conserving Community Murals East Los Angeles Public Housing — Tour Guide Pomona College Experience the Mural of East Los Angeles Japanese National Museum Boyle Heights Project