Hispanidad is an expression with several meanings, loosely alluding to the group of people and communities sharing the Spanish language and displaying a Spanish-related culture. The term traces back to the early modern period but was redefined by Spanish philosopher Miguel de Unamuno in 1909; the term "Hispanity" is a term that regards to a multiethnic community of countries of the Spanish Empire. According to the philosopher and writer Julían Marías, the Spanish American territories were not only colonies but extensions of Spain that mixed with the native American peoples, with whom Europeans intermarried, creating a multicultural society; the term has been used in the early modern period and is in the Tractado de orthographía y accentos en las tres lenguas principales by Alejo Venegas, printed in 1531, to mean "style of linguistic expression". It was used, with a similar meaning, in the 1803 edition of the Dictionary of the Spanish Royal Academy as a synonym of Hispanismo, which, in turn, was defined as "the peculiar speech of the Spanish language".
In the early 20th century, the term was revived, with several new meanings. Its reintroduction is attributed to Unamuno in 1909, who used the term again on 11 March 1910, in an article, La Argentinidad, published in a newspaper in Argentina, La Nación, he compared the term to other similar expressions: argentinidad, españolidad and italianidad. Unamuno linked the concept to the multiplicity of peoples speaking the Spanish language, which encompassed in turn his idea of La Raza, gave it an egalitarian substrate and questioned the status of motherland for Spain. Further development of the concept had to wait for the 1920s, when a group of intellectuals was influenced by the ideas of ultranationalist French thinker Charles Maurras and rescued the term; as a precedent, the Spanish writer José María Salaverría, who lived in Argentina between 1910 and 1913, would have implicitly the idea of an Hispanic community, comparable to Hispanidad, but the leading status of Spain in the community is however a moot point in his work.
The term was used by Spanish priest Zacarías de Vizcarra, living in Buenos Aires. He proposed in 1926 that the expression Fiesta de la Raza should be changed to Fiesta de la Hispanidad. During the reign of King Alfonso XIII of Spain, the Virgin of Guadaloupe was proclaimed "Queen of the Hispanidad" in Spain. In the years of the decade, vanguard writer Ernesto Giménez Caballero began to elaborate a neo-imperialist narrative of the Hispanidad in La Gaceta Literaria; the doctrine of Hispanidad would become a core tenet of the reactionary thought in Spain in the coming years. During the Second Spanish Republic, Spanish monarchist author Ramiro de Maeztu, the ambassador to Argentina between 1928 and 1930, considered the concept of Hispanidad, motivated by the interests aroused on him by Argentine-related topics, the meetings between him and the attendants to the courses of Catholic culture as nationalist and anti-liberal. Maeztu explained his doctrine of Hispanidad in his work Defensa de la Hispanidad.
He attributed the concept to Vizcarra, instead of Unamuno. In the Hispanidad of Maeztu, the Christian and humanist features that would identify Hispanic peoples would replace rationalism and democracy, which he called alien to the Hispanic ethos, his work "relentlessly" linked Catholicism and Hispanidad and was influential with Argentine nationalists and the Spanish far right, including Francoism. Although declaredly antiracist because of its Catholic origin, the sense of racial egalitarianism in the Maeztu's idea of the Hispanidad was restricted to the scope of heavenly salvation. Spanish Primate Isidro Gomá y Tomás issued in Argentina, on 12 October 1934, a Maeztu-inspired manifesto, Apology of the Hispanidad: "America is the work of Spain; this work by Spain is of Catholic nature. Hence, there is a relation of equality between Hispanidad and Catholicism, it is madness any attempt of Hispanidad disowing that relation"."América es la obra de España. Esta obra de España lo es esencialmente de catolicismo.
Luego hay relación de igualdad entre hispanidad y catolicismo, y es locura todo intento de hispanización que lo repudie." According to Stephen G. H. Roberts, Gomá linked the ideas of Maeztu and the ideology, developed by the dictatorship of Franco; that narrative was featured in Nationalist propaganda during the Spanish Civil War, being used as war tool. Spanish philosopher and Francoist propagandist Manuel García Morente would make Francisco Franco the saviour of the legacy of the Hispanidad from an "invisible army", sent by the Communist International of Moscow. García Morente would synthetize the essence of Hispanidad in the archaistic ideal of "Christian knight", half-monk and half-soldier. After the Spanish Civil War, the Our Lady of the Pillar became a symbol of Hispanidad in Spain and was linked to the National Catholicism of the Franco´s regime to the ideas of patriotism and "Hispanic essences". Franco created the Council of the Hispanidad on 2 November 1940, it was thought at first to be a sort of supranational institution, it ended up being a council of 74 members, charged with the task of coordinating the relations with Latin America.
The Hispanidad became the source of an expansive nationalism. Besides its character both as national identitary el
Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte was a Chilean general and dictator of Chile between 1973 and 1990 who remained the Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 1998 and was President of the Government Junta of Chile between 1973 and 1981. Pinochet assumed power in Chile following a United States-backed coup d'état on 11 September 1973 that overthrew the democratically elected socialist Unidad Popular government of President Salvador Allende and ended civilian rule. Several academics – including Peter Winn, Peter Kornbluh and Tim Weiner – have stated that the support of the United States was crucial to the coup and the consolidation of power afterward. Pinochet had been promoted to Commander-in-Chief of the Army by Allende on 23 August 1973, having been its General Chief of Staff since early 1972. In December 1974, the ruling military junta appointed Pinochet Supreme Head of the nation by joint decree, although without the support of one of the coup's instigators, Air Force General Gustavo Leigh.
Following his rise to power, Pinochet persecuted leftists and political critics, resulting in the executions of from 1,200 to 3,200 people, the internment of as many as 80,000 people and the torture of tens of thousands. According to the Chilean government, the number of executions and forced disappearances was 3,095. Under the influence of the free market-oriented "Chicago Boys", Pinochet's military government implemented economic liberalization, including currency stabilization, removed tariff protections for local industry, banned trade unions and privatized social security and hundreds of state-owned enterprises; these policies produced high economic growth, but critics state that economic inequality increased and attribute the devastating effects of the 1982 monetary crisis on the Chilean economy to these policies. For most of the 1990s, Chile was the best-performing economy in Latin America, though the legacy of Pinochet's reforms continues to be in dispute, his fortune grew during his years in power through dozens of bank accounts secretly held abroad and a fortune in real estate.
He was prosecuted for embezzlement, tax fraud and for possible commissions levied on arms deals. Pinochet's 17-year rule was given a legal framework through a controversial 1980 plebiscite, which approved a new constitution drafted by a government-appointed commission. In a 1988 plebiscite, 56% voted against Pinochet's continuing as President, which led to democratic elections for the presidency and Congress. After stepping down in 1990, Pinochet continued to serve as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 10 March 1998, when he retired and became a senator-for-life in accordance with his 1980 Constitution. However, Pinochet was arrested under an international arrest warrant on a visit to London on 10 October 1998 in connection with numerous human rights violations. Following a legal battle, he was released on grounds of ill-health and returned to Chile on 3 March 2000. In 2004, Chilean Judge Juan Guzmán Tapia ruled that Pinochet was medically fit to stand trial and placed him under house arrest.
By the time of his death on 10 December 2006, about 300 criminal charges were still pending against him in Chile for numerous human rights violations during his 17-year rule and tax evasion and embezzlement during and after his rule. He was accused of having corruptly amassed at least 28 million USD. Pinochet was born in Valparaíso, the son of Augusto Pinochet Vera, a descendant of an 18th-century French Breton immigrant from Lamballe, Avelina Ugarte Martínez, a woman whose family had been in Chile since the 17th century and was of partial Basque descent. Pinochet went to primary and secondary school at the San Rafael Seminary of Valparaíso, the Rafael Ariztía Institute in Quillota, the French Fathers' School of Valparaíso, to the Military School in Santiago, which he entered in 1931. In 1935, after four years studying military geography he graduated with the rank of alférez in the infantry. In September 1937, Pinochet was assigned in Concepción. Two years in 1939 with the rank of Sub-lieutenant, he moved to the "Maipo" Regiment, garrisoned in Valparaíso.
He returned to Infantry School in 1940. On 30 January 1943, Pinochet married Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez, with whom he had five children: Inés Lucía, María Verónica, Jacqueline Marie, Augusto Osvaldo and Marco Antonio. By late 1945, Pinochet had been assigned to the "Carampangue" Regiment in the northern city of Iquique. Three years he entered the Chilean War Academy but had to postpone his studies because, being the youngest officer, he had to carry out a service mission in the coal zone of Lota; the following year he returned to his studies in the Academy, after obtaining the title of Officer Chief of Staff, in 1951, he returned to teach at the Military School. At the same time, he worked as a teachers' aide at the War Academy, giving military geography and geopolitics classes, he was the editor of the institutional magazine Cien Águilas. At the beginning of 1953, with the rank of major, he was sent for two years to the "Rancagua" Regiment in Arica. While there, he was appointed professor of the Chilean War Academy, returned to Santiago to take up his new position.
In 1956, Pinochet and a group of young officers were chosen to form a military mission to collaborate in the organization of the War Academy of Ecuador in Quito. He remained with the Quito mission for four-and-a-half years, during which time he studied geopolitics, military geography and military intelligence. At the end of 1959 he returned to Chile and was sent to General Headquarters of the 1st Army Division, based in Antofa
Falangism was the political ideology of the Falange Española de las JONS and afterwards of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista as well as derivatives of it in other countries. Under the leadership of Francisco Franco, it became an authoritarian, conservative ideology connected with Francoist Spain. Opponents of Franco's changes to the party include former Falange leader Manuel Hedilla. Falangism places a strong emphasis on Catholic religious identity, though it has held some secular views on the Church's direct influence in society as it believed that the state should have the supreme authority over the nation. Falangism emphasized the need for authority and order in society. Falangism is anti-democratic and anti-liberal; the Falange's original manifesto, the "Twenty-Seven Points", declared Falangism to support the unity of Spain and the elimination of regional separatism, the establishment of a dictatorship led by the Falange, utilizing violence to regenerate Spain, promoting the revival and development of the Spanish Empire.
The manifesto supported a social revolution to create a national syndicalist economy that creates national syndicates of both employees and employers to mutually organize and control the economic activity, agrarian reform, industrial expansion and respect for private property with the exception of nationalizing credit facilities to prevent capitalist usury. It supports criminalization of strikes by lockouts by employers as illegal acts. Falangism supports the state to have jurisdiction of setting wages; the Franco-era Falange supported the development of cooperatives such as the Mondragon Corporation because it bolstered the Francoist claim of the nonexistence of social classes in Spain during his rule. The Spanish Falange and its affiliates in Hispanic states across the world promoted a form of panhispanism known as hispanidad that advocated both cultural and economic union of Hispanic societies around the world. Falangism has attacked both the political left and the right as its "enemies", declaring itself to be neither left nor right, but a syncretic third position.
However, scholarly sources reviewing Falangism place it on the political right. During the Spanish Civil War, the Falange and the Carlists prior to the two parties' unification in 1937 both promoted the incorporation of Portugal into Spain. Both prior to and after its merger with the Carlists, the Falange supported the unification of Gibraltar and Portugal into Spain. During its early years of existence, the Falange produced maps of Spain that included Portugal as a province of Spain; the Carlists stated that a Carlist Spain would retake Portugal. After the civil war, some radical members of the Falange called for a reunification with Portugal and annexation of former Spanish territories in the French Pyrenees. During World War II, Franco in a communiqué with Germany on 26 May 1942 declared that Portugal should be made a part of Spain; some of the Falangists in Spain had supported racialism and racialist policies, viewing races as both real and existing with differing strengths and accompanying cultures inextricably obtained with them.
However, unlike other racialists such as the National Socialists, Falangism is unconcerned about racial purity and does not denounce other races for being inferior, claiming "that every race has a particular cultural significance" and claiming that the intermixing of the Spanish race and other races has produced a "Hispanic supercaste", "ethically improved, morally robust, spiritually vigorous". It was less concerned about biological Spanish racial regeneration than it was in advocating the necessity of Spanish Catholic spiritual regeneration; some have nonetheless promoted eugenics designed to eliminate physical and psychological damage caused by pathogenic agents. Falangism did and still does support natality policies to stimulate increased fertility rate among ideal physically and morally fit citizens. Franco praised Spain's Visigothic heritage, saying that the Germanic tribe of the Visigoths gave Spaniards their "national love for law and order". During early years of the Falangist regime of Franco, the regime admired Nazi Germany and had Spanish archaeologists seek to demonstrate that Spaniards were part of the Aryan race through their Visigothic heritage.
Founder of the Falange Española, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, had little interest in addressing the Jewish problem outside areas of political issues. The Falange's position was influenced by the fact of the small size of the Jewish community in Spain at the time that did not favour the development of strong antisemitism. Primo de Rivera saw the solution to the Jewish problem in Spain as simple: the conversion of Jews to Catholicism. However, on the issue of perceived political tendencies amongst Jews he warned about Jewish-Marxist influences over the working classes; the Falangist daily newspaper Arriba claimed that "the Judeo-Masonic International is the creator of two great evils that have afflicted humanity: capitalism and Marxism". Primo de Rivera approved of attacks by Falangists on the Jewish-owned SEPU department stores in 1935; the Spanish Falange and its Hispanic affiliates have promoted the cultural and racial unity of Hispanic peoples across the world in "hispanidad". It has sought to unite Hispanic peoples through proposals to create a commonwealth or federation of Spanish-speaking states headed by Spain.
Falangism supports the establishment of a Falangist-led totalitarian one-party state. Falangism supports a national, trans-class society while opposin
The Axis powers known as "Rome–Berlin–Tokyo Axis", were the nations that fought in World War II against the Allies. The Axis powers agreed on their opposition to the Allies, but did not coordinate their activity; the Axis grew out of the diplomatic efforts of Germany and Japan to secure their own specific expansionist interests in the mid-1930s. The first step was the treaty signed by Germany and Italy in October 1936. Benito Mussolini declared on 1 November that all other European countries would from on rotate on the Rome–Berlin axis, thus creating the term "Axis"; the simultaneous second step was the signing in November 1936 of the Anti-Comintern Pact, an anti-communist treaty between Germany and Japan. Italy joined the Pact in 1937; the "Rome–Berlin Axis" became a military alliance in 1939 under the so-called "Pact of Steel", with the Tripartite Pact of 1940 leading to the integration of the military aims of Germany and Japan. At its zenith during World War II, the Axis presided over territories that occupied large parts of Europe, North Africa, East Asia.
There were no three-way summit meetings and cooperation and coordination was minimal, with more between Germany and Italy. The war ended in 1945 with the dissolution of their alliance; as in the case of the Allies, membership of the Axis was fluid, with some nations switching sides or changing their degree of military involvement over the course of the war. The term "axis" was first applied to the Italo-German relationship by the Italian prime minister Benito Mussolini in September 1923, when he wrote in the preface to Roberto Suster's Germania Repubblica that "there is no doubt that in this moment the axis of European history passes through Berlin". At the time, he was seeking an alliance with the Weimar Republic against Yugoslavia and France in the dispute over the Free State of Fiume; the term was used by Hungary's prime minister Gyula Gömbös when advocating an alliance of Hungary with Germany and Italy in the early 1930s. Gömbös' efforts did affect the Italo-Hungarian Rome Protocols, but his sudden death in 1936 while negotiating with Germany in Munich and the arrival of Kálmán Darányi, his successor, ended Hungary's involvement in pursuing a trilateral axis.
Contentious negotiations between the Italian foreign minister, Galeazzo Ciano, the German ambassador, Ulrich von Hassell, resulted in a Nineteen-Point Protocol, signed by Ciano and his German counterpart, Konstantin von Neurath, in 1936. When Mussolini publicly announced the signing on 1 November, he proclaimed the creation of a Rome–Berlin axis. Italy under Duce Benito Mussolini had pursued a strategic alliance of Italy with Germany against France since the early 1920s. Prior to becoming head of government in Italy as leader of the Italian Fascist movement, Mussolini had advocated alliance with defeated Germany after the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 settled World War I, he believed. In early 1923, as a goodwill gesture to Germany, Italy secretly delivered weapons for the German Army, which had faced major disarmament under the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles. In September 1923, Mussolini offered German Chancellor Gustav Stresemann a "common policy": he sought German military support against potential French military intervention over Italy's diplomatic dispute with Yugoslavia over Fiume, should an Italian seizure of Fiume result in war between Italy and Yugoslavia.
The German ambassador to Italy in 1924 reported that Mussolini saw a nationalist Germany as an essential ally for Italy against France, hoped to tap into the desire within the German army and the German political right for a war of revenge against France. During the Weimar Republic, the German government did not respect the Treaty of Versailles that it had been pressured to sign, various government figures at the time rejected Germany's post-Versailles borders. General Hans von Seeckt supported an alliance between Germany and the Soviet Union to invade and partition Poland between them and restore the German-Russian border of 1914. Gustav Streseman as German foreign minister in 1925 declared that the reincorporation of territories lost to Poland and Danzig in the Treaty of Versailles was a major task of German foreign policy; the Reichswehr Ministry memorandum of 1926 declared its intention to seek the reincorporation of German territory lost to Poland as its first priority, to be followed by the return of the Saar territory, the annexation of Austria, remilitarization of the Rhineland.
Since the 1920s Italy had identified the year 1935 as a crucial date for preparing for a war against France, as 1935 was the year when Germany's obligations under the Treaty of Versailles were scheduled to expire. Meetings took place in Berlin in 1924 between Italian General Luigi Capello and prominent figures in the German military, such as von Seeckt and Erich Ludendorff, over military collaboration between Germany and Italy; the discussions concluded that Germans still wanted a war of revenge against France but were short on weapons and hoped that Italy could assist Germany. However at this time Mussolini stressed one important condition that Italy must pursue in an alliance with Germany: that Italy "must... tow them, not be towed by them". Italian foreign minister Dino Grandi in the early 1930s stressed the importance of "decisive weight", involving Italy's relations between France and Germany, in which he recognized that Italy was not yet a major power, but perceived that Italy did have
Óscar Únzaga de la Vega was a Bolivian political figure and rebel. Most he founded the Bolivian Socialist Falange movement in 1937, ran for President in the 1956 elections, when his party became the main opposition movement to the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario. In 1959 Únzaga was one of fifty who died during an attempted coup by the FSB, with government forces reporting that he committed suicide. Supporters stated that Únzaga had been assassinated, he is revered as a hero and martyr by some factions of well-to-do Bolivian political elites
José Antonio Primo de Rivera
José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, 1st Duke of Primo de Rivera, 3rd Marquess of Estella referred to as José Antonio, was a Spanish lawyer, nobleman and founder of the Falange Española Falange Española de las JONS. He was the eldest son of military dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera. Imprisoned before the start of the Spanish Civil War, he was accused of conspiracy and military rebellion against the Government of the Second Spanish Republic and was sentenced to death and executed during the first months of the war; the image of José Antonio was revered during the war by the Nationalist faction and, after the establishment of Francoist Spain, he was regarded as a martyr, his figure being a tool of the Francoist propaganda apparatus. The inscription of "José Antonio ¡Presente!" could be found in many churches all across Spain. José Antonio Primo de Rivera was born in Madrid on April 24, 1903, the eldest son of General Miguel Primo de Rivera, Prime Minister and Dictator under the monarchy of King Alfonso XIII of Spain.
From his father he inherited the title of Marquess of Estella. He never married, his mother died when he was five years old, he was subsequently raised by his father's sister. He was taught at home, learned English and French; when at university, he did not attend lectures until the second year of his undergraduate studies. He spent his summer holidays at the country estate of an uncle, where he practiced horse riding and hunting. Primo de Rivera went on to study law at the University of Madrid between 1917 and 1923, he helped to organize the student union there, Federación Universitaria Escolar, which opposed the higher-education policies of his father. He took undergraduate and graduate courses and he obtained both his Bachelor and Doctor degrees in the same year, 1923. After graduating, he chose the "One-Year Volunteer" option to do his military service while his father was dictator, he served with the Ninth Dragoons of St. James cavalry regiment, stationed at Barcelona, he was court-martialed for punching Brigadier General Gonzalo Queipo de Llano.
Queipo de Llano had written a defamatory letter against an uncle of José Antonio and against the Dictator himself. José Antonio, ready to defend the honour of his family abused by the Republican general, went to the café where the latter used to socialize, after asking whether he was the author of the writing, after receiving the general's affirmative reply, delivered a spectacular punch that made the general roll on the floor, sparking a free-for-all between the companions of José Antonio and the companions of the general. Primo de Rivera became a registered lawyer in 1925, opened an office on a side street of Madrid near the confluence of three principal avenues. In 1931, he was invested "Perpetual Dean of the Illustrious College of Lawyers of Madrid". In 1931, he constituted "Agrupación al Servicio de la República" and paradoxically ran for office under the monarchist banner of "Unión Monárquica Nacional"—he failed to get elected, he was detained in 1932 for collaboration in General José Sanjurjo's attempted coup.
On October 29, 1933, Primo de Rivera launched the Falange Española, a nationalist party, inspired in part with some ideas, such as the necessity of authority, hierarchical order of society, grassroots populism, that were being expounded in Italy in the Fascist movement. The foundational convention was held in the Teatro de la Comedia of Madrid, he was the keynote speaker and his first address was a criticism of liberal democracy. Since the liberal state was a servant of it became not just the trustee of a nation's destiny but the spectator of electoral contests. What alone mattered to the liberal state was that a certain number of gentlemen be sitting at the polling station, that the voting start at eight o'clock and end at four, that the ballot boxes not get smashed—when being smashed is the noblest aspiration of all ballot boxes—and to respect the outcome of the voting, as if the outcome was a matter of complete indifference to it. In other words liberal governments did not believe in their mission, that theirs was a respectable duty, but rather they believed that anyone who disagreed with them and decided to attack the state, whether with good or ill intentions, had the same right as they did to defend it.
During the speech he made his noted remark on the recourse to fists and guns when needed, And in closing, that if what we want must in some circumstance be attained through the use of violence, that we demur not before the prospect of violence. For who has said, when they say, "Every available means except violence," that the supreme hierarchy of moral values resides in kindness? Who has said that when our feelings are insulted, rather than react like men, we are called upon to reply amiably? Dialogue as a first step of communication is good, but there is no option left except fists and guns when someone offends the precepts of justice or the fatherland. His closing words made explicit his romanticism: In a poetic sweep we will raise this fervent devotion to Spain. In these elections vote the lesser evil, but your Spain will not be born out of them, nor does our frame for action reside there. That is a murky atmosphere, like a tavern's after a night of dissipation. Our station is not there. I am a candidate, but I take part in these elections without faith or respect.
And I say this now. I couldn't care less. We are not going to
Clericalism is the application of the formal, church-based, leadership or opinion of ordained clergy in matters of either the church or broader political and sociocultural import. In a pejorative manner, clericalism is used to denote ecclesiolatry, that is, excessive devotion to the institutional aspects of an organized religion over and against the religion's own beliefs or faith; this means that all issues those that may be beyond the religion's jurisdiction, must be addressed by either clergy or their supporters. Clericalism is used to describe the cronyism and cloistered political environs of hierarchical religions Christian denominational hierarchy, in reference to the Roman Catholic Church; the phenomenon of clericalism is not restricted to the ordained, as it occurs in purely secular guilds, such as academia, the legal and medical establishments, the public-safety clergy: the police and military. Outside of Catholicism, clericalism is used to denote the divisions between ordained clergy and lay leaders in some Christian denominations while the older meaning of the term—an application of church-based theory or thought to secular issues—seems rather lost in most current uses of the term.
In the aforementioned use of the term, it is important to discern the difference between a belief in a separation of church and state—which is not involving of clericalism—and the belief that church leadership should not be an internal and cloistered body that answers only to itself or that such leaders should not act as a powerful force in matters beyond the internal concerns of their church. Much debate in recent years over the sexual-abuse scandals in the Roman Catholic Church has brought about charges of clericalism in the sense of bishops and other leaders covering up the wrongdoing of clergy under their leadership. In this application of the term, clericalism has come to mean a division between ordained church leaders—that such leaders have an exclusive society unto themselves—and the lay followers. Much debate over clericalism appears to dwell on whether the high clergy should have as much control over church offices and functions as they do, whether the hierarchical and authoritarian nature of the traditional Catholic systems of promotion for clergy is effective in contemporary society.
Again, while the Catholic Church is most at the center of issues germane to clericalism, it is not the only denomination or religion in which charges of clericalism have been brought forth by those who feel the clergy has too much influence or should be reformed. Therefore, the debate over clericalism and anti-clericalism is really a debate over how and by whom a religious organization should be led and directed. In political history of various countries, distinctive radicalized forms of nationalistic clericalism or clerical nationalism were emerging on the far-right of the political spectrum, specially during the interwar period in the first half of 20th century. "The reason that the 19th century French statesman Léon Gambetta said that “clericalism is the enemy” was because he saw freedom from ecclesial power as the principal objective in the battle for public freedom." Pope Francis in his address to the Synod Fathers at Synod2018 gave the following definition of clericalism:Clericalism arises from an elitist and exclusivist vision of vocation, that interprets the ministry received as a power to be exercised rather than as a free and generous service to be given.
This leads us to believe that we belong to a group that has all the answers and no longer needs to listen or learn anything. Clericalism is a perversion and is the root of many evils in the Church: we must humbly ask forgiveness for this and above all create the conditions so that it is not repeated. Toronto priest Fr. Thomas Rosica names and defines “clericalism” with reference to Pope Francis, who he says “uses “clericalism” to mean a kind of “ecclesiastical narcissism,” as well as a “club mentality and a corrupt system of cronyism.””Clericalism has come to be regarded as a euphemism for acts connected with the abuse crisis such as homosexual pederasty and rape. Catholicism and politics Christian nationalism Clerical fascism Confessionalism Religious nationalism Secularism Theocracy Novak, Viktor. Magnum Crimen: Half a Century of Clericalism in Croatia. 1. Jagodina: Gambit. Novak, Viktor. Magnum Crimen: Half a Century of Clericalism in Croatia. 2. Jagodina: Gambit