Miguel Herrero y Rodríguez de Miñón
Miguel Herrero y Rodríguez de Miñón is a Spanish lawyer and politician, member of the Union of the Democratic Centre until 1982 of People's Alliance and its successor, the People's Party
Gregorio Peces-Barba was a Spanish politician and jurist. He was one of the seven jurists who wrote the Spanish Constitution of 1978 as a representative of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. Peces-Barba was born in Madrid, he studied Law in Strasbourg, writing his thesis about Jacques Maritain. He was a member of the Socialist Party since 1972 and was chosen as congressman for the province of Valladolid in 1977 in the first democratic elections in Spain in forty years, he was one of the seven jurists who wrote the constitution approved in referendum in 1978, so he is consider a father of the constitution. In 1982 he was elected president of the congress of deputies and held that chair until 1986 when he decided not to rerun, he helped to create the Charles III University of Madrid and from 1989 until 2007 he was rector of that university. He was chosen by president José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero to be High Commissioner for the help of the victims of terrorism in 2004, he was criticised by the Asociación de Víctimas del Terrorismo and decided to resign in 2006.
No successor was chosen. He died, aged 74, in Oviedo
Jordi Solé Tura
Jordi Solé Tura was a Spanish politician and one of the co-authors and "Fathers" of the Spanish Constitution of 1978 following Spain's move to democracy. From his youth Tura belonged to different leftish organizations, such as Popular Liberation Front and Bandera Roja. In the early years of the democracy he worked in the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia. Inside the PSUC he worked with PCE leader Santiago Carrillo in defense of Eurocommunism, he was elected to Spain's Congress of Deputies in June 1977 and again in March 1979. He was one of the seven "Fathers of the Constitution", he left the PCE and joined the Socialist Party and was elected anew for the province of Barcelona in 1989, 1993 and 1996. In 1985 he was elected Dean of University of Barcelona's Law School, he was Minister of Culture under Felipe Gonzalez from March 1991 to July 1993. In 2008 he was the center of a documentary called Bucarest, la memoria perdida, filmed by his son Albert Solé; the documentary covered his life and his fight against Alzheimer's disease, was awarded a Goya
Spanish transition to democracy
The Spanish transition to democracy, known in Spain as the Transition, or the Spanish transition is a period of modern Spanish history, that started on 20 November 1975, the date of death of Francisco Franco, who had established a military dictatorship after the victory of the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War. However, historians disagree on the exact date the transition was completed: some say it ended after the 1977 general election. Others suggest. At its latest, the Transition is said to have ended with the first peaceful transfer of executive power, after the victory of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party in the 1982 general election. Francisco Franco came to power in 1939, following the Spanish Civil War, ruled as a dictator until his death in 1975. In 1969, he designated Prince Juan Carlos, grandson of Spain's most recent king, Alfonso XIII, as his official successor. For the next six years, Prince Juan Carlos remained in the background during public appearances and seemed ready to follow in Franco's footsteps.
Once in power as King of Spain, however, he facilitated the development of a constitutional monarchy as his father, Don Juan de Borbón, had advocated since 1946. The transition was an ambitious plan that counted on ample support both outside of Spain. Western governments, headed by the United States, now favoured a Spanish constitutional monarchy, as did many Spanish and international liberal capitalists; the transition proved challenging, as the spectre of the Civil War still haunted Spain. Francoists on the far right enjoyed considerable support within the Spanish Army, people of the left distrusted a king who owed his position to Franco; the realisation of the democratic project required that the leftist opposition restrain its own most radical elements from provocation, that the army refrain from intervening in the political process on behalf of Francoist elements within the existing government. King Juan Carlos I began his reign as head of state without leaving the confines of Franco's legal system.
As such, he swore fidelity to the Principles of the Movimiento Nacional, the political system of the Franco era. Only in his speech before the Cortes did he indicate his support for a transformation of the Spanish political system; the King did not appoint a new prime minister, leaving in place the incumbent head of government under Franco, Carlos Arias Navarro. Arias Navarro had not planned a reform of the Francoist regime, he believed political changes should be limited: he would give the parliament, the Cortes Españolas, the task of "updating our laws and institutions the way Franco would have wanted."The reform programme adopted by the government was the one proposed by Manuel Fraga, rejecting Antonio Garrigues' plan to elect a constituent assembly. Fraga's programme aimed to achieve a "liberal democracy", "comparable to rest of Western European countries" through a "gradual and controlled process", through a series of reforms of the pseudo-constitutional Fundamental Laws of the Realm; this is why his proposal was dubbed as a "reform in the continuity", his support came from those who defended a Francoist sociological model.
In order for reform to succeed, it had to earn the support of the hardcore Francoist faction known as the Búnker, which had a major presence in the Cortes and the National Council of the Movement, the two institutions that would have to approve the reforms of the Fundamental Laws. It had to garner support within the Armed Forces and in the Spanish Labour Organisation. Besides, it needed to please the democratic opposition to Francoism; the approach towards the dissenters was that they would not be part of the reform process, but would be allowed to participate in politics more with the exception of the Communist Party. This conservative reform was inspired by the historical period of the semi-democratic Bourbonic Restoration, it was criticised for not taking into account the social and political circumstances of the time; the project coalesced into a proposal to reform three of the Fundamental Laws, but the exact changes would be determined by a mixed commission of the Government and the National Council of the Movement, as proposed by Torcuato Fernández-Miranda and Adolfo Suárez.
The creation of the commission meant that Fraga and the reformists lost control of much of the legislative direction of the country. So, the new Law of Assembly was passed by the Francoist Cortes on 25 May 1976, allowing public demonstration with government authorization. On the same day the Law of Political Associations was approved, supported by Suárez, who affirmed in parliamentary session that "if Spain is plural, the Cortes cannot afford to deny it". Suárez's intervention in favor of this reform shocked many, including J
Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia
The Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia was a communist political party active in Catalonia between 1936 and 1997. It was the Catalan referent of the Communist Party of Spain and the only party not from a sovereign state to be a full member of the Third International; the PSUC was formed on 23 July 1936 through the unification of four left-wing groups. Burnett Bolloten estimates. Nine months the party ranks had swollen to 50,000 members; the PSUC played a major role during the days of the Second Spanish Republic and the Spanish Civil War, was the only regional party affiliated to the Comintern. The PCE saw PSUC as its Catalan referent; this setup has been replicated by other Catalan communist groups. The setup is somewhat similar to the relation between the Christian Democratic Union of Germany and Christian Social Union of Bavaria; the PSUC became the major defender of the Catalan middle classes against land seizures advocated by the rival National Confederation of Labour and Workers' Party of Marxist Unification, organizing 18,000 tradesmen and artisans into the Catalan Federation of Small Businessmen and Manufacturers.
In Francoist Spain, the PSUC was remained active clandestinely and in exile. The PSUC was the largest opposition party in Catalonia and upon Spain's transformation into a democratic state and constitutional monarchy, it became a mass party. In 1977, during the Spanish transition to democracy, the PSUC was legalized; the PCE and the PSUC started going in separate directions: PSUC became involved in Iniciativa per Catalunya, ceased functioning as a separate party. When PSUC was submerged into IC in 1997, a splinter group refounded the party as PSUC viu. PSUC viu became the new referent of PCE in Catalonia. * Within Initiative for Catalonia. ** Within Initiative for Catalonia–The Greens. List of political parties in Catalonia
José Pedro Pérez-Llorca
José Pedro Pérez-Llorca Rodrigo was a Spanish lawyer who served as the country's Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1980 to 1982. He was one of the Fathers of the 1978 Constitution and played a key role in his country's transition to democracy. Pérez-Llorca was born in Cádiz on 30 November 1940, he graduated from the Universidad Complutense, with a law degree. Pérez-Llorca was worked in the ministry of foreign affairs, he played a significant role in the creation of Spain's 1978 constitution, of which he was one of seven authors. He worked as a professor of constitutional law at his alma mater. Pérez-Llorca became a member of the Union of the Democratic Centre, he served in the Congress of Deputies from 1977 to 1982. He was appointed minister for the presidency and minister of territorial administration in the cabinet led by Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez. In September 1980, Pérez-Llorca was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, replacing Marcelino Oreja in the post; the cabinet was headed by Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo.
Pérez-Llorca's term as minister ended in 1982. Pérez-Llorca had several positions on the boards of different firms, he co-founded the Pérez-Llorca law firm in 1983 and served as its chairman from until at least 2005. He was the chairman of Urquijo Leasing and AEG Ibérica and a member of the Board of Telefónica and of the Madrid Stock Exchange Council. Jose Pedro Perez-Llorca died on 6 March 2019, his funeral at the cathedral of San Jerónimo el Real in Madrid was attended by King Felipe and Queen Letizia of Spain and leading politicians, including Pío García Escudero, Ana Pastor, Esperanza Aguirre, Ana Botella. International Airlines Group, Member of the Board of Directors FAES Foundation, Member of the Board of Trustees Museo Nacional del Prado, President of the Royal Board of Trustees Media related to José Pedro Pérez-Llorca at Wikimedia Commons
El País is a Spanish-language daily newspaper in Spain. According to the Office of Justification of Dissemination it is the second most circulated daily newspaper in Spain as of December 2017. It's by the number sales in 2018 were, on average, 60.000 according to internal audits, more than 70% less than a decade prior. The current editor, Soledad Gallego Díaz, has been brought to court after dismissing five employees for what the accusers mainatin are political and ideological reasons. El País is the most read newspaper in Spanish online and the second most circulated daily newspaper in Spain, one of three Madrid dailies considered to be national newspapers of record for Spain. El País, based in Madrid, is owned by the Spanish media conglomerate PRISA. PRISA is owned by Banco Santander, Telefónica and the Liberty vulture fund. PRISA's debt of 988 million euros is bigger than the company's value, its headquarters and central editorial staff are located in Madrid, although there are regional offices in the principal Spanish cities where regional were produced until 2015.
El País produces a world edition in Madrid, available online in Brazil and Hispanic America. An English edition began as a print edition in 2001, available as a supplement in what was the International Herald Tribune The Global New York Times. Since 2014, it has been an digital project. In 2018, the newspaper changed editors one week after a vote of no confidence forced a change of premiership in Parliament, sparking doubts about the political independence of the parent company. Since the newspaper has engaged in a radical change of editorial line, going from a politically independent position to defending the socialist minority government; the current newspaper's editor in America, Javier Moreno, managing editor, Jan Martinez Ahrens, were responsible for publishing a false picture of a dying Hugo Chávez in 2013. The publication of such photo in the front page was a major blow to the newspaper's credibility and standing in Latin America. El País was founded in May 1976 by a team at PRISA which included Jesus de Polanco, José Ortega Spottorno and Carlos Mendo.
The paper was designed by Julio Alonso. It was first published on 4 May 1976, six months after the death of dictator Francisco Franco, at the beginning of the Spanish transition to democracy; the first editor-in-chief of the daily was Juan Luis Cebrián. El País was the first pro-democracy newspaper within a context where all the other Spanish newspapers were influenced by Franco's ideology; the circulation of the paper was 116,600 copies in its first year. It rose to 137,562 copies in 1977. El País filled a gap in the market and became the newspaper of Spanish democracy, for which role El País was awarded the Prince of Asturias Award for Communication and the Humanities in 1983, at a time when the transition from Franco's dictatorship to democracy was still developing; the paper's first Director was Juan Luis Cebrián. Like many other Spanish journalists of the time he had worked for Diario Pueblo, a mouthpiece for the Francoist sindicato vertical, its reputation as a bastion of Spanish democracy was established during the attempted coup d'état by Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero of the Guardia Civil on 23 February 1981.
During the uncertain situation of the night of 23 February 1981, with all the members of parliament held hostage in the Congress building and with tanks on the streets of Valencia, before the state television station could transmit a speech by King Juan Carlos I condemning the coup, El País published a special edition of the newspaper called'El País, for the Constitution'. It was the first daily paper on the streets that night with a clear pro-democracy position calling on citizens to demonstrate in favour of democracy, it was discussed in the news media that the director of El País, Juan Luis Cebrián, telephoned the director of Diario 16, Pedro J. Ramírez, in order to propose that both newspapers work on a joint publication in defence of democracy and Ramírez refused, claiming that he would prefer to wait a few hours to see how the situation developed. Diario 16 was not published until after a television broadcast by the king. Along with its commitment to democracy before the attempted coup of 23 February 1981, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party's election victory in 1982 with an absolute majority and its open support for the government of Felipe González, meant that El País consolidated its position during the 1980s as the Spanish newspaper with the most sales ahead of the conservative leaning ABC.
In 1986 El País was the recipient of the Four Freedom Award for the Freedom of Speech by the Roosevelt Institute. In 1987 El País received the largest amount of the state aid. Both the rigorous journalistic standards and the fact that it was the first Spanish newspaper to establish internal quality control standards have increased the standing of El País, it was the first Spanish daily to create the role of "Reader's Advocate" and the first to publish a "Style Guide", that has become a benchmark for quality amongst journalists. El País has established a number of collaborative agreements with other European newspapers with a social democrat viewpoint. In 1989, El País participated in the creation of a common network of information resources with La Repubblica in Italy and Le Monde in France. At the beginning of the 1990s, El País had to face a new journalistic challenge; the increasing political tensions caused by corru