A steamship referred to as a steamer, is a type of steam powered vessel ocean-faring and seaworthy, propelled by one or more steam engines that move propellers or paddlewheels. The first steamships came into practical usage during the early 1800s. Steamships use the prefix designations of "PS" for paddle steamer or "SS" for screw steamer; as paddle steamers became less common, "SS" is assumed by many to stand for "steam ship". Ships powered by internal combustion engines use a prefix such as "MV" for motor vessel, so it is not correct to use "SS" for most modern vessels; as steamships were less dependent on wind patterns, new trade routes opened up. The steamship has been described as a "major driver of the first wave of trade globalization" and contributor to "an increase in international trade, unprecedented in human history." The steamship was preceded by smaller vessels designed for insular transportation, called steamboats. Once the technology of steam was mastered at this level, steam engines were mounted on larger, ocean-going vessels.
Becoming reliable, propelled by screw rather than paddlewheels, the technology changed the design of ships for faster, more economic propulsion. Paddlewheels as the main motive source became standard on these early vessels, it was an effective means of propulsion under ideal conditions but otherwise had serious drawbacks. The paddle-wheel performed best when it operated at a certain depth, however when the depth of the ship changed from added weight it further submerged the paddle wheel causing a substantial decrease in performance. Within a few decades of the development of the river and canal steamboat, the first steamships began to cross the Atlantic Ocean; the first sea-going steamboat was an ex-French lugger. The first iron steamship to go to sea was the 116-ton Aaron Manby, built in 1821 by Aaron Manby at the Horseley Ironworks, became the first iron-built vessel to put to sea when she crossed the English Channel in 1822, arriving in Paris on 22 June, she carried passengers and freight to Paris in 1822 at an average speed of 8 knots.
The American ship SS Savannah first crossed the Atlantic Ocean, although most of the voyage was made under sail. The first ship to make the transatlantic trip under steam power may have been the British-built Dutch-owned Curaçao, a wooden 438 ton vessel built in Dover and powered by two 50 hp engines, which crossed from Hellevoetsluis, near Rotterdam on 26 April 1827 to Paramaribo, Surinam on 24 May, spending 11 days under steam on the way out and more on the return. Another claimant is the Canadian ship SS Royal William in 1833; the first steamship purpose-built for scheduled trans-Atlantic crossings was the British side-wheel paddle steamer SS Great Western built by Isambard Kingdom Brunel in 1838, which inaugurated the era of the trans-Atlantic ocean liner. The SS Archimedes, built in Britain in 1839 by Francis Pettit Smith, was the world's first screw propeller-driven steamship for open water seagoing, it had considerable influence on ship development, encouraging the adoption of screw propulsion by the Royal Navy, in addition to her influence on commercial vessels.
The first screw-driven propeller steamship introduced in America was on a ship built by Thomas Clyde in 1844 and many more ships and routes followed. The key innovation that made ocean-going steamers viable was the change from the paddle-wheel to the screw-propeller as the mechanism of propulsion; these steamships became more popular, because the propeller's efficiency was consistent regardless of the depth at which it operated. Being smaller in size and mass and being submerged, it was far less prone to damage. James Watt of Scotland is given credit for applying the first screw propeller to an engine at his Birmingham works, an early steam engine, beginning the use of a hydrodynamic screw for propulsion; the development of screw propulsion relied on the following technological innovations. Steam engines had to be designed with the power delivered at the bottom of the machinery, to give direct drive to the propeller shaft. A paddle steamer's engines drive a shaft, positioned above the waterline, with the cylinders positioned below the shaft.
SS Great Britain used chain drive to transmit power from a paddler's engine to the propeller shaft - the result of a late design change to propeller propulsion. An effective stern tube and associated bearings were required; the stern tube contains the propeller shaft. It should provide an unrestricted delivery of power by the propeller shaft; the combination of hull and stern tube must avoid any flexing that will bend the shaft or cause uneven wear. The inboard end has a stuffing box; some early stern tubes were made of brass and operated as a water lubricated bearing along the entire length. In other instances a long bush of soft metal was fitted in the after end of the stern tube; the Great Eastern had this arrangement fail on her first transatlantic voyage, with large amounts of uneven wear. The problem was solved with a lignum vitae water-lubricated bearing, patented in 1858; this is in use today. Since the motive power of screw propulsion is delivered along the shaft, a thrust bearing is needed to transfer that load to the hull without excessive friction.
SS Great Britain had a 2 ft diameter gunmetal plate on the forward end of the shaft which bore against a steel plate attached to the engine beds. Water
The Collor Plan, is the name given to a collection of economic reforms and inflation-stabilization plans carried out in Brazil during the presidency of Fernando Collor de Mello, between 1990 and 1992. The plan was called New Brazil Plan, but it became associated with Collor himself, "Plano Collor" became its de facto name; the Collor plan combined fiscal and trade liberalization with radical inflation stabilization measures. The main inflation stabilization was coupled with an industrial and foreign trade reform program, the Industrial and Foreign Trade Policy, better known as PICE, a privatization program dubbed the "National Privatization Program", better known as the PND; the plan's economic theory had been laid out by economists Zelia Cardoso de Mello, Antônio Kandir, Álvaro Zini and Fábio Giambiagi. The actual plan to be implemented was written by Antônio Kandir and economists Ibrahim Eris, Venilton Tadini, Luís Otávio da Motta Veiga, Eduardo Teixeira and João Maia; the plan was announced on March 1990, one day after Collor's inauguration.
Its intended policies included: Replacement of the existing currency, the Cruzado Novo by the Cruzeiro at a parity exchange rate, Freezing of 80% of private assets for 18 months, An high tax on all financial transactions, Indexation of taxes, Elimination of most fiscal incentives, Increase in the prices charged by public utilities, The adoption of a floating exchange rate, Gradual economic opening to foreign competition, Temporary freeze on wages and prices, The extinction of several government agencies, with plans for a reduction of over 300,000 government employees, Stimulus of privatization and the beginning of economic deregulation. Three separate plans to stabilize inflation were carried out during Collor's two years in power; the first two, Collor Plans I and II, were headed by Zélia Cardoso de Mello. In May 1991, Zélia was replaced by Marcílio Marques Moreira, who carried out a homonymous plan, the Marcílio Plan. Brazil had suffered through several years of hyperinflation: in 1989, the year before Collor took office, average monthly inflation was 28.94%.
The Collor Plan sought to stabilize inflation by "freezing" government liability and restricting money flow in order to halt inertial inflation. The freeze caused a strong reduction in output of industry. With the reduction in the money supply from 30% to 9% of GDP, the rate of inflation dropped from 81% in March to 9% in June; the government faced two choices: they could either hold the freeze, risk a recession brought about by the reduction of economic activity, or re-monetize the economy by "unfreezing" money flow and risk the return of inflation. Rapid, uncontrolled re-monetization of the economy had been named as the cause the failure of the previous economic stabilization plans in controlling inflation; the Collor government would have to "throttle" the re-monetization. To do so, it could utilize a wide combination of economic tools to affect the speed of re-monetization, such as taxes, exchange rates, money flow and interest rates. For the next few months after the plan was implemented inflation continued on an upward trend.
By January 1991, nine months after the plan began, it had climbed back to 20% a month. The failure of the Plano Color I in controlling inflation is credited by both Keynesian and monetarist economists to the Collor government's failure to control the re-monetization of the economy; the government had opened several "loopholes" which contributed to the increase of the money flow: Taxes and other government bills issued prior to the freeze could be paid with the old Cruzado, creating a form of "liquidity loophole", exploited by the private sector. A number of individual exceptions to individual sectors of the economy were opened by the government, such as retirees' savings and "special financing" for the government payroll; as the government issued more and more exceptions granting liquidity, these were dubbed little faucets. According to Carlos Eduardo Carvalho, from Departamento de Economia da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo: The Collor Plan itself began to be formatted by the president-elects advisors at the end of December 1989, after his victory in the runoff election.
The final draft was strongly influenced by a document discussed by the advisors of PMDB party candidate Ulysses Guimarães, by advisors of PT party candidate Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, during the period between the general election and the runoff. In spite of the differences in their general economic strategies, these competing candidates failed to develop their own stabilization policies at a time of rapid price increases and risk of hyperinflation during the second half of 1989; the proposal to block liquidity originated in academic debate and was imposed upon the main presidential candidacies. The government was unable to reduce spending, reducing its ability to use many of the aforementioned tools. Reasons ranged from an increased share of the federal tax revenue to be shared with the individual states to a "job stability" clause for government employees in the 1988 Brazilian Constitution which prevented the size reduction as announced at the start of the plan; this vindicated economists such as Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira and Mário Henrique Simonsen, both former finance ministers, who had predicted at the start of the plan that the government's fiscal situation would m
Health in Brazil
According to the Brazilian Government, the most serious health problems are: Childhood mortality: about 1.51% of childhood mortality, reaching 2.77% in the northeast region. Motherhood mortality: about 42.1 deaths per 100,000 born children in 2016. Mortality by non-transmissible illness: 65.7 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants caused by heart and circulatory diseases, along with 26.7 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants caused by cancer. Mortality caused by external causes: 55.7 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants, reaching 62.3 deaths in the southeast region. In 2002, Brazil accounted for 40% of malaria cases in the Americas. Nearly 99% are concentrated in the Legal Amazon Region, home to not more than 12% of the population; the life expectancy of the Brazilian population increased from 71.16 years in 1998 to 76.2 years in 2016, according to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. The data indicate a significant progress compared with 55.50 years in 1940. According to the IBGE, Brazil will need some time to catch up with Japan, Hong Kong, Iceland, Australia and Italy, where the average life expectancy is over 81.
Research has shown that Brazil would achieve that level by 2030. Demographic projections foresee the continuation of this process, estimating a life expectancy in Brazil around 77.4 years in 2020. The decline in mortality at young ages and the increase in longevity, combined with the decline of fecundity and the accentuated increase of degenerative chronic diseases, caused a rapid process of demographic and epidemiologic transition, imposing a new public health agenda in the face of the complexity of the new morbidity pattern. Child health is a central issue on the public policy agenda of developing countries. Several policies geared to improving child health have been implemented over the years, with varying degrees of success. In Brazil, such policies have led to a significant decline in infant mortality rates over the last 30 years. Despite this improvement, mortality rates are still high by international standards and there is substantial variation across Brazilian municipalities, which suggests that differentiated policies should be devised.
For example, mortality among indigenous infants in 2000 was more than triple that of the general population, highlighting the importance of tailored health policies to address disparities in health outcomes for Brazil's Indigenous Peoples. Sanitation and per capita income are the most important explanatory factors of poor child health in Brazil. Moreover, ethnographic findings of infant mortality rates in northeast Brazil are not accurate because the government tends to overlook infant morality rates in rural areas; these issues tend to be inaccurate due to a huge amount of underreporting and causes us to question the cultural validity and the contextual soundness of these mortality statistics. There is a solution to this issue however and scientists stress that quality local-level cultural data can serve to craft as the alternative and appropriate method to measure infant death in Brazil accurately. In order to not overlook infant mortality rates it is stressed that there needs to be a focus on an ethnography of experience, a vision that cuts to the core of human suffering as it flows from daily life and experiences.
For example, one must get down to the flesh and souls of infant death in the impoverished households of Brazilians in order to understand and live with those who have to suffer its tragic consequences. Methods of gathering mortality data need to be respectful of local death customs and must be implemented in places where death is experienced through a different cultural lens. UNICEF report shows a rising rate of survival for Brazilian children under the age of five. UNICEF says that out of a total of 195 countries analyzed, Brazil is among the 25 nations with the best improvement in survival rates for children under the age of 5; the report shows. Mortality rates for children at one year of age was 18 per thousand, a reduction of 60%; the study went on to show that malnutrition among children of less than two years of age during the period between 2000 and 2008 fell by 77%. There was a substantial drop in the number of school age children who were not in school, falling from 920,000 to 570,000 during the same period.
Cristina Albuquerque, coordinator of the UNICEF Infant Survival and Development Program called the numbers "an enormous victory" for Brazil. She added that with regard to public policy aimed at reducing social disparities, Brazil's Bolsa Família program had become an international benchmark in combating poverty, reducing vulnerability and improving quality of life. "Brazil is going through a great moment. So, along with the celebrating it is a good time to reflect on the many challenges still to be overcome," Albuquerque declared. Obesity in Brazil is a growing health concern. 52.6 percent of men and 44.7 percent of women in Brazil are overweight. 35% of Brazilians are obese in 2018. The Brazilian government has issued nutrition guidelines which have caught the attention of public health experts for their simplicity and their critical position towards the food industry; the guidelines are summarized at the end of the document as follows: Prepare meals using fresh and staple foods. Use oils, fats and salt only in moderation.
Limit consumption of ready-to-eat food and drink products. Eat at regular mealtimes and pay attention to your food instead of multitasking. Find a comfortable place to eat. Avoid all-you-can-eat buffets and noisy, stressful environments. Eat with others whenever possible. Buy food in shops and markets th
Coffee production in Brazil
Coffee production in Brazil is responsible for about a third of all coffee, making Brazil by far the world's largest producer, a position the country has held for the last 150 years. Coffee plantations, covering some 27,000 km2, are located in the southeastern states of Minas Gerais, São Paulo and Paraná where the environment and climate provide ideal growing conditions; the crop first arrived in Brazil in the 18th Century and the country had become the dominant producer by the 1840s. Brazilian coffee prospered since the early 19th century, when the Italian immigrants came to work in the coffee plantations. Production as a share of world coffee output peaked in the 1920s but has declined since the 1950s due to increased global production. Coffee had to be planted in the country; the first coffee was grown by the Native Americans. The first coffee bush in Brazil was planted by Francisco de Melo Palheta in the state of Pará in 1727. According to the legend, the Portuguese were looking for a cut of the coffee market, but could not obtain seeds from bordering French Guiana due to the governor's unwillingness to export the seeds.
Palheta was sent to French Guiana on a diplomatic mission to resolve a border dispute. On his way back home, he managed to smuggle the seeds into Brazil by seducing the governor's wife who secretly gave him a bouquet spiked with seeds. Coffee spread from Pará and reached Rio de Janeiro in 1770, but was only produced for domestic consumption until the early 19th century when American and European demand increased, creating the first of two coffee booms; the cycle ran from the 1830s to 1850s, contributing to the decline of slavery and increased industrialization. Coffee plantations in Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Minas Gerais grew in size in the 1820s, accounting for 20% of worlds production. By the 1830s, coffee had become Brazil's largest export and accounted for 30% of the world's production. In the 1840s, both the share of total exports and of world production reached 40%, making Brazil the largest coffee producer; the early coffee industry was dependent on slaves. When the foreign slave trade was outlawed in 1850, plantation owners began turning more and more to European immigrants to meet the demand of labor.
However, internal slave trade with the north continued until slavery was abolished in Brazil in 1888. The second boom ran from the 1880s to the 1930s, corresponding to a period in Brazilian politics called café com leite; the name refers to the largest states' dominating industries: coffee in São Paulo and dairy in Minas Gerais. The Zona da Mata Mineira district grew 90% of the coffee in Minas Gerais region during the 1880s and 70% during the 1920s. Most of the workers were black men, including free. Italian and Japanese immigrants provided the expanded labor force; the railway system was built to haul the coffee beans to market, but it provided essential internal transportation for both freight and passengers, as well as develop a large skilled labor force. The growing coffee industry attracted millions of immigrants and transformed São Paulo from a small town to the largest industrial center in the developing world; the city's population of 30,000 in the 1850s grew to 70,000 in 1890 and 240,000 in 1900.
With one million inhabitants in the 1930s São Paulo surpassed Rio de Janeiro as the country's largest city and most important industrial center. By the early 20th century, coffee accounted for 16% of Brazil's gross national product, three fourths of its export earnings; the growers and exporters played major roles in politics. The February 1906 "valorization" is a clear example of the high influence on federal politics São Paulo gained from the coffee production. Overproduction had decreased the price of coffee, to protect the coffee industry – and the interests of the local coffee elite – the government was to control the price by buying abundant harvests and sell it at the international market at a better opportunity; the scheme sparked a temporary rise in the price and promoted the continued expansion of the coffee production. The valorization scheme was successful from the perspective of the planters and the Brazilian state, but led to a global oversupply and increased the damages from the crash during the Great Depression in the 1930s.
In the 1920s, Brazil was a nearly monopolist of the international coffee market and supplied 80% of the world's coffee. Since the 1950s, the country's market share declined due to increased global production. Despite a falling share and attempts by the government to decrease the export sector's dependency on a single crop, coffee still accounted for 60% of Brazil's total exports as late as 1960. Before the 1960s, historians ignored the coffee industry because it seemed too embarrassing. Coffee was not a major industry in the colonial period. In any one particular locality, the coffee industry flourished for a few decades and moved on as the soil lost its fertility; this movement was pushed deforestation westward. Due to this transience coffee production was not embedded in the history of any single locality. After independence coffee plantations were associated with slavery, a political oligarchy, not the modern development of state and society. Historians now recognize the importance of the industry, there is a flourishing scholarly literature.
Consumers' change in taste towards milder and higher quality coffee triggered a disagreement over export quotas of the International Coffee
Paty do Alferes
Paty do Alferes is a municipality located in the Brazilian state of Rio de Janeiro
Agriculture in Brazil
The agriculture of Brazil is one of the principal bases of Brazil's economy. While its initial focus was on sugarcane, Brazil became the world's largest exporter of coffee, soybeans and crop-based ethanol. Brazil exported 37 thousand tons of processed cashew nuts valued at 187.7 thousand USD in 2012. The success of agriculture during the Estado Novo, with Getúlio Vargas, led to the expression, "Brazil, breadbasket of the world"; as of 2009 Brazil had about 106,000,000 hectares of undeveloped fertile land – a territory larger than the combined area of France and Spain. According to a 2008 IBGE study, despite the world financial crisis, Brazil had record agricultural production, with growth of 9.1%, principally motivated by favorable weather. The production of grains in the year reached an unprecedented 145,400,000 tons; that record output employed an additional 4.8% in planted area, totalling 65,338,000 hectares and producing $148 billion Reals. The principal products were soy; the southern one-half to two-thirds of Brazil has a semi-temperate climate, higher rainfall, more fertile soil, more advanced technology and input use, adequate infrastructure and more experienced farmers.
This region produces most of oilseeds. The drought-ridden northeast region and Amazon basin lack well-distributed rainfall, good soil, adequate infrastructure and development capital. Although occupied by subsistence farmers, both regions are important as exporters of forest products and tropical fruits. Central Brazil contains substantial areas of grassland. Brazilian grasslands are far less fertile than those of North America, are suited only for grazing. Agriculture in Brazil presents challenges, including the ongoing practice of slave labour, agrarian reform, production financing, a rural exodus fueled by economic stress on family farming. Half of Brazil is covered by forests; the world's largest rain forest is in the Amazon Basin. Migrations into the Amazon and large-scale forest burning have challenged the government's management capabilities; the Lula's government has reduced incentives for such activity and is implementing a broader environmental plan. It adopted an Environmental Crimes Law that established serious penalties for infractions.
Since 1985, 1722 activists for agrarian reform were murdered. However, the air of the country is healthful, as temperate as that of Entre Douro e Minho, we have found the two climates alike at this season. There is an infinitude of waters; the country is so well-favoured that if it were rightly cultivated it would yield everything, because of its waters. Brazilians began farming some 12,000 years ago, they farmed cassava, tobacco, sweet potatoes and maize, in addition to extracting the essence from other local plants such as the pequi and the babassu. Production was for straw or madeira, they cultivated local fruits such as jabuticaba, Spondias mombin and Goiabas. The Indians both influenced and were influenced by the Europeans who arrived in the fifteenth century; the Portuguese "nourished themselves with wood-flour, slaughtered the big game to eat, packed their nets and imitated the rough, free life" in the words of Pedro Calmon. Until other crops began to be exported, brazilwood was the main reason Portugal wanted control in Brazil.
One practice of indigenous Brazilians was to clear land for cultivation by burning it. This provided arable land and ashes for use as soil cover. Scholars such as Monteiro Lobato considered this practice to be harmful. However, burning only became a problem when the Europeans adopted the practice aggressively around 1500, divided land into farms, began monocropping, etc; the combination of burning with these new farming methods decimated native flora. Indian land management included garden areas in locations selected to allow interaction with their surroundings. Indians conserved the environment in exchange for hunting the animals and protecting themselves against pests; this approach was lost, as Darcy Ribeiro stated, "Thus they passed millennia, until they came up against the armed agents of our civilization, with their capacity to attack and mortally wound the miraculous balance achieved by those complex lifeforms." The discovery of sugarcane in the Northeast region transformed Brazil. Plantation monoculture brought little benefit to Brazilians.
Sugarcane wealth was concentrated under the colonizers, generating a quasi-feudal social system organized around large landholdings. Brazilian sugar was thirty percent less expensive than sugar from elsewhere, creating major export opportunities. A decline in the second half of the 17th century led many producer regions to diversify production, expanding cotton or, in Reconcavo Baiano, tobacco or cocoa; the archaic social structure and obsolete technology outlasted cane production in those regions. Plantation owners attempted to use local labor in their fields. While laws prohibited their enslavement, in many areas the law was not respected. Locals responded by rebelling, flight or dying. European diseases took a heavy toll on indigenous peoples; the settlers switched to enslaving and importing Africans to do the work. The Portuguese and others imported 4 million Africans to carry out cultivation, using what came to be called the plantation system. In the first century after European arrival the slave population had surpassed that of the locals, decimated by disease.
Antonil stated: "the slaves are the hands and feet of the mill, because without them in Brazil, it is not possible to make, maintain or expand the farm or have a running mill."The slaves cleared the agricultural f
Ethanol fuel in Brazil
Brazil is the world's second largest producer of ethanol fuel. Brazil and the United States have led the industrial production of ethanol fuel for several years, together accounting for 85 percent of the world's production in 2017. Brazil produced 26.72 billion liters, representing 26.1 percent of the world's total ethanol used as fuel in 2017. Brazil is considered to have the world's first sustainable biofuels economy and the biofuel industry leader, a policy model for other countries. However, some authors consider that the successful Brazilian ethanol model is sustainable only in Brazil due to its advanced agri-industrial technology and its enormous amount of arable land available. Brazil’s 40-year-old ethanol fuel program is based on the most efficient agricultural technology for sugarcane cultivation in the world, uses modern equipment and cheap sugar cane as feedstock, the residual cane-waste is used to produce heat and power, which results in a competitive price and in a high energy balance, which varies from 8.3 for average conditions to 10.2 for best practice production.
In 2010, the U. S. EPA designated Brazilian sugarcane ethanol as an advanced biofuel due to its 61% reduction of total life cycle greenhouse gas emissions, including direct indirect land use change emissions. There are no longer any light vehicles in Brazil running on pure gasoline. Since 1976 the government made it mandatory to blend anhydrous ethanol with gasoline, fluctuating between 10% to 22%, and requiring just a minor adjustment on regular gasoline engines. In 1993 the mandatory blend was fixed by law at 22% anhydrous ethanol by volume in the entire country, but with leeway to the Executive to set different percentages of ethanol within pre-established boundaries. In 2003 these limits were set at a minimum of 20% and a maximum of 25%. Since July 1, 2007 the mandatory blend is 25% of anhydrous ethanol and 75% gasoline or E25 blend; the lower limit was reduced to 18% in April 2011 due to recurring ethanol supply shortages and high prices that take place between harvest seasons. By mid March 2015 the government raised temporarily the ethanol blend in regular gasoline from 25% to 27%.
The Brazilian car manufacturing industry developed flexible-fuel vehicles that can run on any proportion of gasoline and hydrous ethanol. Introduced in the market in 2003, flex vehicles became a commercial success, dominating the passenger vehicle market with a 94% market share of all new cars and light vehicles sold in 2013. By mid-2010 there were 70 flex models available in the market, as of December 2013, a total of 15 car manufacturers produce flex-fuel engines, dominating all light vehicle segments except sports cars, off-road vehicles and minivans; the cumulative production of flex-fuel cars and light commercial vehicles reached the milestone of 10 million vehicles in March 2010, the 20 million-unit milestone was reached in June 2013. As of June 2015, flex-fuel light-duty vehicle cumulative sales totaled 25.5 million units, production of flex motorcycles totaled 4 million in March 2015. The success of "flex" vehicles, together with the mandatory E25 blend throughout the country, allowed ethanol fuel consumption in the country to achieve a 50% market share of the gasoline-powered fleet in February 2008.
In terms of energy equivalent, sugarcane ethanol represented 17.6% of the country's total energy consumption by the transport sector in 2008. Sugarcane has been cultivated in Brazil since 1532 as sugar was one of the first commodities exported to Europe by the Portuguese settlers; the first use of sugarcane ethanol as a fuel in Brazil dates back to the late twenties and early thirties of the twentieth century, with the introduction of the automobile in the country. Ethanol fuel production peaked during World War II and, as German submarine attacks threatened oil supplies, the mandatory blend became as high as 50% in 1943. After the end of the war cheap oil caused gasoline to prevail, ethanol blends were only used sporadically to take advantage of sugar surpluses, until the seventies, when the first oil crisis resulted in gasoline shortages and awareness of the dangers of oil dependence; as a response to this crisis, the Brazilian government began promoting bioethanol as a fuel. The National Alcohol Program -Pró-Álcool-, launched in 1975, was a nationwide program financed by the government to phase out automobile fuels derived from fossil fuels, such as gasoline, in favor of ethanol produced from sugar cane.
The first phase of the program concentrated on production of anhydrous ethanol for blending with gasoline. The Brazilian government made mandatory the blending of ethanol fuel with gasoline, fluctuating from 1976 until 1992 between 10% to 22%. Due to this mandatory minimum gasoline blend, pure gasoline is no longer sold in the country. A federal law was passed in October 1993 establishing a mandatory blend of 22% anhydrous ethanol in the entire country; this law authorized the Executive to set different percentages of ethanol within pre-established boundaries. Since the government has set the percentage of the ethanol blend according to the results of the sugarcane harvest and the levels of ethanol production from sugarcane, resulting in blend variations within the same year. Since July 2007 the mandatory blend is 75 % gasoline or E25 blend. However, in 2010, as a result of supply c