Heaven, or the heavens, is a common religious, cosmological, or transcendent place where beings such as gods, spirits, saints, or venerated ancestors are said to originate, be enthroned, or live. According to the beliefs of some religions, heavenly beings can descend to earth or incarnate, earthly beings can ascend to heaven in the afterlife, or in exceptional cases enter heaven alive. Heaven is described as a "higher place", the holiest place, a Paradise, in contrast to hell or the Underworld or the "low places", universally or conditionally accessible by earthly beings according to various standards of divinity, piety, faith, or other virtues or right beliefs or the will of God; some believe in the possibility of a heaven on Earth in a World to Come. Another belief is in an axis mundi or world tree which connects the heavens, the terrestrial world, the underworld. In Indian religions, heaven is considered as Svarga loka, the soul is again subjected to rebirth in different living forms according to its karma.
This cycle can be broken after a soul achieves Nirvana. Any place of existence, either of humans, souls or deities, outside the tangible world is referred to as otherworld; the modern English word heaven is derived from the earlier heven. By about 1000, heofon was being used in reference to the Christianized "place where God dwells", but it had signified "sky, firmament"; the English term has cognates in the other Germanic languages: Old Saxon heƀan "sky, heaven", Old Icelandic himinn, Gothic himins. All of these have been derived from a reconstructed Proto-Germanic form *hemina-. or *hemō. The further derivation of this form is uncertain. A connection to Proto-Indo-European *ḱem- "cover, shroud", via a reconstructed *k̑emen- or *k̑ōmen- "stone, heaven", has been proposed. Others endorse the derivation from a Proto-Indo-European root *h₂éḱmō "stone" and "heavenly vault" at the origin of this word, which would have as cognates Ancient Greek ἄκμων, Persian آسمان and Sanskrit अश्मन्. In the latter case English hammer would be another cognate to the word.
The ancient Mesopotamians regarded the sky as a series of domes covering the flat earth. Each dome was made of a different kind of precious stone; the lowest dome of heaven was the home of the stars. The middle dome of heaven was the abode of the Igigi; the highest and outermost dome of heaven was made of luludānītu stone and was personified as An, the god of the sky. The celestial bodies were equated with specific deities as well; the planet Venus was believed to be Inanna, the goddess of love and war. The sun was her brother Utu, the god of justice, the moon was their father Nanna. In ancient Near Eastern cultures in general and in Mesopotamia in particular, humans had little to no access to the divine realm. Heaven and earth were separated by their nature. In the Epic of Gilgamesh, Gilgamesh says to Enkidu, "Who can go up to heaven, my friend? Only the gods dwell with Shamash forever." Instead, after a person died, his or her soul went to Kur, a dark shadowy underworld, located deep below the surface of the earth.
All souls went to the same afterlife, a person's actions during life had no impact on how he would be treated in the world to come. Nonetheless, funerary evidence indicates that some people believed that Inanna had the power to bestow special favors upon her devotees in the afterlife. Despite the separation between heaven and earth, humans sought access to the gods through oracles and omens; the gods were believed to live in heaven, but in their temples, which were seen as the channels of communication between earth and heaven, which allowed mortal access to the gods. The Ekur temple in Nippur was known as the "mooring-rope" of heaven and earth, it was thought to have been built and established by Enlil himself. Nothing is known of Bronze Age Canaanite views of heaven, the archaeological findings at Ugarit have not provided information; the 1st century Greek author Philo of Byblos may preserve elements of Iron Age Phoenician religion in his Sanchuniathon. The ancient Hittites believed that some deities lived in Heaven, while others lived in remote places on earth, such as mountains, where humans had little access.
In the Middle Hittite myths, heaven is the abode of the gods. In the Song of Kumarbi, Alalu was king in heaven for nine years before giving birth to Anu. Anu was himself overthrown by Kumarbi; as in other ancient Near Eastern cultures, in the Hebrew Bible, the universe is divided into two realms: heaven and earth. Sometimes a third realm is added: either "sea", "water under the earth", or sometimes a vague "land of the dead", never described in depth; the structure of heaven itself is never described in the Hebrew Bible, but the fact that the Hebrew word š
Corpse roads provided a practical means for transporting corpses from remote communities, to cemeteries that had burial rights, such as parish churches and chapels of ease. In Britain, such routes can be known by a number of other names, e.g.: bier road, burial road, coffin line, coffin road, corpse way, funeral road, lych way, lyke way, or procession way. Etc; such "church-ways" have developed a great deal of associated folklore regarding ghosts, wraiths, etc. In late medieval times a population increase and an expansion of church building took place in Great Britain encroaching on the territories of existing mother churches or minsters. Demands for autonomy from outlying settlements made minster officials feel that their authority was waning, as were their revenues, so they instituted corpse roads connecting outlying locations and their mother churches that alone held burial rights. For some parishioners, this decision meant that corpses had to be transported long distances, sometimes through difficult terrain: a corpse had to be carried unless the departed was a wealthy individual.
An example would be the funeral way that runs from Rydal to Ambleside in the Lake District where a coffin stone, on which the coffin was placed while the parishioners rested, still exists. Many of the'new' churches were granted burial rights and corpse roads ceased to be used as such. Many of the corpse roads have long disappeared, while the original purposes of those that still survive as footpaths have been forgotten if features such as coffin stones or crosses no longer exist. Fields crossed by church-way paths had names like "Church-way" or "Kirk-way Field", today it is sometimes possible to plot the course of some lost church-ways by the sequence of old field names, local knowledge of churches, local legends and lost features of the landscape marked on old maps, etc. One of the oldest superstitions is that any land over which a corpse is carried becomes a public right of way. An example of a corpse road or way is that of the church of St Peter and Paul at Blockley, in Gloucestershire, which held the burial right to the inhabitants of the hamlets Stretton-on-Fosse in Warwickshire, where there was a chapel which became a rectory in the 12th century, Aston Magna, where there was a chapel, a chantry.
All'tithes' and'mortuaries', came to the parish church of Blockley, to which church the people of Stretton and Aston were committed to carry their deceased for burial. The corpse road from Aston to Blockley churchyard is over two miles long and crosses three small streams en route; the corpse road from Stretton to Blockley crosses two streams. The essence of deep-rooted spirit lore is that supposed spirits of one kind or another – spirits of the dead, phantasms of the living, wraiths, or nature entities like fairies move through the physical landscape along special routes. In their ideal, pristine form, at least, such routes are conceived of as being straight, having something in common with ley lines. By the same token, convoluted or non-linear features hinder spirit movement i.e. labyrinths and mazes. Spirits or ghosts were said to fly along on a direct course close to the ground, so a straight line connecting two places was kept clear of fences and buildings to avoid obstructing the flitting spectres.
The paths would run through marshes. In towns, they would pass the houses or go right through them; the paths originate at a cemetery. The corpse roads or ways were left unploughed and it was considered bad luck if for any reason a different route had to be taken. A corpse candle or light is a flame or ball of light blue, seen to travel just above the ground on the route from the cemetery to the dying person's house and back again, is associated with Wales. A corpse fire is similar as the name comes from lights appearing within graveyards where it was believed the lights were an omen of death or coming tragedy and would mark the route of a future funeral, from the victim's house to the graveyard, where it would vanish into the ground at the site of the burial; the appearance was said to be on the night before a death. Among European rural people in Gaelic and Germanic folklore, the will-o'-the-wisps are held to be mischievous spirits of the dead or other supernatural beings attempting to lead travellers astray.
Sometimes they are believed to be the spirits of unbaptized or stillborn children, flitting between heaven and hell. Other names are Jack O' Lantern, or Joan of the Wad, Jenny Burn-tail, Kitty wi' the Whisp, or Spunkie. Anybody seeing this phenomenon might have been seeing, without knowing, a luminescent barn owl, at least in some instances. Much anecdotal evidence supports the fact that barn owls have a luminescence which may be due to fungal bioluminescence, it is possible those who have observed corpse candles may have been witnessing the effect of methane gases produced by decomposing organic material found in swamps and bogs. In Shakespeare's A Midsummer Night's Dream, Puck says: Puck suggests a secret history of these routes, for unsurprisingly they attracted long extant folk lore, running not only through the physical countryside but through the invisible geography, the'mental terrain', of pre-industrial country-folk. Shakespeare's lines leave little doubt that the physical corpse roads came to be perceived as being spirit routes, taking on qualities which li
A metalsmith or smith is a craftsman fashioning useful items out of various metals. Smithing is one of the oldest metalworking occupations. Shaping metal with a hammer is the archetypical component of smithing; the hammering is done while the metal is hot, having been heated in a forge. Smithing can involve the other aspects of metalworking, such as refining metals from their ores, casting it into shapes, filing to shape and size; the prevalence of metalworking in the culture of recent centuries has led Smith and its equivalents in various languages to be a common occupational surname. As a suffix, -smith connotes a meaning of a specialized craftsman—for example and tunesmith are nouns synonymous with writer or songwriter, respectively. In pre-industrialized times, smiths held high or special social standing since they supplied the metal tools needed for farming and warfare. A metalsmith is one who works with or has the knowledge and the capacity of working with "all" metals. Types of smiths include: A blacksmith works with iron and steel A bladesmith forges knives and other blades A brownsmith works with brass and copper A coinsmith works with coins and currency A coppersmith works with copper A goldsmith works with gold A glasssmith works with glass A gunsmith builds and repairs firearms A locksmith works with locks A silversmith, or brightsmith, works with silver A swordsmith is a bladesmith who forges only swords A tinsmith, tinner, or tinker works with light metal and can refer to someone who deals in tinware A weapon-smith forges weapons like axes, spears and other weapons A whitesmith works with white metal and can refer to someone who polishes or finishes the metal rather than forging it The ancient traditional tool of the smith is a forge or smithy, a furnace designed to allow compressed air to superheat the inside, allowing for efficient melting and annealing of metals.
Today, this tool is still used by blacksmiths as it was traditionally. The term, metalsmith refers to artisans and craftpersons who practice their craft in many different metals, including gold and silver. Jewelers refer to their craft as metalsmithing, many universities offer degree programs in metalsmithing, jewelry and blacksmithing under the auspices of their fine arts programs. Machinists are metalsmiths who produce high-precision tools; the most advanced of these tools, CNC machines, are computer controlled and automated
The Bretons are a Celtic ethnic group located in the region of Brittany in France. They trace much of their heritage to groups of Brittonic speakers who emigrated from southwestern Great Britain Cornwall and Devon during the Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain, they migrated in waves from the 3rd to 9th century into Armorica, subsequently named Brittany after them. The main traditional language of Brittany is Breton, spoken in Lower Brittany. Breton is spoken by around 206,000 people as of 2013; the other principal minority language of Brittany is Gallo. As one of the Brittonic languages, Breton is related to Cornish and more distantly to Welsh, while the Gallo language is one of the Romance langues d'oïl. Most Bretons' native language is standard French. Brittany and its people are counted as one of the six Celtic nations. Ethnically, along with the Cornish and Welsh, the Bretons are Celtic Britons; the actual number of ethnic Bretons in Brittany and France as a whole is difficult to assess as the government of France does not collect statistics on ethnicity.
The population of Brittany, based on a January 2007 estimate, was 4,365,500. It is said that, in 1914, over 1 million people spoke Breton west of the boundary between Breton and Gallo-speaking region—roughly 90% of the population of the western half of Brittany. In 1945, it was about 75%, today, in all of Brittany, the most optimistic estimate would be that 20% of Bretons can speak Breton. Brittany has a population of four million, including the department of Loire-Atlantique, which the Vichy government separated from historical Brittany in 1941. Seventy-five percent of the estimated 200,000 to 250,000 Breton speakers using Breton as an everyday language today are over the age of 65. A strong historical emigration has created a Breton diaspora within the French borders and in the overseas departments and territories of France. Many Breton families have emigrated to the Americas, predominantly to Canada and the United States. People from the region of Brittany were among the first European settlers to permanently settle the French West Indies, i.e. Dominica and Martinique, where remnants of their culture can still be seen to this day.
The only places outside Brittany that still retain significant Breton customs are in Île-de-France, Le Havre and in Îles des Saintes, where a group of Breton families settled in the mid-17th century. In the late 4th century, large numbers of British auxiliary troops in the Roman army may have been stationed in Armorica; the 9th-century Historia Brittonum states that the emperor Magnus Maximus, who withdrew Roman forces from Britain, settled his troops in the province. Nennius and Gildas mention a second wave of Britons settling in Armorica in the following century to escape the invading Anglo-Saxons and Scoti. Modern archaeology supports a two-wave migration, it is accepted that the Brittonic speakers who arrived gave the region its current name as well as the Breton language, Brezhoneg, a sister language to Welsh and Cornish. There are numerous records of Celtic Christian missionaries migrating from Britain during the second wave of Breton colonisation the legendary seven founder-saints of Brittany as well as Gildas.
As in Cornwall, many Breton towns are named after these early saints. The Irish saint Columbanus was active in Brittany and is commemorated accordingly at Saint-Columban in Carnac. In the Early Middle Ages, Brittany was divided into three kingdoms—Domnonée, Bro Waroc'h —which were incorporated into the Duchy of Brittany; the first two kingdoms seem to derive their names from the homelands of the migrating tribes in Britain and Devon. Bro Waroc'h derives from the name of one of the first known Breton rulers, who dominated the region of Vannes; the rulers of Domnonée, such as Conomor, sought to expand their territory, claiming overlordship over all Bretons, though there was constant tension between local lords. Bretons were the most prominent of the non-Norman forces in the Norman conquest of England. A number of Breton families were of the highest rank in the new society and were tied to the Normans by marriage; the Scottish Clan Stewart and the royal House of Stuart have Breton origins. Alan Rufus known as Alan the Red, was both a cousin and knight in the retinue of William the Conqueror.
Following his service at Hastings, he was rewarded with large estates in Yorkshire. At the time of his death, he was by far the richest noble in England, his manorial holding at Richmond ensured a Breton presence in northern England. The Earldom of Richmond became an appanage of the Dukes of Brittany. Many people throughout France claim Breton ethnicity, including a few French celebrities such as Marion Cotillard, Malik Zidi, Patrick Poivre d'Arvor, Yoann Gourcuff, Nolwenn Leroy and Yann Tiersen. After 15 years of disputes in the French courts, the European Court of Justice recognized Breton Nationality for the six children of Jean-Jacques and Mireille Manrot-Le Goarnig. In 2015, Jonathan Le Bris started a legal battle against the French administration to claim this status; the Breton diaspora includes Breton immigrants in some cities of France like Paris, Le Havre and Toulon, Breton Canadians and Breton Americans, along with other Fre
A crannog is a or artificial island built in lakes and estuarine waters of Scotland and Ireland. Unlike the prehistoric pile dwellings around the Alps that were built on the shores and were inundated only on, crannogs were built in the water, thus forming artificial islands. Crannogs were used as dwellings over five millennia, from the European Neolithic Period to as late as the 17th/early 18th century, although in Scotland there is no convincing evidence in the archaeological record of Early and Middle Bronze Age or Norse Period use; the radiocarbon dating obtained from key sites such as Oakbank and Redcastle indicate at a 95.4% confidence level that they date to the Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age. The date ranges fall after around 800 BC and so could be considered Late Bronze Age by only the narrowest of margins. Crannogs have been variously interpreted as free-standing wooden structures, as at Loch Tay, although more they exist as brush, stone or timber mounds that can be revetted with timber piles.
However, in areas such as the Outer Hebrides of Scotland, timber was unavailable from the Neolithic era onwards. As a result stone crannogs supporting drystone architecture are common there. Today, crannogs appear as small, circular islets 10 to 30 metres in diameter, covered in dense vegetation due to their inaccessibility to grazing livestock; the Irish word crannóg derives from Old Irish crannóc, which referred to a wooden structure or vessel, stemming from crann, which means "tree", plus a diminutive ending—literally "young tree". The modern sense of the term first appears sometime around the 12th century. There is some confusion on what the term crannog referred to, as the structure atop the island or the island itself; the additional meanings of'crannog' can be variously related as "structure/piece of wood. The Scottish Gaelic form is crannag and has the additional meanings of "pulpit" and "churn", thus there is no real consensus on what the term crannog implies, although the modern adoption in the English language broadly refers to a or artificial islet that saw use from the prehistoric to the Post-Medieval period in Ireland and Scotland.
Crannogs are widespread in Ireland, with an estimated 1,200 examples, while Scotland has 347 sites listed as such. The actual number in Scotland varies depending on definition—between about 350 to 500, due to the use of the term "island dun" for well over one hundred Hebridean examples—a distinction that has created a divide between mainland Scottish crannog and Hebridean islet settlement studies. Unknown crannogs in Scotland and Ireland are still being found as underwater surveys continue to investigate loch beds for submerged examples; the largest concentrations of crannogs in Ireland are found in the Drumlin Belt of the Midlands and Northwest. In Scotland, crannogs are found on the western coast, with high concentrations in Argyll and Dumfries and Galloway. In reality, the Western Isles contain the highest density of lake-settlements in Scotland, yet they are recognised under varying terms besides "crannog". One lone Welsh example at Llangorse Lake exists a product of Irish influence across the Irish Sea.
Reconstructed Irish crannógs are located in County Clare, Ireland. This centre offers guided tours and hands-on activities, including wool-spinning, wood-turning and making fire, holds events to celebrate wild cooking and crafts, hosts yearly Midsummer and Samhain festivals. Crannogs took on many different forms and methods of construction based on what was available in the immediate landscape; the classic image of a prehistoric crannog stems from both post-medieval illustrations and influential excavations such as Milton Loch in Scotland by C. M. Piggot after World War II; the Milton Loch interpretation is of a small islet surrounded or defined at its edges by timber piles and a gangway, topped by a typical Iron Age roundhouse. The choice of a small islet as a home may seem odd today, yet waterways were the main channels for both communication and travel until the 19th century in much of Ireland and Highland Scotland. Crannogs are traditionally interpreted as simple prehistorical farmsteads.
They are interpreted as boltholes in times of danger, as status symbols with limited access and as inherited locations of power that imply a sense of legitimacy and ancestry towards ownership of the surrounding landscape. A strict definition of a crannog, which has long been debated, requires the use of timber. Sites in the Western Isles do not satisfy this criterion, although their inhabitants shared the common habit of living on water. If not classed as "true" crannogs, small occupied islets may be referred to as "island duns", although rather confusingly, 22 islet-based sites are classified as "proper" crannogs due to the different interpretations of the inspectors or excavators who drew up field reports. Hebridean island dwellings or crannogs were built on both natural and artificial islets reached by a stone causeway; the visible structural remains are traditionally interpreted as duns, or in more recent terminology as "Atlantic roundhouses". This terminology has become popular when describing the entire ran
Ley lines are apparent alignments of landmarks, religious sites, man-made structures. The pseudoscientific belief that these apparent lines are not accidental speculates that they are straight navigable paths and have spiritual significance; the phrase was coined in 1921 by the amateur archaeologist Alfred Watkins, who identified apparent alignments of places of geographical and historical interest, such as ancient monuments, ridge-tops and fords. In his books Early British Trackways and The Old Straight Track, he sought to identify prehistoric trackways in the British landscape. Watkins developed theories that these alignments were created for ease of overland travel by line-of-sight navigation during neolithic times, had persisted in the landscape over millennia; the writer John Michell revived the term "ley lines" in the 1960s, associating it with spiritual and mystical theories about alignments of land forms, drawing on the Chinese concept of feng shui. He believed that a mystical network of ley lines existed across Britain, a notion promoted by The Ley Hunter magazine, edited at the time by his biographer, Paul Screeton.
Other authors have applied similar approaches to many other landscapes. An example of ley line is the Saint Michael's line; the ley line hypothesis is a type of pseudoscience. A random distribution of a sufficient number of points on a plane will create alignments of random points purely by chance; the concept of "ley lines" originated with Alfred Watkins in his books Early British Trackways and The Old Straight Track, though Watkins drew on earlier ideas about alignments. On 30 June 1921, Alfred Watkins visited Blackwardine in Herefordshire, had been driving along a road near the village. Attracted by the nearby archaeological investigation of a Roman camp, he stopped his car to compare the landscape on either side of the road with the marked features on his much used map. While gazing at the scene around him and consulting the map, he saw, in the words of his son, "like a chain of fairy lights" a series of straight alignments of various ancient features, such as standing stones, wayside crosses, hill forts, ancient churches on mounds.
He realized that the potential discovery had to be checked from higher ground when, during a revelation, he noticed that many of the footpaths there seemed to connect one hilltop to another in a straight line. He subsequently coined the term "ley" at least because the lines passed through places whose names contained the syllable ley, stating that philologists defined the word differently, but had misinterpreted it, he believed. The ancient surveyors who made the lines were given the name "dodmen". Watkins believed that, in ancient times, when Britain was far more densely forested, the country was criss-crossed by a network of straight-line travel routes, with prominent features of the landscape being used as navigation points; this observation was made public at a meeting of the Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club of Hereford in September 1921. His work referred to G. H. Piper's paper presented to the Woolhope Club in 1882, which noted that: "A line drawn from the Skirrid-fawr mountain northwards to Arthur's Stone would pass over the camp and southern most point of Hatterall Hill, Longtown Castle, Urishay and Snodhill castles."
It has been suggested that Watkins' speculation stemmed from reading an account in September 1870 by William Henry Black given to the British Archaeological Association in Hereford titled Boundaries and Landmarks, in which he speculated that "Monuments exist marking grand geometrical lines which cover the whole of Western Europe". He published his book Early British Trackways the following year, commenting: "I knew nothing on June 30th last of what I now communicate, had no theories". Alfred Watkins theorised that St. Ann's Well in Worcestershire is the start of a ley line that passes along the ridge of the Malvern Hills through several springs including the Holy Well, Walms Well, St. Pewtress Well. John Michell theorised that Whiteleaved Oak is the centre what he called the "Circle of Perpetual Choirs" and is equidistant from Glastonbury, Goring-on-Thames and Llantwit Major, the latter being across the wide Severn Estuary. Further evidence was sought by the British Society of Dowsers; the elipse was used as background material by Phil Rickman in his novel The Remains of an Altar.
His contemporary, Paul Devereux, dubbed a 10-mile line he drew the "Malvern Ley" passing through St Ann's Well, the Wyche Cutting, a section of the Shire Ditch, Midsummer Hill, Whiteleaved Oak, Redmarley D'Abitot and Pauntley. Theorised as corroborative of certain alleged ley lines is the existence of cursuses, massive parallel ravines dug by people between 3400 and 3000 BCE. Ranging in length from 50 metres to several kilometers, their exact function remains unknown though they are believed to have been used for ceremonial processions. Many encompass Neolithic monuments. However, while some cursuses are straight, others have curves and sharp turns. Watkins' work was met with early scepticism from archaeologists, one of whom, O. G. S. Crawford, refused to accept advertisements for The Old Straight Track in the journal Antiquity. Since 1989, refutation
Folkton is a small village and civil parish at the foot of the Yorkshire Wolds and on the edge of the Vale of Pickering on an area known as Folkton Carr in the Scarborough district of North Yorkshire, England. Until 1974 the village lay in the historic county boundaries of the East Riding of Yorkshire. There is a church dedicated to St John the Evangelist. Folkton House, the former rectory is located on Filey Road. Towards Flixton is the former village school, now closed, built in 1832. According to the 2011 UK Census, Folkton parish had a population of 535, an increase on the 2001 UK Census figure of 461. To the south are the Wolds and further north, across the Carrs and up the hills at the other side of the Vale is Scarborough, beyond which to the north-west are the Yorkshire Moors; the area has been settled for many thousands of years. Above the village, at the top of Folkton Hill, was where the Folkton Drums were discovered, they are a set of chalk carvings from the Stone Age. Bowl-shaped, they have been called drums as the carvings would be upside down were they to be used as bowls.
They were discovered by William Greenwell in 1889. They were buried in a tumulus that sits at the intersection of several natural pathways through the Dales; this tumulus has now been identified as one of a network that acted as a guide through the maze of hills and valleys that make up the Dales which would have been forested at the time. They can now be seen on display at the British Museum; the Carr would have been lake or marsh depending on which climatic era is being discussed. Its natural state today would be as marsh land but it was drained in the 19th century to make room for agriculture; the village was the site of a Roman military base. Not much is known of this stage; the village as it stands today was established with a small number of farm houses around 400 years ago. Building added to and expanded these existing structures into larger houses and farms with attached barns. Many barns were demolished during the 1800s to avoid the'Roof Tax'. In 1823 the Folkton parish was in the Wapentake of Dickering.
Population at the time was 144. Occupations included three farmers, the landlady of The Bell public house. Two miles to the west of the village, in the Folkton parish, separated by one mile, were the settlements of East and West Flotmanby, each listed with a gentleman. Media related to Folkton at Wikimedia Commons