Class conflict is the political tension and economic antagonism that exists in society consequent to socio-economic competition among the social classes. As a means of effecting radical social and political changes for the social majority, class struggle is a central tenet of the philosophic works of Karl Marx and Mikhail Bakunin. Class conflict can take many different forms: direct violence, such as wars fought for resources and cheap labor. Additionally, political forms of class conflict exist; the conflict can be direct, as with a lockout aimed at destroying a labor union, or indirect, as with an informal slowdown in production protesting low wages by workers or unfair labor practices by capital. In the past the term class conflict was a term used by socialists and Marxists, who define a class by its relationship to the means of production—such as factories and machinery. From this point of view, the social control of production and labor is a contest between classes, the division of these resources involves conflict and inflicts harm.
It can involve ongoing low-level clashes, escalate into massive confrontations, in some cases, lead to the overall defeat of one of the contending classes. However, in more contemporary times this term is striking chords and finding new definition amongst capitalistic societies in the United States and other Westernized countries; the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin argued that the class struggle of the working class and poor had the potential to lead a social revolution involving the overthrow of ruling elites, the creation of libertarian socialism. This was only a potential, class struggle was, he argued, not always the only or decisive factor in society, but it was central. By contrast, Marxists argue that class conflict always plays the decisive and pivotal role in the history of class-based hierarchical systems such as capitalism and feudalism. Marxists refer to its overt manifestations as class war, a struggle whose resolution in favor of the working class is viewed by them as inevitable under plutocratic capitalism.
Where societies are divided based on status, wealth, or control of social production and distribution, class structures arise and are thus coeval with civilization itself. It is well documented since at least European Classical Antiquity and the various popular uprisings in late medieval Europe and elsewhere. One of the earliest analysis of these conflicts is Friedrich Engels' The Peasant War in Germany. One of the earliest analyses of the development of class as the development of conflicts between emergent classes is available in Peter Kropotkin's Mutual Aid. In this work, Kropotkin analyzes the disposal of goods after death in pre-class or hunter-gatherer societies, how inheritance produces early class divisions and conflict. Bill Moyers, for example, gave a speech at Brennan Center for Justice in December 2013, titled "The Great American Class War," referring to the current struggle between democracy and plutocracy in the U. S. Chris Hedges wrote a column for Truthdig called "Let's Get This Class War Started,", a play on Pink's song "Let's Get This Party Started."Historian Steve Fraser, author of The Age of Acquiescence: The Life and Death of American Resistance to Organized Wealth and Power, asserts that class conflict is an inevitability if current political and economic conditions continue, noting that “people are fed up… their voices are not being heard.
And I think that can only go on for so long without there being more and more outbreaks of what used to be called class struggle, class warfare.” The typical example of class conflict described is class conflict within capitalism. This class conflict is seen to occur between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, takes the form of conflict over hours of work, value of wages, division of profits, cost of consumer goods, the culture at work, control over parliament or bureaucracy, economic inequality; the particular implementation of government programs which may seem purely humanitarian, such as disaster relief, can be a form of class conflict. In the USA class conflict is noted in labor/management disputes; as far back as 1933 representative Edward Hamilton of ALPA, the Airline Pilot's Association, used the term "class warfare" to describe airline management's opposition at the National Labor Board hearings in October of that year. Apart from these day-to-day forms of class conflict, during periods of crisis or revolution class conflict takes on a violent nature and involves repression, restriction of civil liberties, murderous violence such as assassinations or death squads.
Although Thomas Jefferson led the United States as president from 1801–1809 and is considered one of the founding fathers, he died with immense amounts of debt. Regarding the interaction between social classes, he wrote, I am convinced that those societies which live without government enjoy in their general mass an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live under the European governments. Among the former, public opinion is in the place of law, & restrains morals as powerfully as laws did anywhere. Among the latter, under pretence of governing they have divided their nations i
Anarcha-feminism called anarchist feminism, anarcho-feminism, and/or anarchx-feminism, combines anarchism with feminism. It views patriarchy and traditional gender roles as a manifestation of involuntary coercive hierarchy that should be replaced by decentralized free association, they believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class conflict and the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. L. Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". Contrary to popular belief and contemporary association with radical feminism, anarcha-feminism is not an inherently militant outlook, it is described to be an anti-authoritarian, anti-capitalist, anti-oppressive philosophy, with the goal of creating an "equal ground" between all genders. The term "anarcha-feminism" suggests the social freedom and liberty of women, without needed dependence upon other groups or parties.
Mikhail Bakunin opposed patriarchy and the way the law " to the absolute domination of the man". He argued that "qual rights must belong to men and women" so that women could "become independent and be free to forge their own way of life". Bakunin foresaw the end of "the authoritarian juridical family" and "the full sexual freedom of women". On the other hand, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon viewed the family as the most basic unit of society and of his morality and believed that women had the responsibility of fulfilling a traditional role within the family. Since the 1860s, anarchism's radical critique of capitalism and the state has been combined with a critique of patriarchy. Anarcha-feminists thus start from the precept. Authoritarian traits and values—domination, exploitation and competition—are integral to hierarchical civilizations and are seen as "masculine". In contrast, non-authoritarian traits and values—cooperation, sharing and sensitivity—are regarded as "feminine" and devalued. Anarcha-feminists have thus espoused creation of a anarchist society.
They refer to the creation of a society based on cooperation and mutual aid as the "feminization of society". Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th and early 20th century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Emma Goldman, Voltairine de Cleyre and Lucy Parsons. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, Mujeres Libres, linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas. Stirnerist Nietzschean feminist Federica Montseny held that the "emancipation of women would lead to a quicker realization of the social revolution" and that "the revolution against sexism would have to come from intellectual and militant'future-women'". According to this Nietzschean concept of Federica Montseny's, women could "realize through art and literature the need to revise their own roles". In China, the anarcha-feminist He Zhen argued that without women's liberation society could not be liberated. In Argentina, Virginia Bolten is responsible for the publication of a newspaper called La Voz de la Mujer, published nine times in Rosario between January 8, 1896 and January 1, 1897 and was revived in 1901.
A similar paper with the same name was published in Montevideo, which suggests that Bolten may have founded and edited it after her deportation. La Voz de la Mujer described itself as "dedicated to the advancement of Communist Anarchism", its central theme was the multiple natures of women's oppression. An editorial asserted: "We believe that in present-day society and nobody has a more wretched situation than unfortunate women", they said that women were doubly oppressed by men. Its beliefs can be seen upon male power over women, its contributors, like anarchist feminists elsewhere, developed a concept of oppression that focused on gender. They saw marriage as a bourgeois institution which restricted women's freedom, including their sexual freedom. Marriages entered into without love, fidelity maintained through fear rather than desire and oppression of women by men they hated were all seen as symptomatic of the coercion implied by the marriage contract, it was this alienation of the individual's will that the anarchist feminists deplored and sought to remedy through free love and more through social revolution.
An important topic within individualist anarchism is free love. Free love advocates sometimes traced their roots back to Josiah Warren and to experimental communities, which viewed sexual freedom as a clear, direct expression of an individual's self-ownership. Free love stressed women's rights since most sexual laws discriminated against women, such as marriage laws and anti-birth control measures; the most important American free love journal was Lucifer the Lightbearer, edited by Moses Harman and Lois Waisbrooker. Ezra and Angela Heywood's The Word was published from 1872–1890 and in 1892–1893. M. E. Lazarus was an important American individualist anarchist who promoted free love. In Europe, the main propagandist of free love within individualist anarchism was Émile Armand, he proposed the concept of "la camaraderie amoureuse" to speak of free love as the possibility of voluntary sexual encounter between consenting adults. He was a consistent proponent of polyamory. In France, there was feminist activity inside French individualist anarchism as promoted by individualist feminists Marie Küge, Anna Mahé, Rirette Maîtrejean and Sophia Zaïkovska.
Antimilitarism is a doctrine that opposes war, relying on a critical theory of imperialism and was an explicit goal of the First and Second International. Whereas pacifism is the doctrine that disputes should be settled without recourse to violence, Paul B. Miller defines anti-militarism as "ideology and activities...aimed at reducing the civil power of the military and preventing international war". Cynthia Cockburn defines an anti-militarist movement as one opposed to "military rule, high military expenditure or the imposition of foreign bases in their country". Martin Ceadel points out that anti-militarism is sometimes equated with pacificism—general opposition to war or violence, except in cases where force is deemed necessary to advance the cause of peace. Pacifism is the belief that disputes between nations should be settled peacefully, it is the use of violence as a means of settling disputes. It can include the refusal to participate in military action. Antimilitarism does not reject war in all circumstances, but rejects the belief or desire to maintain a large and strong military organization in aggressive preparedness for war.
Anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel advocated the use of violence as a form of direct action, calling it "revolutionary violence", which he opposed in Reflections on Violence to the violence inherent in class struggle. Similarities are seen between Sorel and the International Workingmens' Association theorization of propaganda of the deed. Walter Benjamin, in his Critique of Violence demarcates a difference between "violence that founds the law", "violence that conserves the law", on one hand, on the other hand, a "divine violence" that breaks the "magic circle" between both types of "state violence". What distinguishes these two kinds of violence fundamentally is their mode of operation; the example Benjamin provides in his essay is that of a General Strike, the latter of, a key element of Sorel's Reflections on Violence. The "violence that conserves the law" is equivalent to the state's monopoly of legitimate violence; the "violence that founds the law" is the original violence necessary to the creation of a state.
"Revolutionary violence" removes itself from the sphere of the law by shattering its instrumental logic of violence. Giorgio Agamben showed the theoretical link between the law and violence permitted Nazi-thinker Carl Schmitt to justify the "state of exception" as the characteristic of sovereignty, thus indefinite suspension of the law may only be blocked by breaking this link between violence and right. Henry David Thoreau's 1849 essay "Civil Disobedience" titled "Resistance to Civil Government", can be considered an antimilitarist point of view, his refusal to pay taxes is justified as an act of protest against slavery and against the Mexican–American War, in accordance to the practice of civil disobedience.. He writes in his essay. Instead the individual should "break the law" if the law is "of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another." Capitalism has been thought by antimilitarist literature to be a major cause of wars, an influence, theorized by Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg under the name of "imperialism".
The military-industrial complex has been accused of "pushing for war" in pursuit of private economic or financial interests. The Second International was opposed to the participation of the working classes in war, analyzed as a competition between different national bourgeois classes and different state imperialisms; the assassination of French socialist leader Jean Jaurès days before the proclamation of World War I resulted in massive participation in the coming war. In Mars. After World War II, US President Eisenhower's 1961 issued a warning on the influence of the "military-industrial complex". American right-wing antimilitarists draw upon the statements of Thomas Jefferson and other Founding Fathers condemning standing armies and foreign entanglements. Jefferson's beliefs on maintaining a standing army are as follows: "There are instruments so dangerous to the rights of the nation and which place them so at the mercy of their governors that those governors, whether legislative or executive, should be restrained from keeping such instruments on foot but in well-defined cases.
Such an instrument is a standing army."Right-wing antimilitarists in the United States believe that "A well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the best and most natural defense of a free country", as stated by James Madison. To this end, there is much overlap between the Militia movement and right-wing antimilitarists, although the two groups are not mutually inclusive; the term "well regulated" in the above quote is taken by such antimilitarists not to mean "regulated by the state" but rather "well equipped" and "in good
Anarchy refers to a society, group of people, or a single person that rejects hierarchy. The word meant leaderlessness, but Pierre-Joseph Proudhon adopted the term in his 1840 treatise What Is Property? to refer to anarchism, a new political philosophy which advocates stateless societies based on voluntary associations. In practical terms, anarchy can refer to the curtailment or abolition of traditional forms of government and institutions, it can designate a nation—or anywhere on earth, inhabited—that has no system of government or central rule. Anarchy is advocated by individual anarchists who propose replacing government with voluntary institutions; the word anarchy comes from the ancient Greek ἀναρχία which combines ἀ, "not, without" and ἀρχή, "ruler, authority". Thus, the term refers to the state of a society being without authorities or an authoritative governing body. Anarchism as a political philosophy advocates self-governed societies based on voluntary institutions; these are described as stateless societies, although several authors have defined them more as institutions based on non-hierarchical free associations.
Anarchism holds the state to be unnecessary, or harmful. While anti-statism is central, anarchism entails opposing authority or hierarchical organisation in the conduct of all human relations, including yet not limited to the state system. There are many traditions of anarchism, not all of which are mutually exclusive. Anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism. Strains of anarchism have been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism or similar dual classifications. Anarchism is considered to be a radical left-wing ideology and much of anarchist economics and anarchist legal philosophy reflect anti-statist interpretations of communism, syndicalism, or participatory economics; some individualist anarchists are socialists or communists while some anarcho-communists are individualists or egoists. Anarchism as a social movement has endured fluctuations in popularity; the central tendency of anarchism as a mass social movement has been represented by anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism, with individualist anarchism being a literary phenomenon which did influence the bigger currents and individualists participated in large anarchist organizations.
Some anarchists oppose all forms of aggression and support self-defense or non-violence while others have supported the use of militant measures, including revolution and propaganda of the deed, on the path to an anarchist society. Since the 1890s, the term libertarianism has been used as a synonym for anarchism and was used exclusively in this sense until the 1950s in the United States. At this time, classical liberals in the United States began to describe themselves as libertarians and it has since become necessary to distinguish their individualist and capitalist philosophy from socialist anarchism. Thus, the former is referred to as right-wing libertarianism or right-libertarianism whereas the latter is described by the terms libertarian socialism, socialist libertarianism, left-libertarianism and left-anarchism. Right-libertarians voluntarists. Outside the English-speaking world, libertarianism retains its association with left-wing anarchism; the German philosopher Immanuel Kant treated anarchy in his Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View as consisting of "Law and Freedom without Force".
For Kant, anarchy falls short of being a true civil state because the law is only an "empty recommendation" if force is not included to make this law efficacious. For there to be such a state, force must be included while law and freedom are maintained, a state which Kant calls a republic. Kant identified four kinds of government: Law and freedom without force Law and force without freedom Force without freedom and law Force with freedom and law Although most known societies are characterized by the presence of hierarchy or the state, anthropologists have studied many egalitarian stateless societies, including most nomadic hunter-gatherer societies and horticultural societies such as the Semai and the Piaroa. Many of these societies can be considered to be anarchic in the sense that they explicitly reject the idea of centralized political authority; the egalitarianism typical of human hunter-gatherers is interesting when viewed in an evolutionary context. One of humanity's two closest primate relatives, the chimpanzee, is anything but egalitarian, forming hierarchies that are dominated by alpha males.
So great is the contrast with human hunter-gatherers that it is argued by palaeoanthropologists that resistance to being dominated was a key factor driving the development of human consciousness, language and social organization. In Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, anarchist anthropologist David Graeber attempts to outline areas of research that intellectuals might explore in creating a cohesive body of anarchist social theory. Graeber posits that anthropology is "particularly well positioned" as an academic discipline that can look at the gamut of human societies and organizations to study and catalog alternative social and economic structures around the world, most present these alternatives to the world. In Society Against the State, Pierre Clastres examines stateless societies where certain cultural practices and attitudes avert the development of hierarchy and the state. He
Anarcho-communism is a political philosophy and anarchist school of thought which advocates the abolition of the state, wage labour and private property in favor of common ownership of the means of production, direct democracy, equal distribution of valuables, a horizontal network of workers' councils with production and consumption based on the guiding principle: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs". Some forms of anarchist communism, such as insurrectionary anarchism, are influenced by egoism and radical individualism, believing anarcho-communism is the best social system for the realization of individual freedom. Most anarcho-communists view anarcho-communism as a way of reconciling the opposition between the individual and society. Anarcho-communism developed out of radical socialist currents after the French Revolution, but was first formulated as such in the Italian section of the First International; the theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin took importance as it expanded and developed pro-organizationalist and insurrectionary anti-organizationalist sections.
To date, the best-known examples of an anarchist communist society are the anarchist territories during the Spanish Revolution and the Free Territory during the Russian Revolution. Through the efforts and influence of the Spanish anarchists during the Spanish Revolution within the Spanish Civil War, starting in 1936 anarchist communism existed in most of Aragon, parts of the Levante and Andalusia as well as in the stronghold of anarchist Catalonia before being crushed by the combined forces of the regime that won the war, Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Spanish Communist Party repression as well as economic and armaments blockades from the capitalist countries and the Spanish Republic itself. During the Russian Revolution, anarchists such as Nestor Makhno worked to create and defend—through the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine—anarchist communism in the Free Territory of the Ukraine from 1919 before being conquered by the Bolsheviks in 1921. Anarchist communist currents appeared during the English Civil War and the French Revolution of the 17th and 18th centuries, respectively.
Gerrard Winstanley, part of the radical Diggers movement in England, wrote in his 1649 pamphlet, The New Law of Righteousness, that there "shall be no buying or selling, no fairs nor markets, but the whole earth shall be a common treasury for every man," and "there shall be none Lord over others, but every one shall be a Lord of himself". The Diggers themselves resisted tyranny of the ruling class and of kings, instead operating in a cooperative fashion in order to get work done, manage supplies, increase economic productivity. Due to the communes established by the Diggers being free from private property, along with economic exchange, their communes could be called early, functioning communist societies, spread out across the rural lands of England. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, common ownership of land and property was much more prevalent across the European continent, but the Diggers were set apart by their struggle against monarchical rule, they sprung up by means of workers' self-management after the fall of Charles I.
In 1703, Louis Armand, Baron de Lahontan wrote the novel New Voyages to North America where he outlined how indigenous communities of the North American continent cooperated and organised. The author found the agrarian societies and communities of pre-colonial North America to be nothing like the monarchical, unequal states of Europe, both in their economic structure and lack of any state, he wrote that the life natives lived was "anarchy", this being the first usage of the term to mean something other than chaos. He wrote that there were no priests, laws, ministers of state, no distinction of property, no way to differentiate rich from poor, as they were all equal and thriving cooperatively. During the French Revolution, Sylvain Maréchal, in his Manifesto of the Equals, demanded "the communal enjoyment of the fruits of the earth" and looked forward to the disappearance of "the revolting distinction of rich and poor, of great and small, of masters and valets, of governors and governed". Maréchal was critical not only of the unequal distribution of property, but how religion would be used to justify evangelical immorality.
He viewed the link between religion and what came to be known as capitalism as two sides of the same corrupted coin. He had once "Do not be afraid of your God - be afraid of yourself. You are the creator of your own joys. Heaven and hell are in your own soul". Sylvain Maréchal was involved with the Conspiracy of the Equals, a failed attempt at overthrowing the monarchy of France and establishing a stateless, agrarian socialist utopia, he worked with Gracchus Babeuf in not only writing about what an anarchist country might look like, but how it will be achieved. The two of them were friends, though didn't always see eye to eye with Maréchal's statement on equality being more important than the arts. An early anarchist communist was Joseph Déjacque, the first person to describe himself as "libertarian". Unlike Proudhon, he argued that, "it is not the product of his or her labor that the worker has a right to, but to the satisfaction of
An affinity group is a group formed around a shared interest or common goal, to which individuals formally or informally belong. Affinity groups are precluded from being under the aegis of any governmental agency, their purposes must be non-commercial. Examples of affinity groups include private social clubs, writing or reading circles, hobby clubs, groups engaged in political activism; some affinity groups are organized in a non-hierarchical manner using consensus decision making, are made up of trusted friends. They provide a method of organization, flexible and decentralized. Other affinity groups may have a hierarchy to provide management of the group's long-term interests, or if the group is large enough to require the delegation of responsibilities to other members or staff. Affinity groups can be based on a common ideology, a shared concern for a given issue or a common activity, interest or skill. Affinity groups may have either closed membership, although the latter is far more common.
Some expect members to share the cost of the group's expenses. Although affinity groups are a natural way for humans to organize and are, in that sense, as old as humanity, the origin of affinity groups in the current context began in the 16th century in Britain with dining clubs that would meet at a set location and at a recurring time. One of the earliest recorded examples of such was a group that called itself the "Fraternity of Sireniacal Gentlemen" which met at the Mermaid Tavern in London the first Friday night of each month. Membership was limited and many of the Elizabethan Era's most prominent literary figures belonged, they gathered to eat and socialize with other members, to discuss literary matters. During the 17th century, far more affinity groups formed, ranging from large, national or international fraternal groups like the Freemasons to private gentlemen's clubs, to small, informal reading circles or collectors clubs. Unlike salons or other periodic gatherings that had continuously changing participants, affinity groups traditionally have had curated memberships.
A would-be member had to be proposed for membership by an existing member, or would-be members might petition to join on their own. The existing members are required to vote upon whether or not to accept the applicant as a new member; some voting procedures require unanimity, others may require a simple majority of supporting votes. After becoming a member, continuing membership may be contingent upon conforming to rules or shared ideologies, the disbarring of members for a variety of reasons is possible. Affinity groups fall under the category of NGOs, but are further limited by being non-commercial, are not required to have any specific purpose that might affect the community beyond their own group. For example, both a social justice group and a philately group would be considered affinity groups, but the former more resembles the classic definition of an NGO. Affinity groups engaged in political activism date to 19th century Spain, it was a favourite way of organization by Spanish anarchists, had their base in the tertulias or in the local groups.
Politically oriented affinity groups in the United States gained public attention during the anti-Vietnam War movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The term was first used by the group Black Mask. Anti-war activists on college campuses organized around their hobbies or backgrounds -- religious, ethnic group, etc, they became popular in the 1970s in the anti-nuclear movement in the United States and Europe. The 30,000 person occupation and blockade of the Ruhr nuclear power station in Germany in 1969 was organized on the Affinity group model. Today, the structure is used by many different activists: animal rights, anti-war, anti-globalization, to name some examples; the 1999 protests in Seattle which shut down the WTO Ministerial Conference of 1999 included coordinated organization by many clusters of Affinity groups. By definition, Affinity groups are autonomous from any larger body. Co-ordinated effort and co-operation amongst several Affinity groups, however, is achieved by using a loose form of confederation.
Private clubs, for example, may cooperate through reciprocal agreements which allow the members of one club to use the facilities of another club in a different location. Other affinity groups, such as Rotarians or Toastmasters, may be individual units that conform to shared standards so that one may participate in another group of the same name anywhere on earth without requiring the individual to reapply for a new membership. Cluster: The cluster is the basic unit of organization amongst Affinity groups. A cluster is organized in a non-hierarchical manner. A cluster can be permanent, but is more an ad hoc grouping organized for one specific task or action. One can be organized around a common ideology or a place of origin. Spokescouncil: The spokescouncil is an aggregate of clusters and Affinity groups; each Affinity group or cluster nominates one representative to participate in the council. Spokescouncils are most temporary bodies, committed to accomplishing one task or event. Affinity groups tend to be loosely organized, however there are some formal roles or positions that occur.
A given Affinity group may have some or none of these positions. They may be permanent or temporary and the group may opt to take turns in
Anarchist schools of thought
Anarchism is defined as the political philosophy which holds ruling classes and the state to be undesirable and harmful, or alternatively as opposing authority and hierarchical organization in the conduct of human relations. Proponents of anarchism, known as "anarchists", advocate stateless societies based on non-hierarchical voluntary associations. However, anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism. Strains of anarchism have been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism or similar dual classifications. Anarchism is considered a radical left-wing ideology and much of anarchist economics and anarchist legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of communism, syndicalism, mutualism or participatory economics. At some point "the collectivist and liberal and individualist strands of thought from which anarchists drew their inspiration began to assume an distinctive quality, supporting the rise of a number of anarchist schools".
Anthropologist David Graeber has noted that while the major schools of Marxism always have founders, schools of anarchism "almost invariably emerge from some kind of organizational principle or form of practice", citing anarcho-syndicalism, individualist anarchism and platformism as examples. Mutualism began in 18th-century English and French labor movements took an anarchist form associated with Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in France and others in the United States; this influenced individualist anarchists in the United States such as Benjamin Tucker and William B. Greene. Josiah Warren proposed similar ideas in 1833 after participating in a failed Owenite experiment. In the 1840s and 1850s, Charles A. Dana and William B. Greene introduced Proudhon's works to the United States. Greene introduced it to Benjamin R. Tucker. Mutualist anarchism is concerned with reciprocity, free association, voluntary contract and credit and currency reform. Many mutualists believe a market without government intervention drives prices down to labor-costs, eliminating profit and interest according to the labor theory of value.
Firms would be forced to compete over workers. Some see mutualism as between collectivist anarchism. In What Is Property?, Proudhon develops a concept of "liberty", equivalent to "anarchy", the dialectical "synthesis of communism and property". Greene, influenced by Pierre Leroux, sought mutualism in the synthesis of three philosophies—communism and socialism. Individualist anarchists used the term mutualism, but retained little emphasis on synthesis while social anarchists such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ claim mutualism as a subset of their philosophical tradition. Social anarchism is an umbrella term used to identify a broad category of anarchism independent of individualist anarchism. Where individualist forms of anarchism emphasize personal autonomy and the rational nature of human beings, social anarchism sees "individual freedom as conceptually connected with social equality and emphasize community and mutual aid". Social anarchism is used to describe anarchist tendencies within anarchism that have an emphasis on the communitarian and cooperative aspects of anarchist theory and practice.
Social anarchism includes collectivist anarchism, anarcho-communism, libertarian socialism, anarcho-syndicalism and social ecology. Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary form of anarchism most associated with Mikhail Bakunin, Johann Most and the anti-authoritarian section of the First International. Unlike mutualists, collectivist anarchists oppose all private ownership of the means of production, instead advocating that ownership be collectivized; this was to be initiated by small cohesive elite group through acts of violence, or "propaganda by the deed", which would inspire the workers to revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. Workers would be compensated for their work on the basis of the amount of time they contributed to production, rather than goods being distributed "according to need" as in anarcho-communism. Although the collectivist anarchists advocated compensation for labor, some held out the possibility of a post-revolutionary transition to a communist system of distribution according to need.
Collective anarchism arose contemporaneously with Marxism, but it opposed the Marxist dictatorship of the proletariat despite Marxism striving for a collectivist stateless society. Some collectivist anarchists do not oppose the use of currency; some support workers being paid based on the amount of time they contributed to production. These salaries would be used to purchase commodities in a communal market; this contrasts with anarcho-communism where wages would be abolished and where individuals would take from a storehouse of goods "to each according to his need". Many modern-day collectivist anarchists hold their form of anarchism as a permanent society rather than a carryover to anarcho-communism or a gift economy; some collectivist anarchists such as proponents of participatory economics believe in remuneration and a form of credit but do not believe in money or markets. Although collectivist anarchism shares many similarities with anarchist communism, there are many key differences between them.
For example, collectivist anarchists believe that the economy and most or all property should be collectively owned by society while anarchist communists by contrast believe that the concept of ownership should be rejected by society and replaced with the concept of usage. Also