Islamic Consultative Assembly
The Islamic Consultative Assembly called the Iranian Parliament, the Iranian Majles, is the national legislative body of Iran. The Parliament has 290 representatives, changed from the previous 272 seats since the 18 February 2000 election; the most recent election took place on 26 February 2016 and the new parliament was opened on 28 May 2016. The first recorded signs of a council to decide on different issues in ancient Iran dates back to 247 BC while the Parthian empire were in power. Parthians established the first Iranian empire since the conquest of Persia by Alexander and by their early years of reigning, an assembly of the nobles called “Mehestan” was formed that made the final decision on serious issues; the word "Mehestan" is consisted of two parts. "Meh", a word of the old Persian origin, which means "The Great" and "-stan", a suffix in the Persian language, which describes an especial place. Altogether Mehestan means a place; the Mehestan Assembly, which consisted of Zoroastrian religious leaders and clan elders exerted great influence over the administration of the kingdom.
One of the most important decisions of the council took place in 208 AD, when a civil war broke out and the Mehestan decided that the empire would be ruled by two brothers Ardavan V and Blash V. In 224 AD, following the dissolve of the Parthian empire, after over 470 years, the Mahestan council came to an end. Before the Islamic Revolution, Majlis was the name of the lower house of the Iranian Legislature from 1906 to 1979, the upper house being the Senate, it was created by the Iran Constitution of 1906 and first convened on 7 October 1906, soon gaining power under the rule of the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Noteworthy bills passed by the Parliament under the Pahlavi Dynasty include the Oil Nationalization Bill and the Family Protection Law, which gave women many basic rights such as custody of children in the case of divorce. Women were not allowed to vote or be elected to the Parliament until 1963, as part of reforms under the Shah's "White Revolution"; the twenty-first National Consultative Assembly, which included female representatives, opened on 6 October 1963.
The last session of the Pre-Revolution Parliament was held on 7 February 1979. After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Senate of Iran was abolished and was replaced by the Guardian Council thus the Iranian legislature remained bicameral. In the 1989 revision of the constitution, the National Consultative Assembly became the Islamic Consultative Assembly; the Parliament of Iran has had six chairmen since the Iranian Revolution. Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani was the first chairman, from 1980 to 1989. Came Mehdi Karroubi, Ali Akbar Nategh-Nouri, Mehdi Karroubi, Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel and Ali Larijani since 2008. Over its history the Parliament is said to have evolved from being "a debating chamber for notables," to "a club for the shah's placemen" during the Pahlavi era, to a body dominated by members of "the propertied middle class" under the Islamic Republic. On 7 June 2017, there was shooting at the Iranian parliament and at the shrine of Ayatollah Khomeini. Gunmen opened fire at the Iranian Parliament and the mausoleum of religious leader Ayatollah Khomeini in Tehran.
The attack on the mausoleum has left 17 persons dead and more than 30 people injured. The parliament was attacked by four gunmen. Both attacks appear to have been coordinated; the Islamic Consultative Assembly can legislate laws on all issues within the limits of the Constitution. The Assembly cannot, for instance, enact laws contrary to the canons and principles of the official religion of the country or to the Constitution. Government bills are presented to the Islamic Consultative Assembly after receiving the approval of the Council of Ministers; the Islamic Consultative Assembly has the right to investigate and examine all the affairs of the country. International treaties, protocols and agreements must be approved by the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Receiving and issuing national or international loans or grants by the government must be ratified by the Islamic Consultative Assembly; the President must obtain, for the Council of Ministers, after being formed and before all other business, a vote of confidence from the Assembly.
Whenever at least one-fourth of the total members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly pose a question to the President, or any one member of the Assembly poses a question to a minister on a subject relating to their duties, the President or the minister is obliged to attend the Assembly and answer the question. All legislation passed by the Islamic Consultative Assembly must be sent to the Guardian Council; the Guardian Council must review it within a maximum of ten days from its receipt with a view to ensuring its compatibility with the criteria of Islam and the Constitution. If it finds the legislation incompatible, it will return it to the Assembly for review. Otherwise the legislation will be deemed enforceable. There are 290 members of Parliament, fourteen of whom represent non-Muslim religious minorities, are popularly elected for four-year terms. About 8% of the Parliament are women, while the global average is 13%; the Parliament can force the dismissal of cabinet ministers through no-confidence votes and can impeach the president for misconduct in office.
Although the executive proposes most new laws, individual deputies of the Parliament may introduce legislation. Deputies may propose amendments to bills being deb
Mohammad Shah Qajar
Mohammad Shah Qajar was the King of Persia from the Qajar dynasty. Mohammad Shah was son of Abbas Mirza, the crown prince and governor of Azerbaijan, who in turn was the son of Fat′h Ali Shah Qajar, the second Shah of the dynasty. At first, Abbas Mirza was the chosen heir to the Shah. However, after he died, the Shah chose Mohammad to be his heir. After the Shah's death, Ali Mirza, one of his many sons, tried to take the throne in opposition to Mohammad, his rule lasted for about 40 days. Nonetheless, he was deposed at the hands of Mirza Abolghasem Ghaem Magham Farahani, a politician and poet. Ali was forgiven by Mohammad, who had become Shah. A supporter of Mohammad, Khosrow Khan Gorji, was awarded with the governorship of Isfahan, while Farahani was awarded the position of chancellorship of Persia by Shah at the time of his inauguration, he was betrayed and executed by the order of the Shah in 1835, at the instigation of Hajj Mirza Aghasi, who would become the Ghaem Magham's successor and who influenced Mohammad's policies.
One of his wives, Malek Jahan Khanom, Mahd-e Olia became a large influence on his successor, their son. He tried to capture Herat twice. To try to defeat the British, he sent an officer to the court of Louis-Philippe of France. In 1839, two French military instructors arrived at Tabriz to aid him. However, both attempts to capture. Towards the end of Mohammad Shah's short reign, British officials petitioned for a farman or decree against the slave trade. In 1846, the British Foreign Office sent Justin Sheil to Persia to negotiate with the Shah on the slave trade. At first the Shah refused to limit either slavery or the slave trade on the grounds that the Quran did not forbid it and he could not forbid something that the Quran deemed legal. Further the Shah asserted. However, in 1848, Mohammad Shah made a small concession and issued a farman banning the maritime trade of slaves. Mohammad was known to be somewhat sickly throughout his life, he died at the age of 40 of gout in Mohammadieh Palace which now called Bagh-e Ferdows.
Mohammad fell into the influence of Russia and attempted to make reforms to modernize and increase contact with the West. This work was continued by his successor, Nasser-al-Din Shah Qajar, during the reign of his first prime minister Amir Kabir; these efforts to modernize the country brought about a great interest in photography. Other artwork during this time includes a number of small-scale paintings on lacquer. During Mohammad's reign, the religious movement of Bábism began to flourish for the first time; the Persian symbol of The Lion and Sun and a red and green background became the flag at this time. Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar had 15 wives, many of whose offspring did not survive infancy: Mah Munawar Khanum, a lady from Tabriz. Malika-i-Jahan Khanum, Mahd-i-’Aliya Rahima Khanum Khadija Begum Shahzadi Khadija Sultan Khanum Zubaida Khanum Malik Khanum Gulrukh Khanum Garmrudi Bolur Khanum Zandia Uqul Beyga Zinat Khanum Mihral Khanum Nizara Khanum Narqis Khanum Zubaida Khanum During his reign, Mohammad had 13 sons and 10 daughters from 11 marriages.
Many of his children died in infancy. SonsBy Mah Monavar Khanum:Toghroltakin Mirza By Malek Jahan Khanum, Mahd-e Olia:Sultan Malek Mirza Sultan Mahmoud Mirza Nasser-ed-Din Mirza By Rahimeh Khanum, sister of Yahia Khan Chehrighi:Zendejan Mirza By Khadijeh Khanum, daughter of Emam Verdi Mirza, son of Fath Ali Shah:Abbas Mirza "Molk-Ara" Fathali Mirza Ahmad MirzaBy Malek Khanum:Ebrahim Mirza By Ogholbeigeh Khanum of the Salour Turkomans:Abdosamad Mirza "Ezz-ed-Dowleh"By Zeinab Khanum of the Afshar of Urumieh:Mohammad Taqi Mirza "Rokn-ed-Dowleh" DaughtersBy Malek Jahan Khanum, Mahd-e Olia:Princess Keshvar Princess Malekzadeh "Ezzat ed-Dowleh" By Khadijeh Khanum, daughter of Emam Verdi Mirza, son of Fath Ali Shah:Princess Tajmah Princess Assiye Princess Aziz ed-DowlehBy Golrokh Khanum Garmroudi:Princess Afsar-ed Dowleh By Bolour Khanum Zandieh:Princess Ozra Princess Effat ed-DowlehBy Ogholbeigeh Khanoum:Princess Zahra "Ehteram-ed Dowleh" Knight of the Order of St. Andrew of Russia Knight of the Order of St. Alexander Nevsky of Russia Knight of the Order of Saint Stanislaus of Russia Knight of the Order of the White Eagle of Russia Knight of the Order of St Anne, 1st Class of Russia Bāgh-e Ferdows The Qajar Dynasty Genealogy Photos of qajar kings
Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi
Sayyid Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi was an Iranian Twelver Shia cleric and conservative politician, the Chairman of the Expediency Discernment Council from 14 August 2017 until his death on 24 December 2018. He was the Chief Justice of Iran from 1999 to 2009, he was an Iraqi citizen and a former member of the Islamic Dawa Party. Shahroudi's official English-language biographical information from the Iranian Assembly of Experts' website opens with his education received in Najaf, Iraq from Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr, the Islamic Dawa Party Founder, takes the view that al-Sadr was killed. Hashemi Shahroudi became the leader of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, which caused objections to his serving as the Head of Iran's Judiciary, he was a member of Iran's Guardian Council. Upon accepting his position as the Head of Iran's Judiciary, Shahroudi proclaimed: "I have inherited an utter ruin from the previous judiciary," referring to Mohammad Yazdi's 10 years in office, he appointed Saeed Mortazavi, a well known fundamentalist and controversial figure, prosecutor general of Iran.
When Mortazavi led the judiciary against Khatami's reform movement, Shahroudi was prevented by regime hardliners from stopping Mortazavi's violent acts against dissidents or removing him from power. In July 2011 Shahroudi was appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to head an arbitration body to resolve an ongoing dispute between Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the parliament, he was a favorite as one of the potential successors of Ali Khamenei as Supreme Leader of Iran. According to one of his former alleged students, Shahroudi was considered among the wealthiest of Shi'i scholars in Iran, having amassed a substantial multi-million dollar revenue generating income from an export-import business. In 2010, he declared himself a Marja'. Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi was born in Iraq, his father, Ali Hosseini Shahroudi was a scholar and teacher at the Najaf seminary and Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi completed elementary schooling at Najaf's Alaviye school before going to seminary. Ayatollah Khomeini and Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr were his teachers in Najaf.
When he came to Iran following the Iranian Revolution, he taught at Qom and Hassan Nasrallah, current Secretary General of the Lebanese political and paramilitary party Hezbollah, was one of his students. In 1974, Ayatollah Shahroudi was imprisoned by the Ba'ath Party, due to political activities related to the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq After the 1979 revolution, Shahroudi moved to Iran. Ayatollah Shahroudi helped preserve the relationship between Ayatollah Khomeini and Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, as well as relaying the messages of Marja in Najaf to Ayatollah Khomeini, he was elected as a member of guardian council in 1995. He was appointed the head of the Judiciary in 1999. In July 2011, Shahroudi was appointed by the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to head an arbitration body to resolve an ongoing dispute between president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the parliament; the five-member body which Shahroudi headed is made up of "hard-liners known for their opposition to any reforms within the ruling system", according to the Associated Press news agency.
The appointment was seen as a move to sideline or weaken the past President of Iran Hashemi Rafsanjani who helmed the Expediency Council, a body set up to arbitrate disputes within the ruling system in the Islamic Republic. Rafsanjani had alienated Khamenei and the Islamic establishment with "his tacit support" for opposition to the controversial June 2009 presidential elections results that re-elected president Ahmadinejad. Shahroudi denounced ISIL as a terrorist organization that commits the worst sins of killing people in the name of jihad. Sharoudi had denounced ISIL for wrecking the infrastructure of civilizations and countries, for committing murder. After Ayatollah Khamenei became leader of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Yazdi served as the president of the Supreme Court, he remained in the post for many years before being replaced by Ayatollah Shahroudi. In 2001, the judiciary prosecuted several reformist members of parliament for speeches and activities they had carried out in their capacity as MPs.
The Iranian constitution grants immunity to members of parliament during their tenure and the courts have no right to put MPs on trial for speeches given in parliament. The incident led to a major conflict between Iranian president Mohammad Khatami and Chief of Judiciary Shahroudi. In a letter, Khatami protested the courts' prosecution of MPs, insisting the act contravened the political immunity which the Iranian Constitution has provided for the deputies; the notice prompted Shahroudi to respond, calling Khatami's letter "a surprise." "Since judges, according to the Constitution and ordinary laws as well as the jurisprudential principles, are independent in their interpretation of the law and issuing verdicts, nobody -- not the judiciary chief -- has the right to impose its interpretation of the law on judges," Shahroudi said in part of his letter to President Khatami. Shahroudi denounced reformist MPs, stating they weakened parliament by defending "westernized" journalists and other liberals.
The Decriminalization Bill refers to a legal bill submitted by the Iranian Judiciary to the parliament. It aims at substituting execution by educational workshops and social penalties; the bill is considered one of the most important legal bills to have been prepared by the Iranian judiciary during Shahroudi's tenure. According to the bill, for all minor crimes, whose punishment is less than six months of imprisonment, imprisonment will be substituted with soc
Naser al-Din Shah Qajar
Naser al-Din Shah Qajar Nassereddin Shah Qajar, was the King of Persia from 5 September 1848 to 1 May 1896 when he was assassinated. He was the son of Mohammad Shah Qajar and Malek Jahān Khānom and the third longest reigning monarch in Iranian history after Shapur II of the Sassanid dynasty and Tahmasp I of the Safavid Dynasty. Nasser al-Din Shah had sovereign power for close to 50 years and was the first modern Iranian monarch to formally visit Europe; the state under Naser Al-Din was the recognized government of Iran but its authority was undermined by local tribal leaders. The religious and tribal chieftains held quite a bit of autonomy over their communities. Naser Al-Din was not effective in implementing his sovereignty over his people. Local groups had their own militias and oftentimes did not obey laws passed by the monarchy since they did not have the power to enforce them; the people followed. When Naser Al-Din took power, his army had 3,000 men, smaller than the armies under various tribal leaders.
When the state needed a proper army, he would hire the local militias. Prior to his reforms, Naser's government had little power over their subjects and during the reforms, they faced more scrutiny over their ability to implement those reforms successfully. Naser al-Din was in Tabriz from Qajars tribe when he heard of his father's death in 1848, he ascended to the Sun Throne with the help of Amir Kabir. Naser al-Din was dictatorial in his style of government. With his sanction, some Babis were killed after an attempt on his life; this treatment continued under his prime minister Amir Kabir, who ordered the execution of the Báb – regarded as a manifestation of God to Bábí's and Bahá'ís, to historians as the founder of the Bábí religion. Unable to regain the territory in the Caucasus irrevocably lost to Russia in the early 19th century, Naser al-Din sought compensation by seizing Herāt, Afghanistan, in 1856. Great Britain regarded the move as a threat to British India and declared war on Persia, forcing the return of Herāt as well as Persia's recognition of the kingdom of Afghanistan.
Naser al-Din was the first modern Persian monarch to visit Europe in 1873 and again in 1878, in 1889 and was amazed with the technology he saw. During his visit to the United Kingdom in 1873, Naser al-Din Shah was appointed by Queen Victoria a Knight of the Order of the Garter, the highest English order of chivalry, he was the first Persian monarch to be so honoured. His travel diary of his 1873 trip has been published in several languages, including Persian, German and Dutch. In 1890 Naser al-Din met British major Gerald F. Talbot and signed a contract with him giving him the ownership of the Persian tobacco industry, but he was forced to cancel the contract after Ayatollah Mirza Hassan Shirazi issued a fatwa that made farming and consuming tobacco haram. Consuming tobacco from the newly monopolized'Talbet' company represented foreign exploitation, so for that reason it was deemed immoral, it affected the Shah's personal life as his wives did not allow him to smoke. This was not the end of Naser al-Din's attempts to give concessions to Europeans.
Most of Naser al-Din's modernizing reforms happened during the prime ministership of Amir Kabir. He defeated various rebels in Iranian provinces, most notably in Khorasan, balanced the budget by introducing reforms to the tax system, curbed the power of the clergy in the judiciary, built some military factories, improved relations with other powers to curb British and Russian influence opened the first newspaper called Vaghaye-Ettefaghieh and modernized cities by building for example the Tehran Bazaar and most opened the first Iranian school for upper education called the Dar ol-Funun where many Iranian intellectuals received their education; however Amir Kabir's reforms were unpopular with some people and Naser al-Din Shah first exiled him and ordered his assassination. The Shah lost interest for reform. However, he took some important measures such as introducing telegraphy and postal services and building roads, he increased the size of the state's military and created a new group called the Persian Cossack Brigade, trained and armed by the Russians.
He was the first Persian to be photographed and was a patron of photography who had himself photographed hundreds of times. His final prime minister was Ali Asghar Khan, who after the shah's assassination aided in securing the transfer of the throne to Mozaffar al-Din. Although he was successful in introducing these western based reforms, he was not successful in gaining complete sovereignty over his people or getting them to accept these reforms; the school he opened, Dar al-Funun, had small enrollment numbers. The restriction's defined by Sh'ia Islam on the shah's collection of the zakat led to those funds going straight into the coffers of the ulama. Therefore, the financial autonomy given to the ulama enabled them to remain structurally independent, keeping madrasahs open and supporting the students therein; the ulama maintained their authority to challenge state law. To fund these new institutions and building projects, Naser used tax farming to increase state revenue. Tax collectors abused their power and the government was viewed as corrupt and unable to protect them from abuse by the upper class.
This anti-government sentiment increased the ulama's power over the people because they were able to provide them security
An iwan is a rectangular hall or space vaulted, walled on three sides, with one end open. The formal gateway to the iwan is called pishtaq, a Persian term for a portal projecting from the facade of a building decorated with calligraphy bands, glazed tilework, geometric designs. Since the definition allows for some interpretation, the overall forms and characteristics can vary in terms of scale, material, or decoration. Iwans are most associated with Islamic architecture; the root of this term is Old Persian'Apadana' where king Darius I declares in an inscription, "I, Darius... had this'Apadana' constructed...". Apadana is a name given to this particular palace in modern literature, although the name implies a type of structure, the iwan, not a particular palace; the term in Old Persian means "unprotected", the design allows the structure to be open to the elements on one side. At Persepolis, the'apadana' takes the form of a veranda, that is, a flat roof held up by columns, rather than a vault — but still open to the elements on only one side.
A comparable structure is found 2000 years in Isfahan at the Palace of Chehel Sotoun. By the time of the Parthian and the Sasanian dynasties, the iwan had emerged as two types of structure: the old columned one, a newer vaulted structure—both, carrying the same native name of apadana/iwan, because both types are "unprotected". Iwans were a trademark of the Parthian Empire and the Sassanid architecture of Persia finding their way throughout the Arab and Islamic architecture which started developing in 7th century AD, after the period of Muhammad; this development reached its peak during the Seljuki era, when iwans became a fundamental unit in architecture, the Mughal architecture. The form is not confined to any particular function, is found in buildings for either secular or religious uses, in both public and residential architecture. Ivan is an alternative form of the name, reflecting the Persian pronunciation. Many scholars - including Edward Keall, André Godard, Roman Ghirshman, Mary Boyce - discuss the invention of the iwan in Mesopotamia, the area around today's Iraq.
Although debate remains among scholars as to how the iwan developed, there is a general consensus that the iwan evolved locally, was thus not imported from another area. Similar structures, known as "pesgams", were found in many Zoroastrian homes in Yazd, where two or four halls would open onto a central court; the feature which most distinctly makes the iwan a landmark development in the history of Ancient Near Eastern architecture is the incorporation of a vaulted ceiling. A vault is defined as a ceiling made from arches, known as arcuated constructed with stone, concrete, or bricks. Earlier buildings would be covered in a trabeated manner, with post and lintel beams. However, vaulted ceilings did exist in the ancient world before the invention of the iwan, both within Mesopotamia and outside it. Mesopotamian examples include Susa, where the Elamites vaulted many of their buildings with barrel vaults, Nineveh, where the Assyrians vaulted their passages for fortification purposes. Outside Mesopotamia, a number of extant vaulted structures stand, including many examples from Ancient Egypt and the Mycenaeans.
For example, the Mycenaean Treasury of Atreus, constructed around 1250 BCE, features a large corbelled dome. Egyptian architecture began to use vaulting in its structures after the Third Dynasty, after around 2600 BCE, constructing early barrel vaults using mud bricks. Although some scholars have asserted that the iwan form may have developed under the Seleucids, today most scholars agree that the Parthians were the inventors of the iwan. One of the earliest Parthian iwans was found at Seleucia, located on the Tigris River, where the shift from post-and-lintel construction to vaulting occurred around the 1st century CE. Other early iwans have been suggested at Ashur, where two buildings containing iwan-like foundations were found; the first building, located near the ruins of a ziggurat, featured a three-iwan façade. The proximity of the building to a ziggurat suggests that it may have been used for religious preparations or rituals, it could indicate a palatial building, as it was common for the ziggurat and palace to be situated next to one another in the Ancient Near East.
What seems to be a palace courtyard had iwans on each side, which remained a common features well into Islamic times. The second iwan building is located across a courtyard, Walter Andrae, a German archaeologist, suggested that it served as an administrative building rather than as a religious center because there is no evidence of inscriptions or wall carvings. Although the absence of inscriptions or carvings does not equate to a civic function, it was not uncommon for iwans to serve a secular use, as they were incorporated into palaces and community spaces. Other early sites including Parthian iwans include Hatra, the Parthian ruins at Dura Europos, Uruk; the Sasanian Persians favored the iwan form, adopted it into much of their architecture. The Parthian iwan led to other spaces. In contrast, the Sasanian iwan served as a grand entran
Mūsá ibn Ja‘far al-Kāzim called Abūl-Hasan, Abū Abd Allah, Abū Ibrāhīm, al-Kāzim, was the seventh Shiite Imam after his father Ja'far al-Sadiq. He is regarded by Sunnis as a renowned scholar, was a contemporary of the Abbasid caliphs Al-Mansur, Al-Hadi, Al-Mahdi and Harun al-Rashid, he was imprisoned several times. Ali al-Ridha, the eighth Imām, Fatemah Masume were among his children. Musa al-Kadhim was born during the conflict between the Abbasids and Umayyads, was four years old when As-Saffah, the first Abbasid Caliph, took the throne, his mother, was a former slave from either Berbery or Andalusia. Al-Kadhim was brought up with nine sisters and six brothers. According to Twelver Shiites, his oldest brother Ismail predeceased his father Ja'far al-Sadiq, who held the position of Imam and Musa was chosen by divine order and decree of his father as the next Imam. According to some sources, al-Kadhim was religiously minded as a child. Muhammad Baqir Majlisi relates an incident where Abū Ḥanīfa called on Ja'far al-Sadiq to ask his advice.
While there, he encountered al-Kadhim, five years old. Hanifa asked al-Kadhim the question meant for his father, saying: "Boy, from whom does disobedience? Does it issue from Allah or from the servant?" Al-Kadhim answered, saying: "Either it issues from God and not from the servant at all, so God does not punish the servant for what he does not do. Therefore, the stronger partner has no right to punish the weak for a sin. So if He wills to pardon, if He wills to punish,. Upon hearing this, Hanifa left. In another incident, Abū Ḥanīfa complained to al-Sadiq, saying: "I have seen your son, pray while the people were passing before him, he did not prevent them from that." The Imam ordered his son to be brought before him, asked him whether it was true. Al-Khadhim replied "Yes, the One to Whom I pray is nearer to me than them. On hearing this response, the Imam rose, hugged his son, said. Musa al-Kadhim was said to be a tolerant man, he was called al-Kadhim because he was kind and generous toward the people who treated him in a bad manner or were unfriendly towards him.
Ibn Khallikan said "that when a man had spoken ill of him he sent him a purse of money." One such incident concerned a man who cursed Imam Ali. The Imam's followers intended to kill the man, he went to the man's farm in the outskirts of Medina. He approached him; the Imam paid no attention and when he reached him, sat beside him and treated him kindly, asking how much had the man paid to sow his land. "One hundred dinars," said the man. "How much do you hope to acquire from it?" asked the Imam. "I do not know the unknown," said the man. "I only asked you about what you hope it would bring you," insisted the Imam. The man answered "two hundred dinars", the Imam gave him three hundred dinars, saying "This three hundred dinars is for you and your plants are as they are."The Imam headed for the mosque of the prophet, where he saw that the man was sitting there. When he saw the Imam, the man stood up and called out the verse: "Allah knows best where to put his mission." His companions were surprised at this change, but the man recited to them the noble deeds of the Imam and invoked Allah for him.
Hence, the Imam turned to his companions and said: "Which was better – what you wanted or what I wanted? I have put right his attitude to the extent you have now become acquainted with." Musa al-Kadhim was called Abdu' al-Salih because his interests lay in religious rather than political matters. He was known to distribute money to the town of Medina despite his family being poor; the Shiite Imams had to deal with persecution, sometimes resorted to the practice of taqiyya, a form of religious dissimulation, for protection. When Jafar al-Sadiq was poisoned, the Caliph Al-Mansur wanted to end the imamah, so he wrote to the governor of Medina to behead the person that al-Sadiq had named as his successor in his last testament; when he read the testament, the governor of Medina saw that the Imam had chosen four people rather than one: the caliph himself, the governor of Medina, the Imam's older son Abdullah al-Aftah, Musa, his younger son. As a result, Mansur was unable to end the imamate. However, unlike his father, able to teach in Medina, Musa al-Kadhim lived with tight restrictions set by Abbasid caliphs, such as al-Mansur and Harun al-Rashid.
Musa al-Kadhim never accepted Harun's government, because he believed al- Rashid sought to destroy Islam by erasing the truth and effacing justice. Therefore, he forbade his Shi'ites from cooperating with Harun, excluding those who through their jobs could help the believers and save them from oppression. Caliph Harun al-Rashid, an opponent of the Imam, said that al-Kadhim had the qualities of a true Imam, that he was better suited to inherit the Caliphate from Muhammad than al-Rashid; when his son al-Ma'mun asked him why he magnified the Imam, he said that Musa al-Kadhim was "the Imam of the people, the proof of Allah's mercy to His creation and His caliph among His
Mehdi Bazargan was an Iranian scholar, long-time pro-democracy activist and head of Iran's interim government, making him Iran's first prime minister after the Iranian Revolution of 1979. He resigned his position as prime minister in November 1979, in protest at the US Embassy takeover and as an acknowledgement of his government's failure in preventing it, he was the head of the first engineering department of University of Tehran. A well-respected religious intellectual, known for his honesty and expertise in the Islamic and secular sciences, he is credited with being one of the founders of the contemporary intellectual movement in Iran. Bazargan was born into an Azerbaijani family in Tehran on 1 September 1907, his father, Hajj Abbasqoli Tabrizi was a self-made merchant and a religious activist in Bazaar guilds. Bazargan went to France to receive university education through an Iranian government scholarship during the reign of Reza Shah, he was a classmate of Abdollah Riazi. Bazargan studied thermodynamics and engineering at the École Centrale des Arts et Manufactures.
After his graduation, Bazargan became the head of the first engineering department at Tehran University in the late 1940s. He was a deputy minister under Premier Mohammad Mosaddegh in the 1950s. Bazargan served as the first Iranian head of the National Iranian Oil Company under the administration of Prime Minister Mosaddegh. Bazargan co-founded the Liberation Movement of Iran in 1961, a party similar in its program to Mossadegh's National Front. Although he accepted the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, as the legitimate head of state, he was jailed several times on political grounds. On 4 February 1979, Bazargan was appointed prime minister of Iran by Ayatollah Khomeini, he was seen as one of the democratic and liberal figureheads of the revolution who came into conflict with the more radical religious leaders – including Khomeini himself – as the revolution progressed. Although pious, Bazargan disputed the name Islamic Republic, wanting an Islamic Democratic Republic, he had been a supporter of the original revolutionary draft constitution, opposed the Assembly of Experts for Constitution and the constitution they wrote, adopted as Iran's constitution.
Seeing his government's lack of power, in March 1979, he submitted his resignation to Ayatollah Khomeini. Khomeini did not accept his resignation, in April 1979, he and his cabinet members escaped an assassination attempt. Bazargan resigned, along with his cabinet, on 4 November 1979, following the US Embassy takeover and hostage-taking, his resignation was considered a protest against the hostage-taking and a recognition of his government's inability to free the hostages, but it was clear that his hopes for liberal democracy and an accommodation with the West would not prevail. Bazargan continued in Iranian politics as a member of the first Parliament of the newly formed Islamic Republic, he opposed Iran's cultural revolution and continued to advocate civil rule and democracy. In November 1982, he expressed his frustration with the direction the Islamic Revolution had taken in an open letter to the speaker of parliament Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani; the government has created an atmosphere of terror, fear and national disintegration....
What has the ruling elite done in nearly four years, besides bringing death and destruction, packing the prisons and the cemeteries in every city, creating long queues, high prices, poverty, homeless people, repetitious slogans and a dark future? His term as a member of parliament lasted until 1984. During his term, he served as a lawmaker of the Iran Freedom Movement, which he had founded in 1961, and, abolished in 1990. In 1985, the Council of Guardians denied Bazargan's petition to run for president. Bazargan is a respected figure within the ranks of modern Muslim thinkers, known as a representative of liberal-democratic Islamic thought and a thinker who emphasized the necessity of constitutional and democratic policies. In the immediate aftermath of the revolution Bazargan led a faction that opposed the Revolutionary Council dominated by the Islamic Republican Party and personalities such as Ayatollah Mohammad Hossein Beheshti, he opposed the continuation of the Iran–Iraq War and the involvement of clerics in all aspects of politics and society.
He faced harassment from militants and young revolutionaries within Iran. Bazargan believed that there is a link and relation between politics and religion, but did not believe in Political Islam. During the Pahlavi era, Bazargan's house in Tehran was bombed on 8 April 1978; the underground committee for revenge, a state-financed organization, proclaimed the responsibility of the bombing. Bazargan is known for some of the earliest work in human thermodynamics, as found in his 1946 chapter "A Physiological Analysis of Human Thermodynamics" and his 1956 book Love and Worship: Human Thermodynamics, the latter of which being written while in prison, in which he attempted to show that religion and worship are a byproduct of evolution, as explained in English naturalist Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species, that the true laws of society are based on the laws of thermodynamics. Bazargan died of a heart attack on 20 January 1995 in Switzerland, he died at a hospital in Zurich after collapsing at the airport.
He was travelling to the United States for heart surgery. Bazargan married Malak Tabatabai in 1939, they had two sons and three daughters. Intellectual Movements in Iran Mehdi Bazargan speech on democracy and election on YouTube